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Frente Farabundo Martí Para la Liberación Nacional (FMLN) was a Marxist guerrilla group, known for its activities in the 1980s and 1990s to seize El Salvador's government through war. Post-peace accords, FMLN transformed into an electoral political party and successfully won to lead the government of El Salvador in 2009-2019, but then they compromised their economic policies to suit neoliberalism. This article uses Gill and Law's conceptualisation of the theory of direct and structural power of capital to explain the causes of FMLN's neoliberalism-compromising economic policy adjustment in 2009-2019. This article finds that El Salvador's social and political-economy historical dynamics, which were dominated by the bourgeoisie class since Spain's colonisation, strengthened transnational capitalists and enabled them to directly penetrate El Salvador's economy by forming and intervening in political parties, along with dominating the bureaucracy. The combination of these factors caused transnational capitalists to encourage neoliberal reforms which supported the development of the structural power: deindustrialisation, deagrarianisation, and decapitalisation; El Salvador's economic dependency; dollarisation; and the hegemony of neoliberalism discourses. This article argues that FMLN regime's economic moderation is caused by the El Salvador bourgeoisies' strengthened position after neoliberal reforms, allowing them to determine FMLN's policies through their direct and structural power.

The paper aims to prove that political compromise may create legal antagonisms, paradoxes and strengthen the influence of elite-oligarchy. The paper is based on the theory that the concept of consensus in the context of the political system is closely related to the Indonesian cultural democracy. However, in the implementation, there is an underlying principle of checks and balances as a systemic guarantee, so that democracy is not merely a tool of 'killing ground of freedom' to manipulate the essence of democracy itself, in particular, by the dominant forces of the elite and the oligarchy. Through the socio-historical method (empirical approach), this paper examined the emergence of the phenomenon of antagonism and paradox of regulatory formulation, such as the revision of the Bill for Eradicating Corruption which weakens anti-corruption institutions, Corruption Eradication Commission, to the creation of Omnibus Law, which is considered to make labors structurally marginalized. The investigation discovered that those legal products are distorted and should be originally created to achieve the benefit and interest of society at large. In contrast, they are falsified and manipulated under the banner of 'consensus' democracy steered by the limited elite-oligarchy of the Political Parties.

This paper employs a descriptive case study method to analyze and critically review the emergence of the provincial poverty reduction strategy in Ontario, Canada which was implemented in 2008 and renewed in 2014. The purpose of this study is two-fold: first, it defines the principles of neoliberalism and explores the historical growth of neoliberal thought in Canada, and specifically within Ontario, beginning in the 1980s to the present-day. Drawing on a combination of primary, secondary and grey literature, this paper discusses the ways in which neoliberal ideologies and rhetoric became deeply rooted in political thought and discourse within the province. Employing a critical theory framework, the paper highlights the contrasting ways in which neoliberal values were adopted by the different political parties in power and the detrimental impact this espousal had on individuals living in poverty within Ontario. Second, the paper illustrates the powerful ways in which anti-poverty grassroots movements and social advocacy groups assembled to push for the creation of a provincial poverty reduction strategy. The analysis ends with a critique of the neoliberal influences on the strategy's recommendations and the future outlook of the poverty reduction strategy based on the current political climate within the province.

This article aims at exploring a case of information crisis in Italy through the lens of vaccination-related topics. Such a controversial issue, dividing public opinion and political agendas, has received diverse information coverage and public policies over time in the Italian context, whose situation appears quite unique compared with other countries because of a strong media spectacularization and politicization of the topic. In particular, approval of the "Lorenzin Decree," increasing the number of mandatory vaccinations from 4 to 10, generated a nationwide debate that divided public opinion and political parties, triggering a complex informative crisis and fostering the perception of a social emergency on social media. This resulted in negative stress on lay publics and on the public health system. The study adopted an interdisciplinary framework, including political science, public relations, and health communication studies, as well as a mixed-method approach, combining data mining techniques related to news media coverage and social media engagement, with in-depth interviews to key experts, selected among researchers, journalists, and communication managers. The article investigates reasons for the information crisis and identifies possible solutions and interventions to improve the effectiveness of public health communication and mitigate the social consequences of misinformation around vaccination.

Broken campaign promises challenge the sanctity of the electoral process in Nigeria. Six decades after political independence and six electoral cycles in the last two decades of the Fourth Republic, there are inadequate legal frameworks and a lack of political will to change the narrative. Ambushing the voters with plans of action on the eve of every election remains a constant ritual to legitimise party campaigns in both digital media and at heavily mobilised rallies, often with limited substance. The general purpose of this study is twofold. First, to provide analysis of campaign communication and the extent to which it influences the participation of citizens in the electoral process. Second, to investigate the electorate's understanding of policy issues inherent in the 2019 election manifestos of the two dominant political parties, All Progressive Congress (APC) and People's Democratic Party (PDP), and how other elements shape perception and trust in elected representatives/ government. The research design relies on sample surveys and in­depth interviews, and seeks to identify, within the context of an electoral cycle, why conversations between public office seekers and voters do not translate into a concrete social contract or generate time­bound inclusive policies.

This article explores the complex role of political ideologies in everyday politics and for urban middle-class Bangladeshis' evaluation of political parties. Drawing on long-term ethnographic research and, more specifically, conversations and contentions around the removal of 'Lady Justice' from the front of the Supreme Court of Bangladesh in 2017, I show that although the Awami League continues to be considered a 'secular party', many people do not believe that the Awami League is implementing secular policy and criticise it for what they perceive as 'hypocrisy'. I argue that this seemingly paradoxical situation can be explained by a political structure that is marked by high factionalism and party competition. Data from research among politicians and the left-leaning, so-called 'culturally-minded' milieu in Sylhet, shows that certain segments of the educated middle class acknowledge the pragmatic realities of politics and do not expect the Awami League to act 'progressively'. Nonetheless, they continue to position the party's 'progressive' and 'secular' ideological basis as a primary reason for supporting the party. The article thus contributes to a deeper understanding of contemporary popular and elite practices and perceptions of party politics, democracy, and what might be labelled the 'party-state effect'.

This article aims at exploring a case of information crisis in Italy through the lens of vaccination-related topics. Such a controversial issue, dividing public opinion and political agendas, has received diverse information coverage and public policies over time in the Italian context, whose situation appears quite unique compared with other countries because of a strong media spectacularization and politicization of the topic. In particular, approval of the "Lorenzin Decree," increasing the number of mandatory vaccinations from 4 to 10, generated a nationwide debate that divided public opinion and political parties, triggering a complex informative crisis and fostering the perception of a social emergency on social media. This resulted in negative stress on lay publics and on the public health system. The study adopted an interdisciplinary framework, including political science, public relations, and health communication studies, as well as a mixed-method approach, combining data mining techniques related to news media coverage and social media engagement, with in-depth interviews to key experts, selected among researchers, journalists, and communication managers. The article investigates reasons for the information crisis and identifies possible solutions and interventions to improve the effectiveness of public health communication and mitigate the social consequences of misinformation around vaccination.

The main problem of this research is that there is no firmness regarding the diction of individual words in the Constitution which is useful as a condition for nominating Regional Representative Council or Dewan Perwakilan Daerah (DPD) membership. This indecisiveness has led to the composition of DPD membership being dominated by members of political parties. This journal aims to explore the meaning of the diction of words contained in the 1945 NRI Constitution, namely "Individual" which is clearly written in Article 22E paragraph (4) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia after the Constitutional Court Decision No30/PUU-XVI/2018. The meaning of the term "individual" in this article will determine the conditions for nominating members of the DPD so that they are more in line with the objectives of establishing the institution. This journal uses a statutory approach and a historical approach. The results of this discussion show that the original intense definition concluded by the author regarding the word "individual" in the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia after the Constitutional Court Decision has the following meaning: an individual who does not have a political party background or political party management and really understands his / her region.

This study aims to reveal social prophetic values in the principles of political ethics in Indonesia. This research is a qualitative research in the form of literature review. This type of legal research is normative legal research with a philosophical approach. The primary data source of this research is the text of the code of ethics of politicians and political parties. Meanwhile, secondary data sources use various scientific studies that are relevant to the object of discussion. The analytical theory approach used is Kuntowijoyo's social prophetic paradigm theory. This study concludes that the various principles of political ethics in Indonesia are parallel with the values of humanization, liberation and transcendence. First, the principle of public benefit is parallel to the teachings of ukhuwah insaniyah and ta'awun insani. Second, the principle of honesty is parallel to the nature of shiddiq. Third, the principles of integrity and professionalism are parallel to the teachings of the khaira ummah, justice, deliberation, ulul albab, Imamat, and tauhid which are liberating. Fourth, the principle of accountability parallel with amanah. Fifth, this principle of justice is parallel to the universal teaching of Islam in the form of al-adalah.

The article is devoted to intra-party relations from the point of view of main theories of political elite. Genesis of elite concepts is analyzed. Determined that political parties as any other social system is prone to oligarchization of its structure. In the article options for democratization of inter-party cooperation are indicated. Noted that from the position of theory of elite inner-party interaction is an important factor of democratization of party activities and of entire political system of the country. ; Статья посвящена исследованию внутрипартийных отношений с позиции основных политических теорий элит. Проанализирован генезис элитарных концепций. Определено, что политические партии, как и любая другая социальная система, склонны к олигархизации своей структуры. В статье указаны возможные варианты демократизации внутрипартийного взаимодействия. Отмечено, что с позиции теории элит внутрипартийное взаимодействие выступает важным фактором демократизации партийной деятельности и всей политической системы страны. ; Статтю присвячено дослідженню внутрішньопартійних відносин з позиції основних теорій політичних еліт. Проаналізовано ґенезу елітарних концепцій. Визначено що політичні партії, як і будь яка інша соціальна система, схильні до олігархізації її структури. У статті зазначено можливі варіанти демократизації внутрішньопартійної взаємодії. Зазначено що з позиції теорії еліт внутрішньопартійна взаємодія виступає важливим фактором демократизації партійної діяльності та усієї політичної системи країни.

AbstractWhy do citizens elect political actors who have perpetrated violence against the civilian population? Despite their use of atrocities, political parties with deep roots in the belligerent organizations of the past win postwar democratic elections in countries around the world. This article uses new, cross-national data on postwar elections globally between 1970 and 2010, as well as voting, survey, archival, and interview data from El Salvador. It finds that belligerents' varied electoral success after wars can be explained not by their wartime levels of violence or use of electoral coercion, but by the distribution of military power at the end of conflict. It argues that militarily stronger belligerents are able to claim credit for peace, which translates into a reputation for competence on the provision of security. This enables them to own the security valence issue, which tends to crosscut cleavages, and to appeal to swing voters. The stronger belligerents' provision of security serves to offset and justify their use of atrocities, rendering their election rational. This article sheds light on political life after episodes of violence. It also contributes to understanding security voting and offers insights into why people vote in seemingly counterintuitive ways.

Abstract:An international consensus on the content of domestic constitutional law has structural 'rights'-related components. The former requires roughly democratic systems for choosing representatives/executives. The consensus favours some forms of judicialised constitutional review, though the precise form is open to choice. The rights component includes a standard list of 'core' civil rights, including in this category equality along a number of dimensions – though not class or income. The rights-component is fundamentally neo-liberal. This is clearest in connection with 'second generation' social and economic rights, which – the consensus holds – can be recognised in a constitution but should not be vigorously enforceable (in systems where there is judicial enforcement of constitutional rights). The rights of free expression and political association must be specified in ways that allow political challenges to be mounted against efforts – including legislative programmes of political parties that control governments – to resist the neo-liberal policy agenda. Departures from this consensus are described as departures, not from 'neo-liberal' or even 'liberal' constitutionalism, but as departures from constitutionalism as such. We could 'thin down' the idea of constitutionalism quite a bit without abandoning constitutionalism's core commitment to avoiding arbitrary government action.

Since the beginning of the provincial election in the early twentieth century, 'caste' has been a 'political issue' in India. It transformed into a matter of serious political contradiction when the 'reservation' was introduced in India. After the independence of India, in all provincial and parliamentary elections starting from to 1952 till date, organized political parties have further contributed to the 'process of politicization of caste'. Truly speaking, caste is now a 'determinant factor' for formation of the union government. This trend has been equally detected in certain provinces of India especially where the Scheduled Castes (SCs) have substantial concentration. West Bengal, with 21,463,270 SC population (i.e., 23.5% of the state's population), has been experiencing caste politics since 1952. However, the SCs of this state have been used in electoral politics merely as 'voters'. They were controlled by the 'Rights', till 1962. The period from 1962 to 1976 was a transitional phase from the 'Rights' to 'Lefts'. The 'Lefts' established their control over the SCs in 1977. However, re-emergence of the 'Rights' (particularly of the All India Trinamool Congress [AITMC]) in 2011 has transformed the SCs as the 'puppet dancers' under the direction of the 'Rights'.

Theories which focus on the role of values in shaping individual attitudes towards immigrants, are particularly relevant in the context of the immigrant wave in Europe in recent years. Despite the increased interest in the challenges posed by immigration, research on the relationship between Bulgarians' values and their attitude towards immigrants is currently lacking in Bulgarian scientific literature. This publication presents the results of two studies designed to help fill this gap. The first one is a nationally representative sociological survey conducted by a team at the Institute for the Study of Societies and Knowledge, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences in November 2017. The second examines the dependencies between the values of party members in Bulgaria, their ideological and political orientation, and their attitudes towards immigrants. It continues at the moment, so preliminary results of 60 in–depth interviews with members of left, right, nationalist and liberal political parties are presented. The main conclusions from the study of party members demonstrate a strong dependence of attitudes towards immigrants on political affiliation and an insignificant one on individual values. The representative study largely confirms the hypotheses about the relationship between some of the value categories of Schwarz's theoretical model and attitudes towards immigrants.