The expectations for the role of civil society are growing due to an abysmal record of high-level political leadership in reaching an agreement and a sustainable peace process. How much impact can civil society have and what roles can it take in the peace process? This case study of South Korean civil society shows how the civil society was able to bridge the horizontal and vertical boundaries of the Korean conflict with the support of a global civil society, and created a hospitable public atmosphere for the peace process in the 1980s and 1990s. However, the space for the civil society to make a contribution in the Korean peace process required the interdependency of the roles of high-level and civil-society leadership in the interplay between the international and domestic political environments. The peacebuilding role of South Korean civil society demonstrates that the horizontal capacity of civil society alone cannot guarantee a breakthrough and sustainability in a peace process, but if it is coordinated with the vertical capacity, civil-society peacebuilding can be a useful platform for sustainable peacebuilding.
Анализируется опыт межтаджикских переговоров в качестве примера относительно успешного разрешения внутреннего конфликта. Переговоры длились более трех лет, в течение которых стороны обсудили целый ряд важных вопросов, начиная с положения беженцев и заканчивая вопросами политического переустройства республики. Серия раундов переговоров и личных встреч лидеров двух противоборствующих сторон завершилась подписанием Общего соглашения, которое позволило установить мир в Таджикистане, хотя о полном примирении сторон до сих пор не приходится говорить. ; The article analyses Inter-Tajik negotiations as a model of relatively successful internal conflict resolution. Civil War in Tajikistan was the bloodiest after the collapse of the USSR. Active hostilities continued for less than a year from April to December 1992, and then the war became positional and protracted. After the years of violations the war termination became the burning issue. The participants of Inter-Tajik Dialog launched in March 1993 within the Dartmouth Conferences began to clear the way for the future negotiations. In one year in April 1994 the official negotiations started. There are three first stages of conflict resolution: to cease the violation, to carry on a dialogue, to begin the negotiation process. In case of Inter-Tajik negotiations all these three stages took place simultaneously, not sequentially. The negotiations continued for more than three years. The parties discussed a whole number of important issues from the plight of the refugees to the political reforms. At first it was very hard to continue negotiations because the parties did not trust each other. Even some insignificant agreement required great efforts, but very often it was not realized due to disagreements inside the belligerents. Many times the negotiations were on the verge of breakdown and continued due to foreign pressure. The situation in neighbouring Afghanistan influenced the negotiation process very much. After the seizure of power by Taliban in September 1996 the Russian Federation pressed upon both parties to hasten the peace process. At the end of more than three years of talks and personal meetings of two leaders the General agreement was signed. It permitted to establish peace in Tajikistan, still it was not full reconciliation. As a result of agreements the opposition was involved in distribution of political resources, but to some extent. Today the situation in the Republic is uneasy; the government controls not all the territory of the country, armed clashes between government and certain alignments of opposition continue in some regions. In fact, peace process is incomplete, but the naked violence actions are minimized. Since the 15 years when General Agreement was signed there were not grave violations endangering the peace. The implementation of General Agreement permits to accomplish the main goals: to bring the conflict to an end and to maintain the territorial integrity of Tajikistan.
The diversity of conflict in Central and South Asia continues to be at the heart of the problem of the region. The growing Taliban-led insurgency in Afghanistan threatens to spread insecurity beyond the borders. Meanwhile, an upsurge in violence in Sri Lanka between government forces and Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) rebels has practically destroyed the fragile peace process. However, there are continuing signs of improvement in the India-Pakistan relationship, and there has been a greatly reduced level of violence in Jammu and Kashmir. There are also improvements in relations between and among Central Asian states with growing bilateral and multilateral agreements on trade and security. Tables, map. Adapted from the source document.
"This book analyses the main events and turning points in the building of pre- and post-independent South Sudan. It covers the historical perspectives of the country, its political, mediation and negotiation issues, peace and security, socio-economic development, and gender, as well as conflict and reconstruction. Many African states are products of compromised peace settlement and power sharing agreements, following violent and protracted conflicts between colonial/occupying powers, armed groups and nation states. This is the same route that Africa's youngest nation, South Sudan traversed before attaining independence in July 2011. This edited volume is an innovative collection that serves as a complete reading on South Sudan, from the pre-independent to post-independent realities of the political, military and inter-ethnic conflicts and the negotiations to resolve them. It is a step-by-step account of the major events that mark the history as well as the contemporary occurrences in South Sudan. Although the conflict in South Sudan is still ongoing as this book is published, the lessons extracted offer guidance on how to sustainably end armed conflict in Africa by focusing on the history of the conflict, political issues, peace and security, gender, justice and contemporary dynamics. The book presents a gendered approach to arguments, while also reflecting gender equity in terms of the book authorship. Students and scholars within political science, African politics, international relations and security studies will find this book useful. This book will also be of interest to policy makers and research institutions engaged in peacebuilding in Africa"--
Zornaczuk, Tomasz (Dogus Author) ; The international community plays an essential role in resolving conflict in Kosovo. Military intervention in the conflict was undertaken by the international community in the spring 1999 as a response on violence and ethnic cleanings conducted by the Serbian forces in the province. A peace agreement has been signed after dozen weeks of air operation. From this time onwards the international community have been responsible for the peace-building process in Kosovo. Recently the most essential issue is the question of the final status of the province. This is supposed to be achieved under the supervision of the international community in order to establish peace and security in this former Yugoslav province. In this study I aim to examine and analyse involvement of the entire international community as well as its components in the Kosovo conflict. In my elaboration I explain changing attitudes, objectives and tasks, which were undertaken by international actors in the course of the conflict. In order to understand better the contemporary conflict in Kosovo I start with explanation of deep roots of the conflict. I provide with the overview of history of the Serbo-Albanian relations in the province and alternate it with different factors that contributed to the conflict. In the next chapter, I present theoretical approach to the conflict management and the third party intervention. Furthermore, I illustrate the role of the international community in the conflict resolution process. Subsequently, I provide with case study on intervention of the international community in the Kosovo conflict. Moreover, I present negotiations on ending the war and present the aims of the international community in the peace-building process. In the last chapter, I explain the role of the international community in post-war Kosovo. With regard to this I examine the peace-building operation under the international supervision. I conclude with discussion on the issue of the final status of Kosovo and the attitude of the international community towards this question. ; Introduction, 1 -- 1. Analysing the origins of the Kosovo conflict, 4 -- 1.1 lntroduction, 4 -- 1.2 Who invaded whom? The deep roots of the conflict, 5 -- 1.4 Who is taking revenge on whom? Serbo-Albanian relations under the Ottoman rule, 8 -- 1.5 Kosovo or Kosova? Multinationalism within the Yugoslav state, 10 -- 1.6 How did the economic situation contribute to the conflict?, 11 -- 1.7 The usage of the myth, 12 -- 1.8 With the enemy within one state. From independence of Serbia to military intervention, 14 -- 1.9 The role of nationalism and ethnicity in the conflict, 16 -- 1.10 Does the truth lie in between?, 19 -- 1.11 Conclusions, 20 -- 2. Theoretical framework of the conflict management and third party intervention, 23 -- 2.1 lntroduction, 23 -- 2.2 Typology of conflicts, 24 -- 2.3 What are the characteristics of conflict?, 25 -- 2.4 What are the characteristics of intervention?, 28 -- 2.5 When to intervene? The timing of intervention, 30 -- 2.7 How to intervene? From preventive diplomacy to peace operations, 31 -- 2.8 What is international community and what is its role in conflict resolution?, 35 -- 2.9 Conclıısions, 38 -- 3. Intervention of the interrnational community in the Kosovo conflict-case study, 39 -- 3.1 lntroduction, 39 -- 3.2 The limits of sovereignty and the limits of intervention, 40 -- 3.3 How did the Kosovo issue make it to the top of the international agenda? Internationalisation of the conflict, 43 -- 3.4 How the decision of military intervention in Kosovo conflict has been made?, 44 -- 3.4 Why did preventive diplornacy in the Kosovo conflict fail?, 48 -- 3.6 What to do with Kosovo? The settlement of the Kosovo question, 52 -- 3.7 Conclıısions, 54 -- 4. The role of the international community in post-war Kosovo, 57 -- 4.1 Introduction, 57 -- 4.2 lnternational community and security in Kosovo, 58 -- 4.3 lnternational community and democratisation process in Kosovo, 59 -- 4.4 International community and reconstrııction of economic and social system, 62 -- 4.5 A final status of Kosovo-the essential problem to be solved, 64 -- 4.6 The international commıınity and the question of the final status for Kosovo, 66 -- 4.7 Conclusions, 68 -- Conclusions, 70 -- References, 77
At the end of 2017, the Korean Peninsula reached the brink of a nuclear war, as the US president Donald Trump and the North Korean leader Kim Jong-un exchanged words of nuclear threats each other. A tug of war as to whose nuclear button is bigger and stronger exacerbated the nuclear crisis. However, the South Korean President Moon Jae-in intervened to resolve the crisis by taking advantage of the Pyeongchang Winter Olympics. In doing so, President Moon intended to pursue denuclearisation and peace-building on the Korean Peninsula at the same time. North Korean Chairman Kim Jong-un responded positively to the South Korean call to hold the inter-Korean summit and the Trump-Kim summit. In order to end the Korean war and promote peace-building on the Korean Peninsula including termination of hostile acts on inter-Korean relations, the two Koreas adopted the April 27 Panmunjom Declaration, the September 19th Pyongyang Joint Declaration and the Inter-Korean Military Agreement at their summit in 2018. The Military Agreement is aimed at reducing tension and building trust between the two Koreas through conventional arms control, while the North Korean nuclear issue is being resolved through the US-DPRK summit. The September 19th Military Agreement is a modest but remarkable success in arms control history when compared with a long-term stalemate or even retreat in the contemporary international arms control arena. Indeed, arms control is at its lowest point in history, so dim are its prospects. Nevertheless, heated debates are taking place, both at home inside South Korea and abroad, over the legitimacy and rationality of the Sept. 19th Military Agreement. With little progress on the denuclearisation issue at the Kim-Trump summit and no sign of easing economic sanctions on Pyongyang, North Korea has test-fired short-range missiles ten times to exert pressure on the United States, undermining peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula. Against this backdrop, this policy brief intends to analyse the true meaning of the September 19 Military Agreement between the two Koreas, to identify its problems and policy implications in order to draw up supplementary measures to implement it successfully. Furthermore, the paper will draw some implications for the relationship between progress on North Korea's denuclearisation issue and further conventional arms control on the Korean Peninsula. ; publishedVersion
As part of the solution to the drug problem, the Peace Accord between the Colombian government and the FARC guerrillas contemplated the creation of a policy for the substitution of illicit crops in its point 4. In this article we trace in detail the decision-making process and the political debates that led to the design of this policy. We argue that the content of point 4 of the agreement was contradictory because it sought to make compatible two different strategies for confronting the problem: state-building and transformation of coca-growing territories, and "war on drugs. Later, with the increase in internal and external political pressures due to the increase in illicit crops, the government and the FARC redefined the policy. With the desire to show results in reducing the area planted with coca, they opted to leave aside the long term commitment to territorial transformation and favor the immediacy of the decrease in illicit crops. Thus, the policy became unsustainable. ; Como parte de la solución al problema de las drogas, el Acuerdo de Paz entre el gobierno colombiano y la guerrilla de las Farc contempló la creación de una política para la sustitución de cultivos de uso ilícito en su punto 4. En este artículo hacemos un rastreo detallado del proceso de toma de decisiones y los debates políticos que condujeron al diseño de esta política. Argumentamos que el contenido del punto 4 del acuerdo fue contradictorio porque pretendió hacer compatibles dos estrategias distintas para afrontar el problema: construcción de Estado y transformación de territorios cocaleros, y "guerra contra las drogas". Más tarde, con el incremento de las presiones políticas internas y externas por el aumento de cultivos ilícitos, el gobierno y las Farc redefinieron la política. Con el afán de mostrar resultados en la reducción del área sembrada con coca, optaron por dejar de lado la apuesta de largo aliento de la transformación territorial y privilegiar la inmediatez en la disminución de cultivos ilícitos. Así, la política se tornó insostenible.
The Workshop on Arms Control and Security in the Middle East, sponsored by the University of California's Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation, was a private and unofficial symposium intended to promote dialogue on arms control in the Middle East. It also provided information on and explored the applicability of the U.S–Soviet arms control experience. Due to the historic distrust among the parties in the Middle East, the workshop emphasized technical procedural measures that might be implemented to reduce uncertainty and increase transparency and information, thereby ameliorating, although not eliminating, suspicions. Special attention was paid to methods of reducing the likelihood of inadvertent war brought on by tensions, crises, misperception, and escalation. It was recognized that although technical measures cannot overcome political differences, they can facilitate political agreements by reducing the risks such agreements might entail.
