Suchergebnisse

In 1958, during the Algerian crisis, the return of General de Gaulle to power had a significant impact on the conduct of Franco-Israeli relations. Thus, after the Algerian independence completed in 1962, Gaullist policy moved towards the restoration of the old relations of "friendship and cooperation" with the Arab world, in line with "his reason and his feelings". This change of direction is noticeable in 1967, when France is the only Western country to have taken a critical stance toward Israel during the Six-day war. The position of the president of the Republic is, however, heavily criticized in France as in Israel, considering it even the rehabilitation of anti-Semitism. In this context, what interests us is the reconstruction of the stages of this change of course in foreign policy from the Algerian war, passing by the Viet Nam war and the Six-day war. Starting from the famous speech about the Six-day war, this analysis proposes to explain the attitude of the General towards the Hebrew State, not as proof of anti-Semitism or change in foreign policy, but as an evolution in terms of political thought, embodied in the different key-concepts for the Gaullist policy in general: occupation, self-determination, immigration and the great intervention.

Rezension von: Fehrmann, Thomas J.: Die Effektivität interregionaler Kooperation : eine vergleichende Untersuchung der Handlungsfähigkeit von Regionalorganisationen am Beispiel von ASEAN, EU und MERCOSUR. - Baden-Baden: Nomos-Verlag, 2014

Die traditionell russlandfreundliche Haltung der französischen Elite, das diplomatische Gewicht des Landes (seine Militärstützpunkte und Auslandseinsätze, eine starke außenpolitische Tradition und ein ständiger Sitz im UN-Sicherheitsrat) und sein Einfluss auf die europäische Politik sind Gründe dafür, dass Frankreich in den letzten Jahren zum vorrangigen Ziel Moskaus nicht-militärischer Einflussnahme wurde. Hinzu kommt eine Besonderheit seiner politischen Kultur: Seit Jahrzehnten ist Antiamerikanismus dort stärker ausgeprägt als in vielen anderen EU-Ländern; seit dem Ende des Kalten Krieges begleitet ihn zudem großes Misstrauen gegenüber der Globalisierung. Diese Einstellung hat auch Auswirkungen auf die Wahrnehmung der EU, von der erwartet wird, die Bürger vor der Globalisierung zu schützen. Enttäuschung in dieser Frage nährt eine immer lautere Kritik gegenüber Brüssel, die bei der letzten Europawahl zum großen Erfolg des rechtsradikalen Front National führte. Amerikakritiker und Globalisierungsgegner - wie übrigens auch Europaskeptiker - sind überwiegend in den (linken wie rechten) populistischen Parteien des Landes vertreten, aber auch in den etablierten Parteien ist Platz für solche Parolen.

With Partition and the rise of various different nationalisms there came the need to find a new name for what used to be called "British India". A framework for co-operation between the new countries was also needed. Initially regionalism was fashionable. But the regional organisation, SAARC, embodied cooperation between all the nation-states of the region, a veritable lowest common denominator rather than an additional layer of an inclusive regional identity for all the citizenry. The increasing use of "Southasia" is based on a recognition that even though India looms large, the region contains other countries with sizeable populations in a global context. But flesh must be put on the bones of the concept. The key is sub-regional commercial cooperation between viable units. There are many opportunities for cross-border economic activity, but what is needed is a porous border like the India/Nepal border, not a militarised border like the India /Pakistan border. Connectivity and bilateral free trade agreements will bring results and the Indian state of Punjab and the Pakistani province of Punjab are perhaps best placed to give an example of cooperation. (Asian Aff/GIGA)

Since Rio 92, long and torturous negotiations have taken place between countries about goals, responsibilities, and financial commitments for the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions. The architecture of the negotiation, supported in the division of the world between developed countries and those still developing, is today in check. The next Conference in Lima is an opportunity for Latin America to offer the world an agenda that combines its successful policies for combatting poverty and social inclusion with a new vision about the sustainable use of natural resources for the transition to low-carbon economies. (Nueva Soc/GIGA)

Relations between the European Union (EU) and Ukraine appear to be stuck at the verge of a
new era. While a new Association Agreement providing for an unprecedented degree of political
cooperation and economic integration is ready to enter into force, political developments in
Ukraine prevent the EU from proceeding with its signature and ratification. This peculiar situation
represents a crucial test case for the effectiveness of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP).
Effectiveness in this case is defined by the objectives that guide the EU in its pursuit of the ENP,
and by the degree to which the Union lives up to its capabilities to reach them. In the case of
Ukraine, the policy turns out to be largely effective, considering that the EU's top priority is the
avoidance of political and economic risks. However, this focus on risk avoidance severely limits
the Union's leverage regarding the attainment of any other policy objectives, most importantly
norm transfer and security cooperation. Consequently, even a largely effective ENP is unlikely to
have a significant impact on the situation in Ukraine and elsewhere as long as the Union does not
change its priorities.