Suchergebnisse

Considering the relationship between politics, media and publicness, this paper ponders the consequences of visibility in the political field. Identifying some of its existing regimes, it will posit that today visibility plays an ambivalent function to politics: it can simultaneously operate as a synoptic monitoring and control of politicians; and at the same time it may stand as an opportunity to build a charismatic leadership. In fact, political visibilities are now negotiated between the boundaries of private and public realms, and they can take the form of a risk, or an opportunity to build on a charismatic leadership. ; Refletindo sobre as relações entre política, media e publicidade, este artigo pondera as consequências que a visibilidade, no contexto da mediatização da esfera pública, provoca no campo político. Identificando alguns dos seus atuais regimes concluir-se-á que a visibilidade possui uma natureza ambivalente para a política, podendo funcionar, quer num registo sinóptico de vigilância e controlo social dos políticos, quer num registro potencial de construção de uma liderança carismática. É na negociação das fronteiras entre o privado e o público que atualmente se jogam politicamente as visibilidades, quer assumam a forma de um risco para a gestão da integridade da imagem pública, quer assumam uma oportunidade para fundar uma liderança carismática. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

This review essay considers three recent publications that collectively demonstrate developments in queer television studies. According to the author, these works provide circumspect progress narratives, tempered by awareness that LGBTQ visibility does not exist in any historical congruity with LGBTQ social and political realities. Taken together, these publications suggest that LGBTQ studies and television studies can make odd bedmates, as scholars negotiate between queer theory's postidentity politics and a marked nostalgia for a politics of visibility—the emboldening, visceral pleasures of watching and seeing queers on TV, and believing that it matters.

Visual detection of aircraft by human observers is an important element of aviation safety. To assess and ensure safety, it would be useful to be able to be able to predict the visibility, to a human observer, of an aircraft of specified size, shape, distance, and coloration. Examples include assuring safe separation among aircraft and between aircraft and unmanned vehicles, design of airport control towers, and efforts to enhance or suppress the visibility of military and rescue vehicles. We have recently developed a simple metric of pattern visibility, the Spatial Standard Observer (SSO). In this report we examine whether the SSO can predict visibility of simulated aircraft images. We constructed a set of aircraft images from three-dimensional computer graphic models, and measured the luminance contrast threshold for each image from three human observers. The data were well predicted by the SSO. Finally, we show how to use the SSO to predict visibility range for aircraft of arbitrary size, shape, distance, and coloration.

In the digital age, calls for transparency and openness as well as for privacy and confidentiality prevail: Struggles for visibility occur simultaneously with conflicts regarding invisibility and hidden battles for power and privileges of interpretation. Concerns about a loss of digital self-determination exist, just like those regarding the "right to be forgotten" or the right to become invisible and unseen. While the idea of a "transparent user" – as the ultimate notion of (in)voluntary visibility – has caused a broad outcry in society and in scientific debates a few years ago (Palfrey & Gasser, 2008), the discussion has shifted toward considerations of Internet governance and regulation (Camenisch, Fischer-Hübner, & Hansen, 2015). Brighenti (2010, p. 109) has pointed out that visibility has long been one of the key aspects "associated with the public sphere" and that in today's digitized publics, the "project of democracy can no longer be imagined without taking into account visibility and its outcomes" (Brighenti, 2010, p. 189). Visibility and invisibility, along with their societal outcomes, are increasingly being discussed and analyzed, as they are becoming important dimensions in the accurate description and explanation of digital communication.

A common observation in the digital age is that new technologies are making people's behaviors, decisions, and preferences more visible. For scholars who study organizations and their effects upon society, increased information visibility raises the hope that organizations might become more transparent. Typically, we assume that increased information visibility will translate into high levels of organizational transparency, but we lack empirical evidence to support this assumption. Our ability to gather data on this important topic is limited because there have been few reliable ways to assess organizational information visibility. To remedy this problem, we develop and validate the Information Visibility Scale to measure the core aspects of information visibility. We then employ the scale to test the relationship between information visibility and transparency. We discuss the theoretical and practical implications of the scale and consider the limitations and further research possibilities that the scale construction and validation suggest.

This paper discusses the process of participation and representation of women in political institutions, with special reference to the situation in Serbia. The paper represents an attempt to answer the question of how to increase the number of women active in political life and how to achieve both descriptive and substantial representation, which is necessary for the increase of women's political power. The influence of certain political factors, primarily political parties' nomination and selection, on the growing number of women who decide to run for political office, is analysed.

This paper discusses the process of participation and representation of women in political institutions, with special reference to the situation in Serbia. The paper represents an attempt to answer the question of how to increase the number of women active in political life and how to achieve both descriptive and substantial representation, which is necessary for the increase of women's political power. The influence of certain political factors, primarily political parties' nomination and selection, on the growing number of women who decide to run for political office, is analysed.