Suchergebnisse

Explores Woodrow Wilson's vision for world order & for the US's role within it to clarify its core elements. To shed light on his original idea for postwar international organization, the League of Nations & the principle of self-determination are examined. In looking at Wilson's conception of the League of Nations, attention is given to his draft of article III of the League covenant & his radical ideas regarding global governance, state sovereignty, & collective security therein & the substance of article X, which was a gutted version of the former. Why Wilson saw the vague & largely ignored article XI as the core of the covenant is then considered. It is contended that Wilson was willing to give the League power enough that the security of extant states might be compromised, & his vision of a new international order was far more radical than most realize. With respect to the role of the US in such a world order, Wilson seemed convinced of the need for multilateral action. The debate regarding the feasibility & desirability of Wilson's vision persists, but it is suggested that perhaps his radical ideas were ahead of their time. J. Zendejas

International organizations continuously deploy civilian capabilities as part of their peacekeeping and crisis management operations. This presents them with significant challenges. Not only are civilian deployments rapidly increasing in quantity, but civilian missions are also very diverse in nature. This article analyses how international organizations have learned to deploy their civilian capabilities to deal with a growing number and fast evolving types of operations. Whereas the previous literature has addressed this question for individual international organizations, this article uniquely compares developments in the United Nations (UN), European Union (EU) and Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), three of the largest civilian actors. Drawing on the concept of organizational learning, it shows that all three organizations have made significant changes over the last decade in their civilian capabilities. The extent of these changes, however, varies across these organizations. The article highlights that the EU, despite its more homogeneous and wealthier membership, has not been able to better learn to deploy its civilian capabilities than the UN or OSCE. We show that the ability of these organizations to learn is, instead, highly dependent on institutional factors.

According to some commentators, forum shopping is an "evil" that must be eradicated. It has been suggested that the unification of substantive law through international conventions constitutes one way to achieve this outcome. This book shows that the drafting of uniform substantive law convention cannot prevent forum shopping. The reasons are classified into two main categories: convention-extrinsic and convention-intrinsic reasons. The former category comprises those reasons upon which uniform substantive law conventions do not have an impact at all. These reasons range from the costs of access to justice to the bias of potential adjudicators to the enforceability of judgments. The convention-intrinsic reasons, on the other hand, are reasons that relate to the nature and design of uniform substantive law conventions, and include their limited substantive and international spheres of application as well as their limited scope of application, the need to provide for reservations, etc. This book also focuses on another reason why forum shopping cannot be overcome: the impossibility of ensuring uniform applications and interpretations of the various uniform substantive law conventions

Populism has lately experienced a meteoric rise to become one of the most widely used terms in academic and wider public discourses and a supposedly defining feature of both domestic and world politics. Situated at the intersection of International Relations (IR), Political Theory and Comparative Politics, this book makes a critical intervention into the burgeoning IR scholarship on populism and problematizes the often hyperbolic and sweeping usage of the term as a general descriptor for non-centrist politics of different persuasions. The book seeks to move into a different theoretical direction and broaden the empirical focus of existing IR research. Theoretically, it bridges the gap between theories of populism and IR by bringing the Laclauian, discursive approach and IR poststructuralism together in a theoretical framework. The proposed framework moves away from the search for the policy preferences and impact of populism, and instead conceptualizes foreign policy and world politics as potential sites for practicing populism, ranging from the articulation of societal grievances to the construction of populist identities such as the people. Empirically, the book takes IR scholarship beyond the predominant focus on the populist radical right and single-country and -region studies. Building on the discourse analysis of an original data set, it offers a comparative analysis of right-wing and left-wing populist discourses in different world regions as well as populist cross-border collaboration and identity construction. Thorsten Wojczewski is Lecturer in International Relations at Coventry University, UK.

In spite of the many mechanisms established by international law for peaceful resolution of conflicts, armed force continues to be applied within the framework of international relations. Neither extreme position -- that international law is useless in the resolution of conflict or that the UN Charter renders armed conflict obsolete -- is correct. Particularly for situations in which preventative & peaceful measures have been unsuccessful, international law has set barriers for inhumanity. The tension between securing peace through disarmament & developing rules of engagement can be clearly seen in the development of the International Court in The Hague & the Geneva Conventions. Though the application of international law to noninternational conflicts such as those in Africa & Yugoslavia, with substantially more victims than wars between nations, highlights the still considerable deficits; international law has never capitulated before new challenges. L. Kehl

China's rise signifies a gradual transformation of the international system from unipolarity to a non-unipolar world. As an organization of small and middle powers, ASEAN faces strategic uncertainties brought about by the power transition in the system. Deepening economic interdependence between ASEAN and China has amplified the economic cost for the ASEAN states to use traditional military means to deal with China s rise. Applying institutional balancing theory, this paper examines how ASEAN has adopted various institutional instruments, such as the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), the East Asia Summit (EAS), the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), and the ASEAN Community, to constrain and shape China s behaviour in the region in the post-Cold War era. It argues that due to globalization and economic interdependence, the power transition in the 21st century is different from the previous ones. ASEAN can potentially make a great contribution to a peaceful transformation of the international system. How to resolve the South China Sea disputes peacefully will be a critical task for both the ASEAN and Chinese leaders in the next decade or two. (Issues Stud/GIGA)

Preliminary Material /H. Volger -- Introduction /H. Volger -- How To Use This Book /H. Volger -- Abbreviations /H. Volger -- Africa As Topic In The UN /Konrad Melchers -- Agenda For Development /Klaus Hüfner -- Agenda For Peace /Erwin A. Schmidl -- Aggression, Definition Of /Ulrich Fastenrath -- Budget /Klaus Hüfner -- Charter Of Economic Rights And Duties Of States /Mir A. Ferdowsi -- Charter Of The UN /Manfred Knapp -- Collective Security /Peter J. Opitz -- Committees, System Of /Helmut Volger -- Common Heritage Of Mankind /Gregor Kolk -- Control Mechanisms In The UN, External And Internal /Klaus Hüfner -- Coordination In The UN System /Dieter Göthel -- CSD – Commission On Sustainable Development /Jürgen Maier -- Decolonization /Heike Henn -- Democratization And The UN /Jens Naumann -- Depository Libraries /Ramona Kohrs -- Deutscher Bundestag (German Federal Parliament), Positions Of The German Parties Towards The UN /Wolfgang Ehrhart -- Deutscher Bundestag (German Federal Parliament), Subcommittee On The United Nations /Eberhard Brecht and Wolfgang Ehrhart -- Development Concepts, Development Research /Inge Kaul -- Development Cooperation Of The UN System /Inge Kaul -- Disarmament /Hans Günter Brauch -- Documentation System /Ramona Kohrs -- Economic Commissions, Regional /Peter Tobias Stoll -- ECOSOC – Economic And Social Council /Wolfgang Spröte -- Electoral Assistance /Simone Schwanitz -- Enemy State Clauses /Jörn Axel Kämmerer -- Environmental Law, International /Ulrich Beyerlin and Jenny Grote -- Environmental Protection /Jürgen Maier -- European Union, Common Foreign And Security Policy At The UN /Hans Arnold -- FAO – Food And Agriculture Organization /Barbara Hofner -- Financial Crises /Klaus Hüfner -- General Assembly /Jürgen Heideking † -- Geneva Group /Günther Altenburg -- German Translation Section /Ruprecht Paqué -- Globalization /Sabine Von Schorlemer -- Group Of 77 And The UN /Mir A. Ferdowsi -- Groups And Groupings In The UN /Ingo Winkelmann -- History Of The Foundation Of The UN /Helmut Volger -- History Of The UN /Helmut Volger -- Host State Agreements /Hans-Joachim Heintze -- Human Development Reports /Stephan Klingebiel and Marius Hildebrand -- Human Rights /Norman Weiß -- Human Rights, Protection Of /Theo Van Boven -- Human Rights, United Nations High Commissioner For /Alfred De Zayas -- Human Rights, Universal Declaration Of /Peter J. Opitz -- Human Rights Committee /Eckart Klein -- Human Rights Conventions And Their Measures Of Implementation /Martina Haedrich -- Human Rights Conventions, CAT – Convention Against Torture And Other Cruel, Inhuman Or Degrading Treatment Or Punishment /Martina Haedrich -- Human Rights Conventions, CCPR – International Covenant On Civil And Political Rights /Eckart Klein -- Human Rights Conventions, CEDAW – Convention On The Elimination Of All Forms Of Discrimination Against Women /Hanna Beate Schöpp-Schilling -- Human Rights Convention, CERD – International Convention On The Elimination Of All Forms Of Racial Discrimination /Martina Haedrich.

The rapid economic and political rise of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) as an informal co-operative group as well as their individual emergence on the international stage as influential actors have shifted the power dynamics of the international world order. Most importantly, the emergence of BRICS after the financial crisis has changed the structural dynamics of the West-dominated financial system by providing an alternative bypassing the normative structure. Of which, what provided the institutional framework to the BRICS is the New Development Bank and the Contingent Reserve Arrangement- key milestones of cooperation among emerging economies and developing countries. Thereby, this makes it imperative to understand the role of BRICS as an important platform in the international order and how it is shaping the international order.