Among topics discussed: Bedford-Pine; Central Atlanta Progress; Lee Wood; Park Central Community; Atlanta Regional Commission; Chattahoochee River and water supply issue; Fulton County Commission; Woodall property zoning issue; Judge Durwood Pye declares ARC unconstitutional. ; Sweat was born in 1933 in Waycross, Georgia. He graduated from Georgia State College (later Georgia State University) in 1957 with a degree in public administration. He married his wife Tally in 1956, and they had three children and several grandchildren. Sweat covered the Fulton County courthouse for the Atlanta Journal while still in college. In 1957 he entered the Navy, where his commander allowed him to attend Seventh Fleet scheduling conferences. Sweat later returned to Atlanta, and the Journal, but later took at job as information director at DeKalb County. County Commission chairman Charles O. Emmerich took Sweat under his wing, but lost his reelection bid in 1964. Emmerich then took a job with Economic Opportunity Atlanta, a new federal anti-poverty program, and took Sweat with him. Sweat earned a reputation as a master at getting federal grants. Atlanta Mayor Ivan Allen, Jr. eventually offered Sweat a position at City Hall. Sweat took a job in 1966 as director of government liaison, charged with bringing as much federal money to Atlanta as possible. Eventually Allen promoted Sweat to chief administrative officer in August of 1969. Sweat kept the same job under Mayor Sam Massell, who succeeded Allen. He coordinated Atlanta's War on Poverty and Model Cities programs during his tenure at City Hall. Sweat also played a role in the naming of the first two black department heads in city government. Sweat left City Hall in late 1971, and early the next year took a job as executive director of the Atlanta Regional Commission. He was involved in establishing the Chattahoochee River Corridor, and helped the commission survive its initial court challenges. In 1973, Sweat became president of Central Atlanta Progress. In that role he represented downtown business interests, and gained the reputation as a major power broker in Atlanta. Sweat bridged the gap between new black political power at City Hall and the white downtown business establishment. He was involved in numerous high profile downtown projects, including the redevelopment of both Underground Atlanta and the Bedford Pines neighborhood. Sweat left CAP in 1988 and took a job with the CF Foundation, a philanthropic organization affiliated with developer Thomas G. Cousins. In 1991, former President Jimmy Carter appointed Sweat coordinator of the Atlanta Project. Sweat helped raise $14 million in his first year on the job. He left in 1995. These interviews were conducted during an illness that resulted in Sweat's death in 1997. His condition during the interviews had an impact on the content, length, and structure of the interviews.
Solving the climate change problem by limiting global greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions will necessitate action by the world's two largest emitters, the United States and China. Neither has so far committed to quantitative emissions limits. Some argue that China cannot be engaged on the basis of its national interest in climate policy, on the ground that China's national net benefits of limiting greenhouse gas emissions would be negative, as a result of significant GHG abatement costs and potential net gains to China from a warmer world. This premise has led some observers to advocate other approaches to engaging China, such as appeal to moral obligation. This Article argues that appeal to national net benefits is still the best approach to engage China. First, appealing to China's asserted moral obligation to limit its GHG emissions may be ineffective or even counterproductive. Even if climate change is a moral issue for American leaders, framing the issue that way may not be persuasive to Chinese leaders. Second, the concern that China's national net benefits of climate policy are negative is based on older forecasts of costs and benefits. More recent climate science, of which the Chinese leadership is aware, indicates higher damages to China from climate change and thus greater net benefits to China from climate policy. Third, the public health co-benefits of reducing other air pollutants along with GHGs may make GHG emissions limits look more attractive to China. Fourth, the distribution of climate impacts within China may be as important as the net aggregate: climate change may exacerbate political and social stresses within China, which the leadership may seek to avoid in order to maintain political stability. Fifth, the costs of abatement may decline as innovation in China accelerates. Sixth, as China becomes a great power in world politics, and as climate change affects China's allies, leadership on climate policy may look more favorable to China's elites. Seventh, the design of the international climate treaty regime itself can offer positive incentives to China. Taken together, these factors point to a potential and even ongoing shift in Chinese climate policy. They illustrate how the international law and politics of climate change depend on domestic politics and institutions. And they suggest that the United States, if it too takes effective action, can make the case for enlightened pragmatism as a basis to engage China in a cooperative global climate policy regime.
an international negotiation process and debate over global climate co-operation. A centrepiece of this process is the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, signed during the 1992 Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro. More than ten years later, the world now faces the challenge of choosing the direction of its ongoing efforts to deal with and combat anthropogenic climate change. At the top of the agenda is the issue of how to progress in the wake of, and beyond, the Kyoto Protocol—the controversial declaration of ambitions from 1997, in which developed countries have committed themselves to limiting their emissions of greenhouse gases. Carbon dioxide is commonly regarded as the most important greenhouse gas. Among the nations of the world, the United States and China are the leading carbon dioxide emitters, but of the two only China has approved the Kyoto Protocol. However, the treaty does not impose any quantitative restrictions on China regarding its emissions. The aim of this report is to analyse the following question: What incentives, and what willingness and prospects, exist for more extensive participation by modern China in future international climate co-operation? The climate issue may be viewed from a variety of perspectives. With Chinese conditions in mind, three dominate. These are (i) science, (ii) domestic policy, and (iii) foreign policy. Each of them sheds a different light on the issue. The scientific perspective on climate is represented in China by an academic community with few channels to the much narrower circle of people that formulate and epitomise the two political climate perspectives. Alike in many ways, these, in turn, differ in that they are driven by separate paradigms. Whereas the main underlying concern of Chinese domestic policy is social stability, foreign policy is characterised by a strongly perceived need to uphold and defend China's status and integrity in the eyes or the international community. Of course, climate science and domestic and foreign climate policy all interact and influence each other. However, in order to better grasp the ways in which the climate issue is perceived in China, it is helpful to view these perspectives in parallel, rather than intertwined. For an outside observer, such a stance may be helpful in discerning such mechanisms and features that might cause confusion and make constructive international climate co-operation difficult. A concrete example of such confusion is the process by which the country's political leadership has arrived at its current position of openness towards the notion of China as a host to projects under the Kyoto Protocol's Clean Development Mechanism. Depending on the insight and vantage point of the observer, this position may be understood as having taken shape either inscrutably and haphazardly, or steadily and consistently. China is a developing country. This general statement lies at the heart of the country's standpoints towards international climate co-operation. It also constitutes the basis for at least six important priorities, which together envelop China's involvement in climate issues as well as all its perceptions of the field. Without ranking them, these six priorities are: development, economic growth, sustainability, energy security, technological advancement and strategic development security. They are briefly described and commented on in the following paragraphs. The relative importance attributed to the different priorities varies depending on the context in which the climate issue is addressed. The term "context" is here meant to include the cast of actors involved, as well as their understandings of the set of relevant perspectives (i.e. science, and domestic and foreign policy) in combination with numerous other factors of greater or lesser significance. Development is a central concept in Chinese politics, where it should be understood in a positivist sense as a technology-oriented process of societal improvement. Modernisation is another expression of the same aspiration, which has bearing on domestic as well as on foreign policy. If the leadership fails to maintain the spirit of a positive development trend, it essentially endangers its claim to legitimacy as the people's representative and agent. Therein lies the domestic importance of development. In terms of foreign policy, its significance pertains partly to strategic interests (cf. "strategic development security" below), and partly to international status. To China, prominence in the competition among nations is an important matter, and development is seen as an essential field in which the country must not lose ground, but advance. Economic growth is seen both as a prerequisite for the ambitions of development and modernisation, and as their chief indicator. It is mainly regarded as a domestic concern. Protectionism, national as well as local, constitutes a significant part of the ideas and ideals of how to create and shape economic growth. China's membership of the World Trade Organisation might, however, gradually influence such perceptions. Sustainability, in turn, concerns the need not to limit the space for human sustenance, for growth and development. Through this priority, environmental issues have made their way onto China's political agenda. The major sustainability concern, which has confronted the Chinese leadership for decades, however, is more socially and demographically oriented. China's efforts to curb population growth include the well-known, or infamous, single-child policy, which allows only one child per family. In China, sustainability issues are primarily considered a domestic matter. Energy security is also a sustainability issue of sorts, and one which is intimately connected to the challenge of climate change. It is also of particular significance in China. The country is dependent on domestic fossil coal as its predominant source of primary energy, but logistic difficulties, shortcomings in quality and efficiency, technical limitations, etc., are all causes for concern. At the same time, however, the importance of safeguarding energy supplies constitutes an argument for China's sustained focus on the further development of so-called clean coal technologies. Technological advancement naturally carries domestic as well as scientific weight. This is expressed through the pursuit of a political environment that encourages and supports domestic innovation as well as research, development and demonstration. This priority also has relevance from a foreign-policy perspective, for example as a component of bilateral and multilateral development co-operation. The concept of technology transfer, which in China is seen as an important part of the wording and spirit of the Climate Convention, is often associated with such contexts. Strategic development security is in essence an expression of risk aversion. Here, security is contrasted with the risk of jeopardising the momentum of development achieved over the past quarter century of reforms. In defence of this priority, the main argument is that China must not engage in experiments with novel development paths. The country has an obligation to its people to pursue courses of development that are secure, in the sense that they have already been proven effective elsewhere. Thus, China cannot assume a leadership role as an international testing ground for new, and therefore uncertain, policies and measures, as these might negatively affect the pace of development. As is indicated by their descriptions above, each of the six priorities presented here is related to the other ones. They are also, though in varying degrees, related to three key concerns, which centre on China's rights, on the obligations of the international community, and on natural limitations. The illustration below shows one way of representing the connection between the major priorities and these three key concerns.
Weber y la sociología clásica diferencian el acceso y configuración del poder político y el Estado en las sociedades modernas industriales frente a las sociedades pre-industriales. Weber habla del liderazgo propio de las sociedades pre-industriales basado en el parentesco y la sangre frente a la racionalización supuesta del Estado moderno industrial. Para justificar tal privilegio de acceso al deseado poder político se estableció en el Antiguo Régimen el privilegio de la mitad de oficios a la sangre noble y el impedimento a los considerados cristianos nuevos según una teoría de la sangre consecuente de la cosmovisión de la sociedad de la expiación. No obstante, el poder del dinero blanqueó sangre y linajes como medio de acceso y perpetuación en los oficios de alcaldes, deseables por sus rentas que conseguían "recta e irrectamente". La sangre y linaje, justificado como capacidad, explicaba los mecanismos de selección de las élites políticas. Pero hoy perduran las relaciones de sangre y parentesco en todas las sociedades en las que las élites económicas,emparentadas entre sí, articulan el orden político de la sociedad, y el orden político condiciona el orden económico, el orden legislativo y, siempre lo intentan, el orden simbólico en el cual se justifican las posiciones privilegiadas ; ABSTRACT: Weber and the classic Sociology differentiate the access and the configuration of the political power and the State in modern industrial societies, in opposition to pre-industrial societies. Weber talks about the typical leadership of pre-industrial societies based at kinship and blood in opposition to the supposed rationalization in modern industrial States. A privilege of half positions for nobles and the impediment for those considered as a new Christians were established in the ancient regime to justify the privilege of access to the desirable political power according to a blood theory typical of the world view in the expiation society. However, the power of money cleaned blood and lineages as a way of access and perpetuation in the posts of mayors which are really wanted because of their incomes, so these incomes are reached in an "honest and dishonest way". Blood and lineage, showed as an ability, explain the political elites' selection instruments. Nevertheless, the blood and lineage relationships persist nowadays in the societies in which economic elites, related each, assemble the political order of the society, and this political order conditions economic order, legislative order and they also try to condition the symbolic one too, this last order is used to justify privileged status.
"Public entrepreneurship is not an oxymoron. During his years as a public official, Mitchell Weiss was told that government can't do new things or solve tough challenges--it's too big and slow and bureaucratic. Sadly, this is what so many of us have come to believe. But in the wake of the Boston Marathon bombings, he and his city hall colleagues raced to support survivors in new, innovative ways. This kind of entrepreneurial spirit and savvy in government is growing, transforming the public sector's response to big problems at all levels. In this inspiring and instructive book, Weiss, now a professor at Harvard Business School, argues that we must shift from a mindset of "Probability Government"--overly focused on performance management and on mimicking "best" practices--to "Possibility Government." This means a leap to public leadership and management that embraces more imagination and riskier projects. Weiss shares the basic tenets of this new way of governing in the book's three sections: Government that can imagine. Seeing problems as opportunities, and designing solutions with citizens. Government that can try new things. Testing and experimentation as a regular part of solving public problems. Government that can scale. Harnessing platform techniques for innovation and growth; and how public entrepreneurship can reinvigorate democracy. The lessons unfold in the timely episodes Weiss has seen and studied: a heroin hackathon in opioid-ravaged Cincinnati; a series of blockchain experiments in Tbilisi to protect Georgian property from the Russians; the U.S. Special Operations Command prototyping of a hoverboard for chasing pirates, among many others. At a crucial moment in the evolution of government's role in our society, We the Possibility provides both inspiration and a positive model to help shape progress for generations to come"--
What accounts for a successful community-based conservation (CBC) initiative? A bulk of studies has answered the question by identifying the principles as well as underlying relations that make up successful cases. However, rarely do they extend to examine the basic elements (or ingredients) that contribute to a successful case. Using the analytic framing of triggering moments and catalytic elements, this study describes the key factors that contributed to ongoing successes in achieving the outputs and goals of CBC. A recent CBC project in the Lake Malili Complex of South Sulawesi is examined as a case study to test the framework. The CBC initiative was carried out by a local NGO and university. The case village (Nuha) is chosen for its ability to continue implementing programmatic objectives according to project reports. In-depth interviews, a close review of grey literature about the project, as well as field observations in Nuha and surrounding villages provide the data that forms the basis of the analysis about the factors contributing to Nuha success. Findings show that the framework of triggering moments and catalytic elements can help to show the key factors of crises and windows of opportunity that contribute strongly to stimulating community responses to a CBC initiative. Furthermore, although not all catalytic elements were present, certain identified factors – participation, commitment of key actors, funding, capacity building, partnership with supportive organizations and governments, and leadership – were strong enough to stimulate effective implementation of the CBC initiative. Nevertheless, the analytic framework of triggering moments and catalytic elements is less capable of provide the context for why the catalytic elements were present prior to the introduction of the CBC initiative.
Under Hamas's rule, a radical Islamic entity has been established in Gaza, opposed to the national-secular Fatah movement, and pro al-Qaida groups have started to emerge and carry out attacks against western targets in the Strip. Hamas's take-over of the Gaza Strip has led to the establishment of a radical Islamic entity that practices terrorism to achieve its goals and that has close connections with the 'Muslim Brotherhood' in Egypt (whose Palestinian branch is Hamas) and Iran, the radical Islamic Shiite state. Hamas is challenging and threatening the Palestinians' secular nationalist territorial aims and striving to implement its Pan-Islamic religious ideology in accordance with the idea of the Islamic Ummah (the seamless nation of Islam). This entity is now in violent conflict with Abu Mazen, Chairman of the Palestinian Authority, who represents the national-secular Fatah movement. Due to this, Abu Mazen and official Palestinian and Egyptian media use terms such as 'Islamic Emirate' when describing the new entity that has been established in the Gaza Strip. Under Hamas's rule in Gaza, organisations identified with the global Jihad have started to emerge and carry out attacks against western targets in the Gaza Strip. These radical entities form a new pro-al-Qaeda and global-Jihad-oriented conglomerate that operates in the Gaza Strip with no interference from Hamas, that considers them a spearhead committed to maintaining the 'flame' of Jihad against Israel and 'purifying' Palestinian society from the West's presence and influence. Hamas's activities make it evident that its strategic objective within the Palestinian arena is to take over and replace the PLO in the leadership of the Palestinian National Movement.
The efficacy of direct democracy throughout California's history continues to be a subject of intense debate, a state-wide phenomenon with an international audience. California boasts the world's fifth largest economy, and plays a leadership role in national, and sometimes even international, politics. British scholar Wyn Grant, studying the politics of air quality management in California, succinctly sums up the burning issue for environmentalists worldwide who are striving to understand the efficacy of California's activists' efforts: in "Direct Democracy in California: Example or Warning?" Grant concludes that although direct democracy has its merits, its history in California ultimately provides more of a cautionary tale than a model to be emulated. Other scholars, examining the same phenomenon, disagree, but for a variety of contradictory reasons. Previously we examined how other democratic traditions and practices, in particular community activism within California, have been utilized to promote environmental justice. This study weighs in on the debate over the efficacy of direct democracy to bring about environmental protection. Our' initial assumptions, based on a great deal of secondary material and much anecdotal evidence, including our own experiences as California voters, led us to our working title, "Using Direct Democracy to Thwart the Will of the People: California Environmental Propositions in the Late Twentieth Century." However, as we more closely evaluated the sources, especially the actual campaigns of the late twentieth century and their outcomes, we came to a startling conclusion. It is not, despite many scholars' assertions to the contrary, a case of "simple black or white, but rather a dirty shade of grey." Further investigation revealed results in even lighter tones. Despite its many abuses, distortions, and problems, direct democracy remains an avenue to be utilized, however imperfectly, to protect the environment.
Este escrito se propone analizar las concepciones difundidas por miembros del Partido Liberal santandereano en diversos periódicos entre 1860 y 1945, sobre la ciudadanía y su relación con la educación. Se busca con ello establecer la clase de vínculo que la dirigencia regional contempló para regular las relaciones entre las personas y el Estado, y el sujeto político que intentaron configurar los miembros de esta organización política desde el ámbito educativo. El propósito se desarrolla a partir de la sistematización de la información contendida en algunos medios escritos de la época (El liberal de Santander, El Eco de Santander, El Pestalozziano, Vanguardia Liberal y la Gaceta de Santander), la cual fue complementada con datos de los informes que los Secretarios de Educación presentaban ante el Gobernador. ; This writing proposes to analyze the conceptions expressed by members of the Liberal party Santandereano in newspapers between 1860 and 1945, on the citizenship and your relation with the education. It is looked for to establish the class of link that the regional leadership contemplated to regulate the relations between the persons and the State and the political subject that there tried to form the members of this political organization from the educational system. The intention develops from the systematizing of the information contended in some written of the epoch (El Liberal de Santander, El Eco de Santander, El Pestalozziano, Vanguardia Liberal y la Gaceta de Santander), it's was complemented by information of the reports that the Secretaries of Education submitted to Governor.
Troubles in the rural US stem not only from the economy but also from changing relations between cities & towns in the rural-urban continuum. Small-scale places are no longer isolated & simple but are part of a global interdependence that redefines cities & suburbs & creates rural regions. Now, a whole new set of problems & opportunities that originate outside the community affect a whole rural region. Instead of the trend toward narrower, single-purpose programs, the rural development paradigm for the 1990s should be one of multijurisdictional networks. Coalitions of small communities can solve many problems that individual communities working alone cannot tackle. Adapted from the source document.
THE AUTHOR OUTLINES THE KEY FEATURES OF THE TRADITIONAL ADMINISTRATIVE COMMAND MODEL USED TO ALLOCATE RESOURCES IN THE CENTRALLY-PLANNED SOCIALIST ECONOMIES. THE ADMINISTRATIVE COMMAND MODEL PERMITS THE PARTY LEADERSHIP TO SET PRIORITIES AND MONITOR THEIR FULFILLMENT THROUGH THE STATE ECONOMIC BUREAUCRACY AND LOCAL PARTY APPARATUS. THE STATE BUREAUCRACY--LED BY A STATE PLANNING COMMISSION--IS CHARGED WITH IMPLEMENTING PARTY DIRECTIVES THROUGH OPERATIONAL PLANS. CENTRAL PLANNING ORGANS CONSTRUCT PLANS FOR INDIVIDUAL MINISTRIES, WHICH DEVISE OPERATIONAL PLANS FOR ENTERPRISES AND ALLOCATE MATERIALS AMONG MINISTRY ENTERPRISES. CENTRAL PLANNING ORGANS SUBSTITUTE ADMINISTRATIVE ALLOCATION OF MATERIALS--THROUGH MATERIAL BALANCES--FOR MARKET ALLOCATION. SUPERIORS JUDGE BOTH MINISTRIES AND ENTERPRISES LARGELY ON THE BASIS OF OUTPUT PERFORMANCE, AND FUTURE PLANS ARE BASED UPON PAST PERFORMANCE. THEREFORE, MINISTRIES AND ENTERPRISES ARE MOTIVATED TO ACT CONTRARY TO THE INTERESTS OF THEIR SUPERIORS BY CONCEALING CAPACITY, OVER-ORDERING INPUTS, AND AVOIDING NEW TECHNOLOGY.
When sex educ is properly recognized for what it is, a birth to death continuum, the increase of awareness of & involvement in it as. a process on the part of society's instit's, both Sch & church, is striking in recent yrs. This involvement is looked upon as complementary & supplementary to the role of the fam, & is being recognized as requiring didactic & pedagogic preparation. Thus, the N of Sch's, public, private, & parochial, engaged in developing sex educ programs is increasing daily, as are teacher-training programs in instit's of higher learning. Movement away from emphasis on details of reproduction & into the area of the dynamics of M-F roles & relationships has been spearheaded by the major religious communities, which can be expected to continue & expand their leadership roles at both nat'l & community levels. Other professional disciplines, esp in medicine, are also studying their roles in educ for sexuality. HA.
The total/sum of US citizens serving abroad as missionaries has never been as great as in 1966. Almost 82.5% are Protestant. An increasing % are Roman Catholic. The communist control has expelled US missionaries from the mainland of China & North Korea, but, with these exceptions, they are in most countries in Asia, Africa, & Latin America, & in Madagascar & the majority of islands in the Pacific & off the southeast coast of Asia. In most of these regions, the Christian communities which they serve are growing both in numbers & in indigenous leadership. In numerous other ways-medicine & health, educ, & agri-US missionaries are having an effect on the cultures of the peoples among whom they live. Because of the multiplication of Amer's abroad in other occup's, missionaries now constitute a smaller % of their countrymen in other lands than in the interval between the 2 world wars. But they continue to be highly signif. HA.
In: Journal for perspectives of economic, political and social integration: journal of mental changes ; the Journal of John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin, Scientific Society KUL (Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL), Volume 22, Issue 1-2, p. 159-195
Abstract The new concept of "interpersonal pollution" and its antecedents and effects, i.e. on organizational members' health and well-being and on organizational outcomes are investigated. Building upon this work this presentation proposes a model and tentative definition of a broader construct, i.e. "organizational pollution", and identifies its potential antecedents and explores its impact on humans' health and well-being and organizational outcomes. In particular our model explores the roles played by leaders' and members' dark personalities and lack of environmental concern, by unethical leadership, by both the characteristics of the community and the organization, including the latter's physical and ethical environment, and finally their link to organizational pollution. This new model implications for organizational and environmental psychology are discussed.
The churches in South Korea contributed to the emergence of civil society by their crucial role in the democratization movement under the authoritarian regime. How, then, can churches strengthen civil society after democratization? Using the NGOs' activism for migrant workers, the dissertation examines this question. The NGOs' activism for migrant workers, in which churches have played a leading role, illustrates a vibrant civil society after democratization. It has accomplished a significant elevation of migrant workers' rights and their integration into Korean society. However, it also has showed a lack of civility and undemocratic practices. Thus, there is incongruence between ad extra advocacy and ad intra practices in the NGOs. I argue that the role of churches and the incongruence are the double-edged effects of the democratization movement. The churches and the NGOs in this field are heirs of the democratic movement. This heritage not only has enhanced the strength of the NGOs, but also has hindered the fostering of civility in the emergent civil society. In this activism, churches and the clergy have played a key role in dual senses: a role of a catalyzer to advance the accomplishments as well as an anticatalyzer in preventing the development of civility. The leadership of activist-ministers has reinforced the double-edged effects under the organizational culture of the churches in a broad Korean Confucian cultural environment. My findings suggest, first, that the civil society in Korea has developed, based on the resistance model which conflates opposition to the state. Consequently, this new democratic context needs the cooperation model which conceives cooperation and democratic negotiation with not only the state but also other NGOs, as important as resistance against the state. Secondly, my findings suggest that churches as well as NGOs need to engage in a culture which fosters civility while discouraging authoritarian leadership and paternalism. Accordingly, the activism for migrant workers demonstrates that the public role of churches has not shrunk after democratization. However, its potential will depend on how it changes its role from the resistance model to the cooperation model and how it promotes moral qualities of civil society
