Suchergebnisse

Local governmental and non-governmental organisations (NVO) collaboration basis is the aim to build effective collaboration device for local governmental institutions (municipality administrations, municipality councils and members of political parties) and for NVO representatives. Both NVO activity and its role are very important and relevant in government's existance. This sector's organisations help to reveal society's interests, aims, needs and intentions. In order to provide fluent social services' distribution the communication between public and third sector is crucial. Society's problem solution for only governmental organisations is quite complicated, therefore there is a need for NVO social services' approach, only working together an effective result can be obtained. The topic analysed in this thesis is relevant because citizens' attendance in the administration of a state is one of the most important features for democratic, free and honest society, hence at the same time causing problems and discussions on the ideological and scientific levels, as well as practical application of participation as a whole.

This Study aims to determine the effect of affirmative action on the electability of female candidate which has been regulated by our constitution by providing a 30% quote in the list of permanent Candidate for the 2019 general election in Denpasar. This study also aims to provide an overview of the representation of women as election organizers. The methodology used in this study is a qualitative descriptive method. The data collection technique used is observation and documentation sourced from The Denpasar General Election Commission secondary data. After the data is collected data analysis is carried out which include data reduction, data presentation and data verification. From the result of study was found that all political parties participating in the General Election in Denpasar have included at least 30% of their female candidates in each electoral district, but only 2 candidates out of 45 available quotas in parliament. Thus, the author concludes that the affirmative action in the 2019 election does not have a significant effect on the substantially electability of female candidates.

The Indonesian Constitutional Court was formed based on the Amendment to the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. The Constitutional Court in giving decisions must be implemented and obeyed in general (erge omnes). However, there are still state officials who do not implement the Constitutional Court decisions. Based on the 2019 academic report issued by the Faculty of Law, Trisakti University, 22 percent did not carry out the decisions ordered by the Constitutional Court. The research method used by the author is normative juridical using library materials. There is a Constitutional Court Ruling that cannot be implemented, namely the imposition of Article 335 of the Criminal Code with an unpleasant phrase. Based on this, the provision has no binding law. The factor of the inability to implement the Constitutional Court decision is that there is no executing institution and support from political parties. It can be summarized that there is a need for an executor and given a clear time statement.

In the last few years, the issue surrounding climate change has begun to gain lots of traction globally. The 2019 federal election was a testament to its relevance in Canada, as most political parties pushed their agendas forward to tackle the issue. Plans have typically revolved around large spending promises, with little regards to the methods of financing these initiatives. Canada's federal deficit is on the rise, and with the ongoing pandemic, the nation is approaching another debt crisis. A possible solution to the capital crunch could come in the form of a Sovereign Wealth Fund. The purpose of the fund would be to pool Canada's natural resource profits into a fund in order to pivot the economy away from the heavy emitting sectors. The transition would encourage development in other areas, including clean energy, in an effort to reduce dependency on non renewable resources. Exploring the examples of Norway and Kuwait, Canada could model a similar strategy to improve environmental conditions, while simultaneously reducing the debt burden.

This paper examines the Judges' Considerations in the Supreme Court's Decision Number 57/P/HUM/2019 regarding the replacement between the time the elected candidate dies based on the General Election Commission and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle. As well as analyzing the contents of the Supreme Court's Decision Related to the Interim Replacement Polemic. The method used is a normative legal research method with a statutory approach and a conceptual approach. The results show that there are implications regarding Decision Number 57/P/HUM/2019 due to the confusion of meaning in the Supreme Court's Decision so that there are multiple interpretations for the applicant and the respondent. Then, regarding the interim replacement mechanism, which basically has the right to nominate a replacement candidate from time to time, political parties have been ruled out by the general election commission because the proposal is against the law. Then the interim replacement candidate is based on the determination of the general election commission based on the provisions in the UUMD3.

The movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD) was launched against the then military dictatorship in Pakistan in the 1980s. This paper is an attempt to present a historical sketch of the movement and also to discuss the role of the Left in that movement. The study considers those political parties as 'Left' which were following Socialist/Communist ideology, based in Sindh, province of Pakistan, specifically Awami Tehrik, a Marxist-Leninist-Moist party, and the Communist Party of Pakistan. This research is based on relevant literature, especially jail diaries and conducting interviews with victims of Communist Case registered by then military regime against communist leaders. The research addresses the events and mass movements launched by the Left in order to strengthen the movement for the restoration of democracy. Moreover, this paper shows how the Left converted a movement for the restoration of democracy into a great mass movement against the then military dictatorship. Key Words: Communist case, democracy, left, military dictatorship, movement for restoration of democracy, Pakistan, Sindh.

In recent years, the Bundestag election system has turned into a permanent construction site . This is owed to the Supreme Constitutional Court (BVerfG) having ruled on the effect of negative voting weight and overhang seats and has led to the Federal Electoral Law (BWG) being changed a few times . When Norbert Lammert was President of the Bundestag he had already encouraged a reform to decrease the size of the Bundestag . Meanwhile the last reform is much more restrained than many political parties had required it to be and it is not clear whether the 20th Bundestag will decrease in size . Based on surveys, the next Bundestag could increase to an even higher number than today's 709 seats . The Bundestag will probably once again have to take further action to decrease the number of seats . The new proposal presented here prevents another increase of the Bundestag and guarantees at the same time that every region is represented at least by one Member of Parliament .

In the dominant imaginaire, Indira Gandhi is often portrayed as an absolutist dictator who eliminated free speech, dissent, and liberty. This view, in writing off agency on the part of the rest of the nation, omits mention of the role that a motley coalition of classes and political parties on the one hand, and an ambivalent as well as divided opposition on the other, played in legitimising the Emergency. Contemporary accounts also present a romantic view of the underground – here agency is overdetermined – overlooking its chaotic nature and marginal influence to weave the narrative of a successful democratic movement eventually displacing an autocratic premier in 1977. A more revisionist repertoire, especially popular among Mrs Gandhi's apologists, describes the Emergency as a social revolution that promoted progressive policies. The Emergency was in fact a far more complex phenomenon. Certainly, it was postcolonial India's first experiment with authoritarianism. But of what kind? And how may we explain its establishment as well as its place in India's history?

Foreign interference has become a major security threat for democracies. The European Union (EU) provides no exception and, in the last few years, has significantly stepped up its efforts to counter this threat. A specific type of foreign interference is the foreign funding of political parties. At the national level, regulations banning or limiting foreign funding are currently in place in most member states, but there is still significant variation across them. At the EU level, the recent reforms of the regulation on the funding of the Europarties and their associated foundations have banned contributions from abroad. Notwithstanding such welcome changes to party regulations, cases of foreign funding are still being reported in several member states, with foreign actors exploiting regulatory loopholes to channel funds or provide other types of support. To tackle this issue more effectively, regulatory convergence at the national level should be promoted, the transparency of party accounts should be enhanced, and the monitoring and sanctioning powers of the relevant control authorities strengthened.

El estudio del discurso en los dispositivos digitales nos está obligando a cambios metodológicos importantes. En este artículo se demuestra el interés de incorporar estrategias cuantitativas a un ámbito de análisis tradicionalmente cualitativo, como es el análisis crítico del discurso. Se presenta para ello el estudio del uso del término "democracia" en las cuentas de Twitter de los principales partidos políticos en España. Llegamos en él a la interpretación que cada partido le da a este concepto a partir de las frecuencias de aparición en el corpus ; The study of the language used on the Internet requires important methodological changes. This article shows the usefulness of integrating quantitative strategies in a traditionally qualitative field: Critical Discourse Analysis. We do it by analysing the term "democracy" as used in the Twitter accounts of the main political parties of Spain. We describe how each party understands this concept taking as a starting point the co-occurrences of this word with other concepts in the corpus

Purpose: The current inter-tribal conflict and economic crisis have impacted all aspects of life in Yemen, especially hampered the development of education. This study focuses the inter-tribal conflict effects on the development of education Approach: This is achieved by collecting data applying qualitative tools of data collection. The data was collected from the students, teachers and tribal elders in Aden and Taiz through in-depth interview and focused group discussion. The data analyzed in the light of different themes derived from the primary data Findings: The results indicated that the intertribal conflict has significantly affected the education infrastructure. Moreover, we found that inter-tribal conflict hampered the process of the development. More importantly, the educated people left the county and the government and people are not investing in the educational sector Implications/Originality/Value: For the development of (education in) Yemen, all the political parties in the nation and regional and international communities must show more responsibility and commitment towards the current and future generations of Yemen and the world. ‎

The study is intended to provide novel insights into the adaptation of new members of parliament to a working environment that differs in many ways from more traditional workplaces. The study is based on semi-structured interviews with 16 first-term members of the Icelandic parliament, the Althingi, after two years' experience following their election in 2013. The findings show that learning to become active members of parliament is primarily an informal and disorganised process driven by the newcomers themselves. Little formal on-the-job training is available. Two years into their term, the interviewees felt they were still learning and adapting to the rules and norms. New MPs' performance seems to depend on several factors, including how active they are in the learning process and how successfully they manage to build relationships with colleagues and find informal mentors, who in some cases belong to different political parties. The data limits the inclusion of contextual factors potentially influencing the MPs socialisation process.

Abundant evidence exists of the low electoral turnout of indigenous people. Among the reasons that explain this result are the weakness of political parties in representing indigenous people, the economic circumstances of ethnic minorities, and their experiences of discrimination. In general, these findings are based on analyses of national elections, and it is unclear if they hold equally at the subnational level. This study of the Mapuche ethnic group in Chile analyzed the electoral turnout in Chile's 345 municipalities for the national elections of 2013 and 2017 and the subnational elections of 2012 and 2016. The study found the following. First, the electoral turnout in municipalities with the highest concentration of Mapuche is above the average for subnational elections and comparable to the average for national elections. Second, the electoral turnout in these municipalities increases in those subnational elections in which candidates with Mapuche surnames compete. Third, the electoral turnout increases even more in those municipalities in which Mapuche mayoral candidates win in subnational elections.

Pluralist norms, which prescribe certain attitudes of openness and mutual respect for diverging views, have long been considered a central pillar of liberal democracy. While democratic theorists have championed these values, they have been conflicted as to the capacity of political parties to carry them. Partisanship is widely recognized as an essential institution of democratic regimes but it has also been traditionally associated with intransigence rather than tolerance. This paper investigates this theoretical debate from an empirical standpoint, asking whether partisans can be carriers of pluralist values. It relies on focus-group methodology and software-assisted textual analysis to evaluate the extent to which the discourse of 117 party members in two different national contexts, France and Hungary, resonates with the pluralist worldview. The results of this study provide key empirical insights into the nature of partisanship, demonstrating wide variations in the extent to which partisans uphold pluralist principles, but also their capacity to do so at a stringent level.

In a world of having large part suffering from the inadequacies of basic needs and inter-class and inter-regional income disparities, investing upon the development of different social sectors from the state exchequers have been one of the top agendas of the policymakers. It is not a different issue for the states and provinces of the developing countries like India. Besides having positive roles on economic betterment, spending on social expenditures sometimes work in favour of the ruling political parties to gain confidence from the voters. The states thus compete in this area. Under this background, the present study attempts to examine whether the states of India are converging in social sector's expenditure for the period 1980–81 to 2017–18. Applying the neoclassical growth and panel unit roots models the study observes unambiguously that there are absolute and conditional β convergence and σ convergence in per capita social expenditure among the states. JEL Classification: H72, O470, C23, O530