Search results

International audience ; This paper is an attempt to explore the chronic dimension of the crisis in Mali (2012-2015) highlighting the past and the History of this country. The French way to handle the situation foster a modern communication strategy associating the humanitarian dimension to the military experience. The military adventure was presented to the media as a limited element of a wider and more noble and pacific ambition like assisting a friendly country in trouble. The war in Mali, like in others African crises, such as Darfur, has its roots causes in the long term history. This category of temporality added up with recurring ethnical confrontations, on long period of time, are typical of what we can consider a complex and durable crisis. The author is inspired by Edgar Morin theory to distinguish the crisis in Mali as a paradigm of a complex and chronic crisis. It is a question of endemic blaze (outburst)- a paradox model of permanent convulsion (spasm). The cessation of the military conflagration (blazing up) and the ending of armed hostilities do not meet a real extinction of the fire nor does it lead to real peace agreements but to fragile and uncertain pacific solutions that can inflame again and again. ; Cet article tente d'explorer le caractère de chronicité de la crise malienne (2012-2015) à la lumière du passé historique de ce pays. La gestion par la France de cette situation passe par une stratégie de communication moderne qui associe la dimension humanitaire à l' expérience militaire. En effet, il est question de présenter aux média le passage militaire comme un des éléments d'une ambition pacifique plus ambitieuse et plus « noble », telle celle de voler au secours d'un pays ami en difficulté. La crise malienne, à l'instar d'autres crises africaines, comme celle du Darfour, trouve ses racines dans l'histoire de la longue durée. Ce registre d'historicité et la récurrence d'affrontements « ethniques », sur des temps longs, sont des éléments caractéristiques des crises complexes et durables. ...

International audience ; This paper is an attempt to explore the chronic dimension of the crisis in Mali (2012-2015) highlighting the past and the History of this country. The French way to handle the situation foster a modern communication strategy associating the humanitarian dimension to the military experience. The military adventure was presented to the media as a limited element of a wider and more noble and pacific ambition like assisting a friendly country in trouble. The war in Mali, like in others African crises, such as Darfur, has its roots causes in the long term history. This category of temporality added up with recurring ethnical confrontations, on long period of time, are typical of what we can consider a complex and durable crisis. The author is inspired by Edgar Morin theory to distinguish the crisis in Mali as a paradigm of a complex and chronic crisis. It is a question of endemic blaze (outburst)- a paradox model of permanent convulsion (spasm). The cessation of the military conflagration (blazing up) and the ending of armed hostilities do not meet a real extinction of the fire nor does it lead to real peace agreements but to fragile and uncertain pacific solutions that can inflame again and again. ; Cet article tente d'explorer le caractère de chronicité de la crise malienne (2012-2015) à la lumière du passé historique de ce pays. La gestion par la France de cette situation passe par une stratégie de communication moderne qui associe la dimension humanitaire à l' expérience militaire. En effet, il est question de présenter aux média le passage militaire comme un des éléments d'une ambition pacifique plus ambitieuse et plus « noble », telle celle de voler au secours d'un pays ami en difficulté. La crise malienne, à l'instar d'autres crises africaines, comme celle du Darfour, trouve ses racines dans l'histoire de la longue durée. Ce registre d'historicité et la récurrence d'affrontements « ethniques », sur des temps longs, sont des éléments caractéristiques des crises complexes et durables. ...

In Colombia, many Truth Commissions have been created in different stages of history. They had contributed to the clarification of facts of violence and human rights violations regarding the right to the truth for victims and society as a whole. These Commissions have had the peculiarity of having been born and developed their work in a context of violence and armed conflict. In fact, even if some Commissions have emerged as a result of negotiations with illegal armed groups, these negotiations have taken place in the midst of conflict. This article presents an analysis of the different Commissions in Colombia and proposes a classification according to their nature, role, scope and mandate. This provides elements of consideration and lessons for the work of the Commission created as a result of the recent Peace Agreement between the FARC-EP and Colombian Government. ; En Colombia, varias Comisiones de la Verdad han sido creadas en diferentes estadios de la historia. En general, todas han tenido el mandato o misión común de contribuir al esclarecimiento sobre hechos de violencia o de violaciones a derechos humanos en favor del derecho a la verdad de las víctimas y de la sociedad. Estas Comisiones detentan la particularidad de haber nacido y desarrollado su labor durante contextos de violencia y de conflicto. Así, si bien algunas han surgido como resultado de procesos de negociaciones con grupos armados ilegales, estas negociaciones se han dado en medio de un conflicto subsistente. De esta forma, el texto presenta un análisis de las distintas Comisiones que ha tenido el país y para ello, propone una clasificación en distintas categorías según su naturaleza, rol, alcance y mandato. Como resultado de este estudio y categorización, y debido a distintas causas, se analiza su nivel de contribución a la búsqueda efectiva de justicia, verdad y de reparación de las víctimas. Lo anterior, brinda elementos de consideración y de lecciones aprendidas, para el trabajo de la Comisión creada en el actual Acuerdo de Paz entre las FARC-EP y el Gobierno nacional.

This article tries to explore the chronicity of the Malian crisis (2012-2015) in the light of the country's historical past. France's management of this situation requires a modern communication strategy that combines the humanitarian dimension with military experience. The aim is to present the military passage to the media as one of the elements of a more ambitious and noble peaceful ambition, such as to steal the rescue of a friend in difficulty. The Malian crisis, like other African crises such as Darfur, has its roots in the long term history. This record of historicity and the recurrence of 'ethnic' clashes, over a long period of time, are typical elements of complex and lasting crises. The author draws on the work of Edgar Morin to characterise the Malian issue as the paradigm of the complex and chronic crisis. This is an 'endemic' outbreak — paradoxical model of permanent convulsion. The cessation of military embrasment and armed hostilities does not correspond to a real fire extinguishment or genuine peace agreements, but to precarious and fragile peaceful solutions that can ignite again. This paper is an attempt to explore the chronic dimension of the crisis in Mali (2012-2015) raising the past and the History of this country. The French way to handle the situation foster a modern communication strategy associating the humanitarian dimension to the military experience. The military adventure was presented to the media as a limited element of a wider and more noble and peaceful ambition like assisting a friendly country in trouble. The war in Mali, like in others African crises, such as Darfur, has its roots causes in the long term history. This category of temporality added up with ethnic confrontations, on long period of time, are typical of what we can consider a complex and sustainable crisis. It is inspired by Edgar Morin to distinguish the crisis in Mali as a paradigm of a complex and chronic crisis. It is a question of Endemic Blaze (Outburst) -a paradox model of permanent convulsion (SPASM). The ...

The photographs displayed on this issue of Dixit were originally used to illustrate the daily news coverage and as such delivered by Guatemalan photographer Sandra Sebastián to the press in her country. Before her lens incidents from everyday life and politics mingle and alternate with the violent episodes that have characteristically set the press agenda during the last fifty years. Since the peace agreement of 1996 put an end to 36 years of civil war resulting in 200000 thousand dead, 45000 missing people and about 100000 displaced people, Guatemala has been undergoing a postwar period.A graduate in journalism from two universities (San Carlos de Guatemala and Panamericana) who is a Master in Visual Anthropology from the University of Barcelona, Sandra Sebastián has exhibited her work in Guatemala and the United States, has published her photographs in books and reviews both in and outside Guatemala, and has received several awards. At present she is a photo-journalist and an editor of Plaza Pública (www.plazapublica.com.gt). ; Graduada en Periodismo por las universidades San Carlos de Guatemala y Panamericana, y máster en Antropología Visual por la Universidad de Barcelona, Sandra Sebastián ha expuesto su obra en Guatemala y Estados Unidos, la ha publicado en libros y revistas guatemaltecos y extranjeros y ha obtenido numerosos reconocimientos. Actualmente es fotoperiodista y editora en Plaza Pública (www.plazapublica.com.gt).Las fotografías que se presentan en este número de Dixit nacen en las coberturas de noticias que a diario la fotógrafa guatemalteca Sandra Sebastián realiza para la prensa de su país. Hechos de la vida cotidiana y la política se mezclan en el lente de esta fotógrafa con la violencia que desde hace más de medio siglo marca la agenda periodística nacional. Guatemala vive un período de posguerra desde 1996, cuando la firma de un acuerdo de paz puso fin a 36 años de conflicto armado interno que dejaron un saldo de 200 mil muertos, 45 mil desaparecidos y cerca de 100 mil desplazados.

In the late 1970s and early 1980s, Guatemala, El Salvador and Nicaragua underwent a series of internal conflicts, largely as a result of economic and social inequalities and repressive political regimes, fueled by the policies of the two main superpowers at the time. Since 1996 when the peace agreements were signed the presence of private security companies in Guatemala has increased significantly, given the climate of insecurity and demand for protection by society at large. The provision of security by the private sector is challenging the state's role as the main actor responsable for the security and safety of citizens and the protection of their assets. In the absence of an efficient legal system or regulatory structure, these private sector activities raise issues of legality, legitimacy, and accountability in the area of security policy. This paper seeks to analyze the state of control and supervision of the private sector in the field of public security in Guatemala. ; A finales de los años setenta y principios de los ochenta, Guatemala, El Salvador y Nicaragua fueron escenario de una serie de conflictos internos, en gran parte como resultado de las desigualdades económicas y sociales, y de regímenes políticos represivos, alimentados por las políticas de las grandes superpotencias de la época. Después de la firma de los acuerdos de paz en 1996, la presencia de empresas de seguridad privada en Guatemala se ha incrementado en forma significativa en relación con el ambiente de inseguridad y la demanda de protección por parte de la sociedad en general. La prestación del servicio de seguridad por el sector privado constituye un reto al papel del Estado como protagonista principal de los asuntos de salvaguardia y garante del amparo físico y patrimonial de los ciudadanos. En ausencia de un sistema legal eficiente o de una estructura regulatoria, estas actividades del sector privado plantean el tema de la legalidad, legitimidad y entrega de cuentas en la esfera de la política de seguridad. Este ensayo tiene como objetivo analizar el estado del control y la supervisión del sector privado en el ámbito de la seguridad pública de Guatemala.

ambién nos contaron que habían encontrado gentes nacidas en tierras lejanas y queaunque hablaban en otras lenguas o con otro modo eran como hermanos, pues teníansentimientos nobles y estaban dispuestos a darnos apoyo y acompañarnos … Asísurgieron los lazos de lucha que hermanan y fortalecen, supimos de los acompañantesy aprendimos que la solidaridad es una fuerza que acerca a las gentes, acorta distanciasy permite compartir penas, esfuerzos, logros, sueños y esperanzas…« Sentires», fragmento de relato inédito de Mario Domínguez

RESUMEN
A partir de una etnografía reflexiva, se prioriza sobre una participación política que ha trascendido hasta hoy por la organización y resistencia durante el conflicto armado interno de Guatemala. Es el caso de personas originarias de las Comunidades de Población en Resistencia, CPR, del Ixcán que han intervenido activamente en los procesos políticos de su municipio, debido en parte a una nueva identidad que emergió y creció con el lema «Resistencia para Avanzar». Apostaron por la organización y por una política activa que, con los Acuerdos de Paz y con proyectos estratégicos de descentralización política, participan en alcaldías municipales apoyándose en las experiencias de organización comunitaria aprendidas durante el conflicto armado interno. Así surgió una nueva cultura política que desde las masacres crea esperanza al pueblo indígena y a la sociedad.

ABSTRACT
On the basis of reflexive ethnography, the author focuses on the political participation that has taken place to date as a result of the organization and resistance during the internal armed conflict in Guatemala. This is the case of the people from the Ixcán CPRs who have actively intervened in the political processes in their municipality, partly due to their new identity that emerged and expanded as a result of the motto, «Progress through Resistance». They committed themselves to organization and active politics. As a result of the Peace Agreements and through the strategic projects of political decentralization, they participated in municipal town councils, using their experience in community organization from the internal armed conflict. And so a new political culture arose as result of the massacres, creating hope for indigenous people and society.

Quillín (Quilleñ en mapudungun) está asociado a uno de los momentos cruciales de la historia de las relaciones interétnicas en el extremo sur de Hispanoamérica. La paz acordada entre los españoles y parcialidades de araucanos en un parlamento (término utilizado por los españoles) se celebró a comienzos de enero de 1641 a orillas del río Quilleñ. Para la historiografía en general, se inició así un largo proceso de pacificación de la Araucanía – que pudo haber tenido algunos episodios de levantamientos como el de 1655 – pero que, en términos generales, fue sucedido por otros parlamentos que terminarían llevando a la integración del mapuche al Estado chileno. Recientemente, Quillín ha sido incluso interpretado como símbolo de la vocación de entendimiento del mapuche con las autoridades estatales. En este trabajo, Quillín se valora dentro de las tradicionales ceremonias precolombinas (coyagu o koyagtun) destinadas a la resolución de conflictos inter-tribales y como respuesta a una crisis ambiental severa. ; Quillín (Quilleñ in mapudungun) has been referred to a crucial moment in the history of the interethnic relationships in the southern tip of Hispanic America. The peace agreement between Araucanian tribes and the Spaniards in a so-called "parliament" by the Spanish documents was held in the early January 1641 by the Quilleñ River. The historiography in general has usually underlined that this parliament was the first step in the pacification of the Araucania, which even when it had some episodes of violence such as the rebellion in 1655, it was nevertheless the first in a series of parliaments that eventually led to the integration of the Mapuche into the mainstream of the Chilean society. Recently, Quillín has even been described as a symbol of the Mapuche vocation for peaceful understandings with the State´s authority. In the present work, Quillin is evaluated as a pre-Columbian ceremony (coyagu or koyagtun) routinely held to solve inter-tribal conflicts and also as a strategy to deal with a severe environmental crisis. ; Fil: Gascon, Margarita Susana. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Mendoza. Instituto de Ciencias Humanas, Sociales y Ambientales; Argentina

The rise of the new Intifada & the deepening of the violence is the result of the frustration among wide sectors of the Palestinian population due to the lack of significant progress in the peace process & the persistence of the Israeli occupation. The origin of the new Intifada has been attributed to Ariel Sharon's visit to the Mesquites Square in 2000. The al-Aqsa Intifida expresses the will of an entire population to exercise its right to self-determination before the Israeli occupation. As the author points out, during almost 30 years, the international consensus on reaching peace in Middle East was based on the Israeli retreat from internationally recognized borders in exchange for guaranteed security from its Arab neighbors, the establishment of an independent Palestinian State & a special agreement which would allow shared sovereignty over Jerusalem as well as a just solution to the Palestinian refugee problem. All of these issues remain unresolved. Adapted from the source document.

El acuerdo del cese bilateral del fuego con las FARC, y la inminencia de la firma de un acuerdo final, constituyen una oportunidad irrepetible para que Colombia asuma cambios definitivos en el funcionamiento de su democracia. El surgimiento de las guerrillas hace un poco más de 50 años obedeció a múltiples causas sociales, económicas y políticas, que en buena parte subsisten en el campo colombiano. ; The agreement of bilateral ceasefire with the FARC, and the imminent signing of a final agreement, constitute a unique for Colombia assume definite changes in the functioning of its democracy chance. The emergence of the guerrillas a little over 50 years ago due to multiple social, economic and political causes, which largely remain in the Colombian countryside.

The post conflict in Colombia is the period of time that began with the agreement signed in 2016 between the government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC-EP) where it is agreed the cessation of the armed conflict and the establishment of a stable and lasting peace. The objective of this paper is to perform a tweets analysis of feelings and opinions from the social network Twitter related to the Colombian post conflict, which has become a widely debated topic in the world. 250 tweets of Colombians and 250 tweets of Foreigners were collected. The feelings of Foreigners were considered to analyze the public perception that other people have different to Colombians. A comparative analysis was developed; the results of the Colombians were significantly different from Foreigners. The tweets of Foreigners have more positive feelings compared to the Colombians tweets. In comparison with the proportion of tweets with positive feelings of Foreigners, 60%, the percentage of Colombians tweets is only 20%.