Suchergebnisse

Pierluigi Paggiaro,1 Simona Barbaglia,2 Stefano Centanni,3,4 Davide Croce,5 Enrico Desideri,6 Saffi Giustini,7,8 Claudio Micheletto,9 Antonino Musarra,10 Nicola Scichilone,11 Ugo Trama,12 Maria Teresa Zedda,7,13 Giorgio Walter Canonica14 1Department of Surgery, Medicine, Molecular Biology, and Critical Care, University of Pisa, Pisa, Italy; 2Associazione Nazionale Pazienti "Respiriamo Insieme", Padova, Italy; 3Department of Health Sciences, Università degli Studi di Milano, Milan, Italy; 4Respiratory Unit, ASST Santi Paolo e Carlo, Milan, Italy; 5Center for Health Economics, Social and Health Care Management, LIUC-Università Cattaneo, Castellanza, Italy; 6Fondazione Innovazione e Sicurezza in Sanità, Rome, Italy; 7Italian General Practitioners' Association "SIMG", Florence, Italy; 8Local Health Unit of Montale, Pistoia, Italy; 9Cardio-Thoracic Department, Respiratory Unit, Integrated University Hospital, Verona, Italy; 10Allergy Unit, National Healthcare System, Reggio Calabria, Italy; 11Biomedical Department of Internal and Specialist Medicine, University of Palermo, Palermo, Italy; 12Dirigente UOD 06 Politica del Farmaco e Dispositivi, Naples, Italy; 13General Practice, Cagliari, Italy; 14Personalized Medicine Asthma & Allergy Clinic, Humanitas University and Research Hospital-IRCCS, Milan, ItalyCorrespondence: Pierluigi PaggiaroDepartment of Surgery, Medicine, Molecular Biology and Critical Care, University of Pisa, Via Paradisa No. 2, Pisa, 56124, ItalyTel +39 050 995365Fax +39 050 580124Email pierluigi.paggiaro@unipi.itIntroduction: People with severe asthma (SA) often have poor disease control and quality of life, and are at high risk of exacerbations, lung function decline and asthma-related death. The present expert opinion article aimed to identify unmet needs in the management of SA in Italy, and propose possible solutions to address these needs.Methods: At five multidisciplinary events in Italy, attendees identified factors that interfered with the effective management of SA and suggested how these barriers could be overcome. A core group of 12 Italian experts (pulmonologists, general practitioners, allergists, payers and patients) identified the main issues and proposed possible solutions based on the results from the meetings and relevant articles from the literature.Results and Conclusions: We reviewed the gap between real-world practice and guidelines, oral corticosteroid overuse, SA-related mortality, and barriers to effective SA treatment. Common themes were lack of awareness about SA among both patients and clinicians, and lack of networking/information exchange between those involved in the treatment of SA. Participants agreed on the need to implement patient education and create multidisciplinary groups of specialists to improve SA management through multidisciplinary educational initiatives, meetings with local experts, development of a flow chart for referral/connection with local experts and specialized centers. Clinical instruments that might help specialists improve SA management included referral networks, integrated care pathways, phenotyping and treatment algorithms, exacerbation tracking, and examination of electronic medical records for patients with uncontrolled asthma. The following actions need to be implemented in Italy: i) maximize the use of advanced therapies, eg, biologics; ii) increase/improve education for physicians and patients; iii) improve multidisciplinary communication and care coordination; iv) introduce regional and local protocols for SA diagnosis and treatment; and v) change the structure of healthcare services to reduce specialist waiting times and facilitate access to biologic therapies.Keywords: biologic therapy, expert opinion, oral corticosteroids, severe asthma, unmet needs

There are some factors that cause the low quality of Islamic education, ie. low quality human resource, globalization, democratization, and Islamic liberalization. Considering the causes, teachers are requested to be smarter in delivering proper and effective teaching method to overcome the low quality of Islamic education. Reward method is a method that observes students' behaviour and tries to correct it. One of the education institutions that is still emphasizing the application of reward method in its teaching-learning activity is Islamic boarding school Al-Amien Prenduan. Since its establishment in 1952, Al-Amien school implemented the reward method to treat students in order to be discipline. The reward is a response to positive behaviour while the punishment is the response of negative behaviour. Both treatments have purpose to change the behaviour of students to be better in studying. This research uses qualitative method and uses data collection techniques through observation and interview. The data analysis method that is used by the researcher is data reduction, data presentation, verification, and conclusion. The research results are: 1. Islamic boarding school Al-Amien Preduan has graduated thousands of students that most of them have contributed to the society in various ways including building and maintaining as many as 68 Islamic boarding schools that are scattered all around the country. 2. The role of reward method is very important in shaping discipline students. Even the success of this method is significantly dominant in forming the quality of the students in their study. It reaches as high as 80%. 3. Reward model can be in the form of verbal or nonverbal. Keywords: Reward, Quality Of Islamic Education ; Faktor-faktor penyebab rendahnya kualitas pendidikan Islam, yaitu; Kualitas SDM yang rendah, Globalisasi, Demokratisasi, dan Liberalisasi Islam. Untuk itu, guru dituntut lebih cerdas dalam mengemas metode yang tepat serta efektif untuk mengatasi rendahnya mutu pendidikan Islam di berbagai lini. Reward adalah metode yang melihat perilaku anak didik dan berusaha untuk memperbaikinya. Salah satu lembaga pendidikan yang masih mengedepankan metode reward dalam dalam pelaksanaan pembelajarannya adalah Pondok Pesantren Al-Amien Prenduan Madura Sejak berdirinya pada tahun 1952, Pondok Pesantren Al-Amien sangat mengedepankan metode reward sebagai sarana untuk menjadikan santri-santri yang disiplin dalam menimba ilmu. Pemberian reward merupakan respon yang positif, yang memiliki tujuan untuk merubah tingkah laku anak ke arah yang lebih baik dalam belajar. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif, dengan menggunakan teknik pengumpulan data melalui observasi, wawancara (interview). Teknik analisis data yang penulis gunakan adalah reduksi data, penyajian data, verifikasi dan penarikan kesimpulan. Hasil penelitiannya adalah,1. Pondok Pesantren Al-Amien Prenduan telah mengeluarkan beribu-ribu alumni yang sebagian besar sudah terjun ke tengah-tengah masyarakat dalam berbagai profesi, termasuk mendirikan dan membina pondok pesantren yang berjumlah kurang lebih 68 pesantren yang tersebar di seluruh nusantara. 2. Peranan metode reward sangat penting membentuk santri yang displin. Bahkan, bisa dikatakan keberhasilan metode ini sangat mendominasi dalam membentuk kualitas santri dalam belajar mencapai 80 %. 3. model reward bisa berbentuk verbal maupun non verbal. Kata Kunci: Reward, Mutu pendidikan Islam

Digitalization is one of the most essential components of modern globalization process. Today, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic, there are almost no areas left that are not being affected by modern information technologies. Digitalization has become the basis of transformational processes of the world economy, cultural development, political life, etc. The sphere of foreign policy activity is not an exception, using digital technologies in its work. The usage of modern digital technologies has led to the abrupt changes in the diplomatic sphere, changing the form of its work. The key players of the international relations system actively use resources of the information and communication technologies in their diplomatic work.The United States of America has become a pioneer in the application of the digital technologies into diplomacy. There are institutions at the state level that implement modern digital technologies into the country's foreign policy activities in order to achieve strategic interests and ensure the national security. The article analyzes trends in digitalization of the Public Diplomacy in the United States of America under the Trump administration. The main mechanisms and platforms for using modern information and communication technologies are described. It is proved that under the presidency of Trump's digitalization of US public diplomacy has been taking place at a significant pace. The main directions of application of modern digital technologies in the field of US public diplomacy are traced. The role of the so-called «New Media» in the foreign policy activities of the Trump administration is studied. The paper proves that Donald Tramp had a peculiar way of communication using the social network Twitter, which often contradicted the activities of other high-ranking US officials and, in some places, did not coincide with the declared the foreign policy course of the state. ; Діджиталізація є одним із найбільш важливих складників сучасних глобалізаційних процесів. На сьогодні, особливо в часи пандемії COVID-19, майже не залишилося сфер, на які б не здійснювали вплив сучасні інформаційні технології. Діджиталізація стала основою трансформаційних процесів економіки, світового господарства, культурного розвитку, політичного життя та ін. Сфера зовнішньополітичної діяльності не є винятком, застосовуючи цифрові технології у своїй роботі. Використання засобів сучасних цифрових технологій призвело до разючих змін у дипломатичній сфері, змінивши форми її роботи. Провідні гравці системи міжнародних відносин активно послуговуються засобами інформаційно-комунікаційних технологій у дипломатичній роботіСполучені Штати Америки стали першопрохідцями у сфері застосування цифрових технологій у дипломатії. У США на державному рівні функціонують інституції, що впроваджують сучасні цифрові технології у сферу зовнішньополітичної діяльності країни для досягнення стратегічних інтересів та забезпечення національної безпеки. У статті проаналізовано тенденції діджиталізації публічної дипломатії у Сполучених Штатах Америки за адміністрації Д. Трампа. Охарактеризовано основні механізми та платформи використання сучасних інформаційно-комунікаційних технологій. Доведено, що за президентства Д. Трампа діджиталізація публічної дипломатії США відбувалася значними темпами. Простежено основні напрями застосування сучасних цифрових технологій у сфері публічної дипломатії США. Вивчено роль так званих «нових медіа» у зовнішньополітичній діяльності адміністрації Д. Трампа. У роботі доведено, що Д. Трамп мав своєрідну манеру спілкування, використовуючи соціальну мережу Twitter, яка часто суперечила діяльності інших високопосадовців США й, подекуди, не співпадала із задекларованим зовнішньополітичним курсом держави.

Abstract The presence of the COVID-19 pandemic has brought changes to the world with various challenges that were never imagined before. In Indonesia, COVID-19 has infected more than 3.8 million people since the first case was announced in March 2020, however, efforts to slow the spread of the COVID-19 virus have hampered economic activity and its impact on the level of social welfare is increasingly felt by the community. As this research is very interesting, namely with the spirit of cooperation as a form of Pancasila and increased solidarity in society during the COVID-19 pandemic, philanthropy has a major role in complementing the presence of government programs. As done by the Kitabisa.com website, it has played a role in dealing with Covid-19 in Indonesia. This research is a research with qualitative method. Researchers also utilize secondary data sources or data obtained from graphic documents (tables, notes, minutes, meetings, etc.), photographs, films, video recordings, objects, and others. The results of this research From its inception until 2019, during that time we can record that we have collected donations of up to IDR 502,375,254,938 from a total of 18,402 social campaigns and presented 1,352,169 digital philanthropists. In a short period and is expected to increase every year. On 27 June 2019, the Kitabisa.com platform has raised Rp700 billion in funds, since it was founded in 201. In the role of dealing with COVID-19, we can collaborate with various institutions, one of which is Gusdurian cares, and has the #OrangBaik Movement, #IndonesiaLawanCovid-19. Keywords: Covid-19 Pandemic, Mutual Cooperation, Philanthropy, Kitabisa.com Abstrak Hadirnya pandemi COVID-19 telah membawa perubahan terhadap dunia dengan berbagai tantangan yang tidak pernah terbayangkan sebelumnya. Di Indonesia, COVID-19 telah menjangkiti lebih dari 3,8 juta orang sejak kasus pertama diumumkan pada bulan Maret 2020, namun, upaya untuk menghambat penyebaran virus COVID-19 telah menghambat kegiatan perekonomian dan dampaknya terhadap tingkat kesejahteraan sosial semakin dirasakan masyarakat.Sebagaimana penelitian ini sangat menarik yakni dengan semangat gotong-royong sebagai wujud Pancasila dan solidaritas yang meningkat di masyarakat pada masa pandemi COVID-19, filantropi memiliki peran besar dalam melengkapi kehadiran program pemerintah. Sebagaimana yang dilakukan oleh Website Kitabisa.com turut berperan dalam menghadapi Covid-19 di Indonesia. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian dengan metode kualitatif. Peneliti juga memanfaatkan sumber data sekunder atau data yang didapatkan dari dokumen-dokumen grafis (tabel, catatan, notulen, rapat, dll),foto-foto, film, rekaman video, benda-benda, dan lain-lain. Hasil penelitian ini Dari awal berdirinya sampai 2019, dalam kurun waktu tersebut kitabisa tercatat telah mengumpulkan dana donasi hingga Rp 502.375.254.938 dari total kampanye social sebanyak 18.402 serta menghadirkan 1.352.169 filantropis digital. Dalam kurun waktu yang singkat dan dipekirakan akan semakin meningkat setiap tahunnya. Pada 27 Juni 2019, Platform Kitabisa.com sudah mengumpulkan dana Rp700 miliar, sejak didirikan pada 201. Dalam peran menghadapi covid-19 kitabisa berkerjasama dari berbagai Lembaga salah satunya Gusdurian peduli, dan mempunyai Gerakan #OrangBaik, #IndonesiaLawanCovid-19. Kata kunci: Pademi Covid-19, Gotong-royong, Filantropi, Kitabisa.com

Durante i periodi di crisi, la tipologia di informazione di cui le persone hanno bisogno e che esse richiedono differisce a causa del contesto e della situazione personale in continua evoluzione. Il Covid-19 rappresenta una crisi mondiale, una pandemia. Già dopo i primi casi di Covid-19 si è sentita la necessità di maggiori informazioni. Le persone di tutto il mondo stanno vivendo un momento nuovo e difficile, caratterizzato da ansia, insicurezza e sofferenza. La totalità dei media e dei canali sta fornendo informazioni sulla situazione, sui comportamenti da seguire, nonché consigli sulla salute e sugli interessi delle persone. Questa quantità di informazioni possibili può provocare un sovraccarico informativo che in cambio determina un effetto in termini di rifiuto delle informazioni. Tuttavia, anche le fake news e le teorie complottiste ottengono sempre più attenzione. È necessario capire in che modo le persone nelle diverse parti del mondo cercano e valutano le informazioni.Questo studio propone un primo confronto tra la percezione e il comportamento degli individui di diversi paesi nel periodo di diffusione del Covid-19. Tutti i paesi condividono alcuni aspetti durante la crisi sanitaria globale, ma ci sono anche grandi differenze: «[…] each country has its unique political and social systems that affect information behavior and environments». Pertanto, nell'ambito del presente studio che segue quello di Dreisiebner, März e Mandl, attraverso un questionario online, è stato chiesto a persone della Germania e del Sud America di dare una risposta in merito alla loro fiducia nella trasmissione delle informazioni, al comportamento di ricerca delle informazioni, all'utilizzo dei media e alla gestione delle fake news durante la pandemia da Covid-19. Oltre alle differenze tra i paesi, vengono studiati i cambiamenti comportamentali degli individui. ; During crises, the kind of information, people need and require differ due to a changing environment and personal situation. Covid-19 represents a worldwide crisis, a pandemic. Already after the first Covid-19 cases occurred, more information was required. People all over the world are experiencing a new and difficult time which is formed by anxiety, insecurity, and passion. All media and channels are providing information about the situation, regulation, health advice, and personal interests. This amount of possible information can lead to information overload which in return has an effect towards information avoidance. However, also fake news and conspiracy theories get more and more attention. It is necessary to understand how people seek and evaluate information in different parts of the world.This study provides a first comparison of individuals' perception and behavior due to Covid-19 from different countries. All countries share aspects during this global health crisis, but there are also big differences: «[…] each country has its unique political and social systems that affect information behavior and environments». Therefore, as a follow up study to Dreisiebner, März, and Mandl, individuals from Germany and South America were asked through an online survey about their information provision confidence, information seeking behavior, media usage and handling of fake news during Covid-19. Furthermore, besides differences between the countries, behavioral changes are investigated.

The article highlights the issue of the impact of post-truth on political processes in the European Union and the importance of combating this phenomenon. The emergence of such phenomena as fake news, alternative facts and the populism of the new wave, have led to a new pressing problem for most modern democracies in the Western world. They emphasized the conceptual shift within social trends and processes that led to the creation of a post-truth world. The main characteristics of such phenomena can be described as the transition from evidential, normative and factual discourse to emotional, post factual and populist. The purpose of the article is to review the features of the EU in the post-truth era and to analyze the activities of the East Strat Task Force. The article considers the concept of post-truth, characterizes the specifics of the spread of fake news. In this context, changes in European policy at the supranational level have become particularly important. The threat of an information attack by the Russian Federation has forced the EU to consider in detail a number of mechanisms to overcome the negative effects of fake news and disinformation. Meanwhile, the basic idea of how to deal with the phenomenon of post-truth is based on the principle of social sustainability and improvement of media literacy. The author considers the initiatives of European structures, in particular the creation of the East StratCom Task Force to counteract the external destructive information influence of the Russian Federation on socio-political processes. Particular attention is paid to the institutional development, achievements, challenges and prospects of the East StratCom Task Force (ESTF). As a result of the study, practical recommendations were presented to counteract and prevent the spread of disinformation. ; Стаття актуалізує питання впливу постправди на політичні процеси в Європейському Союзі та важливості боротьби з цим явищем. Поява таких явищ, як фейкові новини, альтернативні факти та популізм нової хвилі, призвела до нової актуальної проблеми для більшості сучасних демократій західного світу. Вони наголосили на концептуальному зрушенні всередині соціальних тенденцій та процесів, що призвело до створення світу постправди. Основні характеристики таких явищ можна описати як перехід від доказового, нормативного та фактичного дискурсу до емоційного, постфактичного та популістичного. У статті зроблений огляд особливостей функціонування ЄС в епоху постправди та аналіз діяльності East Strat Task Force. Розглянуто поняття «постправда», схарактеризовано специфіку розповсюдження фейкових новин. У цьому контексті зміни в європейській політиці на наднаціональному рівні стали особливо важливими. Загроза інформаційної атаки з боку Російської Федерації змусила ЄС детально розглянути низку механізмів подолання негативних наслідків фейкових новин та дезінформації. Тим часом основна ідея того, як боротися з феноменом постправди, ґрунтується на принципі соціальної стійкості та удосконалення медіаграмотності. Автором розглядаються ініціативи європейських структур, зокрема створення East StratCom Task Force для протидії зовнішньому деструктивному інформаційному впливу Російської Федерації на соціально-політичні процеси. Особливу увагу приділено інституційному розвиткові, здобуткам, проблемам і перспективам East StratCom Task Force (ESTF). Представлені практичні рекомендації для протидії та запобігання розповсюдженню дезінформації.

Abstrack. Some studies explained that the Program Keluarga Harapan (PKH) gave a positive contribution for improving the health, nutritional status and education level of Beneficiary Families (Keluarga Penerima Manfaat). However, this program still had limitation for family-economical improvement, which is shown as graduated KPM for 2019 were only 12% of graduated KPM on 2017 and 2018. Therefore, targeting of graduated-capable KPM became PKH policy objective, not only just ensuring the sosial assistence was on target, but also ensuring poverty alleviation by creating socially and economically independent KPM. To achieve this target, the Ministry of Social Affairs developed a accelerated-graduation strategy by adopting The Consultative Group to Assist the Poor/CGAP model. This research tried to analyze the process of the KPM PKH graduation strategy within the Results-Based Management (RBM) framework in Cianjur. RBM as approach of result-based strategic planning, focused on analyzing assumptions and risk to achieve each result at the output, outcome and impact level (UNDP, 2009). The main data collection used in-dept interviews with 21 informants that represented as the Central Government, Local Government, PKH Human Resources and KPM PKH in Cianjur. From this research resulted 5 (five) processes in the strategy used in Cianjur. There were first, accelerating changes in the mindset and behavior of KPM through Family Development Session; second, ensuring program complementarity for KPM; third, monitoring the socio-economic development of KPM and mapping of KPM's potential graduation; fourth, KPM entrepreneurship assistance; and the fifth meeting of potential KPM (Rembug KPM). Abstrak. Berbagai penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Program Keluarga Harapan (PKH) memberikan kontribusi positif terhadap peningkatan kondisi kesehatan, status gizi dan tingkat pendidikan Keluarga Penerima Manfaat (KPM). Namun demikian, kemampuan program dalam meningkatkan perekonomian keluarga masih sangat terbatas, yang tercermin dari rendahnya proporsi KPM yang lulus (graduasi) hingga 2019 hanya sekitar 12 persen dari KPM tahun 2017 dan 2018 yang graduasi. Oleh karenanya, targeting graduasi KPM berdaya menjadi arah kebijakan PKH saat ini, bukan lagi tentang sekedar memastikan bantuan tepat sasaran, namun utamanya bagaimana mengentaskan kemiskinan dengan menghasilkan KPM mandiri secara sosial dan ekonomi. Untuk mencapai target tersebut maka Kementerian Sosial mengembangkan strategi percepatan graduasi yang mengadopsi model graduasi The Consultative Group to Assist the Poor/CGAP. Penelitian ini mencoba menganalisis process terhadap strategi graduasi KPM PKH dalam kerangka Result Based Management (RBM) di Kabupaten Cianjur. RBM sebagai pendekatan perencanaan strategis berbasis hasil (result), berfokus pada analisis asumsi (assumption) dan risiko (risk) untuk mencapai masing-masing result pada level outputs, outcomes dan impact (UNDP, 2009). Pengumpulan data utama menggunakan in-dept interview pada 21 informan yang merupakan representasi Pemerintah Pusat, Pemerintah Daerah, Sumber Daya Manusia PKH dan KPM PKH di Kabupaten Cianjur. Hasil riset menunjukkan bahwa terdapat 5 (lima) proses dalam strategi graduasi yang digunakan di Kabupaten Cianjur. Diantaranya pertama, percepatan perubahan pola pikir dan perilaku KPM melalui Pertemuan Peningkatan Kemampuan Keluarga; kedua, memastikan komplementaritas program bagi KPM; ketiga, monitoring perkembangan sosial ekonomi KPM dan pemetaan KPM potensial graduasi; keempat, pendampingan kewirausahaan KPM; dan kelima pertemuan KPM potensial (Rembug KPM).

This study aims at examining the law and impact of corrupt politician behavior on public trust in political parties and the efforts of reforms by the parties. Using the survey method, this study has come to the following conclusions. (1) the corruption committed by politicians mostly occurs due to the work pattern and the Indonesian political system which develops towards political apathy, in which regeneration does not optimally take place, while the drive to maintain power and dominate the political parties in the state system is increasing; (2) the corruption does not only influence the public trust in political parties, but also the perspective and paradigm of society towards the political system and government in Indonesia. (3) The impact of this political apathy, which we might be able to see from how the radicalism and extremism easily exist and develop in Indonesia. An encouragement to even create a new system is present from this political apathy. If this is not immediately corrected, a change in the system in Indonesia can probably occur.Keywords: Law; Corruption; Politicians; Political Parties; Community Trust Hukum dan Dampak Korupsi Politik Terhadap Kepercayaan Masyarakat Pada Partai Politik di Indonesia AbstrakPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji hukum dan dampak perilaku politikus korup terhadap kepercayaan publik terhadap partai politik dan upaya reformasi yang dilakukan oleh partai tersebut. Dengan menggunakan metode survei, penelitian ini menghasilkan kesimpulan sebagai berikut. (1) Korupsi yang dilakukan oleh politikus sebagian besar terjadi karena pola kerja dan sistem politik Indonesia yang berkembang ke arah apatisme politik, dimana regenerasi tidak berlangsung secara optimal, sedangkan dorongan untuk mempertahankan kekuasaan dan mendominasi partai politik dalam sistem ketatanegaraan. meningkat; (2) Korupsi tidak hanya mempengaruhi kepercayaan publik terhadap partai politik, tetapi juga cara pandang dan paradigma masyarakat terhadap sistem politik dan pemerintahan di Indonesia. (3) Dampak dari sikap apatis politik ini, yang mungkin dapat kita lihat dari betapa mudahnya radikalisme dan ekstrimisme tumbuh dan berkembang di Indonesia. Dorongan untuk bahkan menciptakan sistem baru hadir dari sikap apatis politik ini. Jika tidak segera diperbaiki, perubahan sistem di Indonesia kemungkinan besar bisa terjadi.Kata Kunci: Hukum; Korupsi; Politisi; Partai Politik; Kepercayaan Masyarakat Закон и влияние политической коррупции на доверие общества политическим партиям в Индонезии АннотацияЭто исследование направлено на изучение закона и влияния коррумпированного поведения политиков на общественное доверие политическим партиям и усилия партий по проведению реформ. Используя метод опроса, это исследование пришло к следующим выводам: (1) коррупция, совершаемая политиками, в основном происходит из-за модели работы и политической системы Индонезии, которая развивается в сторону политической апатии, при которой возрождение не происходит оптимально, в то время как стремление сохранить власть и доминировать над политическими партиями в государственной системе повышается; (2) коррупция влияет не только на доверие общества политическим партиям, но также на взгляды и парадигму общества в отношении политической системы и правительства в Индонезии; (3) влияние этой политической апатии, которое мы могли бы увидеть по тому, как радикализм и экстремизм легко существуют и развиваются в Индонезии. Эта политическая апатия дает стимул даже к созданию новой системы. Если это немедленно не исправить, вероятно, произойдут изменения в системе в Индонезии.Ключевые слова: Закон; коррупция; политики; политические партии; общественное доверие

This paper analyzes the responses of Argentine universities to the crisis caused by the Covid-19 pandemic in its three areas of intervention or functions: training, community outreach and internationalization. Actions aimed at responding to the epidemiological situation are presented and considerations are established considering them as part of a broader reflection on the systemic trends of higher education in this country. Likewise, this analysis allows a dialogue with the also current scenario of discussion for a reform of the higher education law. The question underlying the work is: What type/s of university/s will emerge and/or consolidate in the "new normal" of our Latin American societies? In the article, we argue that it is still premature to outline an answer, but if it is feasible to point out, it is that none of the trends that are pointed out is novel. Strictly speaking, what crises generate is the acceleration of pre-existing change processes, although these critical junctures also produce political-institutional innovations that tend to remain past the situation. ; Este trabajo analiza las respuestas de las universidades argentinas a la crisis suscitada por la pandemia de la Covid-19 en sus tres ámbitos de intervención o funciones: la formación, la vinculación comunitaria y la internacionalización. Se presentan las acciones encaminadas como respuesta a la situación epidemiológica y se establecen consideraciones a la luz de comprenderlas como parte de una reflexión sobre las tendencias sistémicas de la Educación Superior de este país. Asimismo, este análisis permite dialogar con el escenario también actual de discusión por una reforma de la ley de Educación Superior. La pregunta que subyace el trabajo es: ¿Qué tipo/s de universidad/es surgirán y/o se consolidarán en la "nueva normalidad" de nuestras sociedades latinoamericanas? En el artículo argumentamos que aún es prematuro esbozar una respuesta, pero sí es factible señalar que ninguna de las tendencias que se señalan es novedosa. En rigor, las crisis lo que generan es la aceleración de procesos de cambio preexistentes aunque también estas coyunturas críticas producen innovaciones político-institucionales que tienden a permanecer pasada la situación. ; Este trabalho analisa as respostas das universidades argentinas à crise causada pela pandemia Covid-19 em suas três áreas de intervenção ou funções: treinamento, extensão comunitária e internacionalização. São apresentadas ações voltadas para o atendimento à situação epidemiológica e estabelecidas as considerações para compreendê-las como parte de uma reflexão sobre as tendências sistêmicas da educação superior no país. Da mesma forma, esta análise permite dialogar com o também atual cenário de discussão para uma reforma da lei do ensino superior. A questão subjacente ao trabalho é: Que tipo (s) de universidade (s) surgirão e / ou se consolidarão no "novo normal" de nossas sociedades latino-americanas? No artigo, argumentamos que ainda é prematuro esboçar uma resposta, mas se é possível apontar, é que nenhuma das tendências apontadas é nova. A rigor, o que as crises geram é a aceleração dos processos de mudança pré-existentes, embora essas conjunturas críticas também produzam inovações político-institucionais que tendem a permanecer fora da situação.

In the book "The feminist power. Or the desire to change everything" Verónica Gago takes on the challenge of problematizing the current claim of feminisms. With an exercise in situated thinking, he shares with us a series of questions that make up the plot of the text. With its development, it produces a diagnosis that functions as a sounding board for conflict. And it makes this process not only a moment of complaint but also of programming. It could be a new book on feminism or on the novelty of this social movement. However, this writing is more than that. It presents an alternative theory of power, providing us with tools to think about the reconfigurations that it adopts today and how feminisms are main actors in this evolution. Located within the organizational dynamics of the movement, Gago presents us with a live record of discussions, assemblies, conversations and debates that, as the book progresses, is linked with political and theoretical concerns, giving shape to a militant investigation. ; En el libro"La potencia feminista. O el deseo de cambiarlo todo"[1] Verónica Gago asume el desafío de problematizar la actual reivindicación de los feminismos. Con un ejercicio de pensar situado, nos comparte una serie de cuestiones que conforman la trama del texto. Con su desarrollo produce un diagnóstico que funciona cual caja de resonancia de la conflictividad. Y hace de este proceso no sólo un momento de denuncia sino también de programación. Podría tratarse de un nuevo libro sobre el feminismo o sobre la novedad de este movimiento social. Sin embargo, este escrito es algo más que eso. Presenta una teoría alternativa del poder, aportándonos herramientas para pensar las reconfiguraciones que el mismo adopta en la actualidad y cómo los feminismos son actores principales en este devenir. Situada dentro de la dinámica organizativa del movimiento, Gago nos expone un registro en vivo de discusiones, asambleas, conversaciones y debates que, a medida que avanza el libro, se anuda con preocupaciones políticas y teóricas dando cuerpo a una investigación militante. ; No livro "O poder feminista. Ou o desejo de mudar tudo " Verónica Gago assume o desafio de problematizar a reivindicação atual do feminismo. Com um exercício de pensamento situado, ele compartilha conosco uma série de questões que constituem a trama do texto. Com o seu desenvolvimento, produz um diagnóstico que funciona como caixa de ressonância de conflitos. E isso faz desse processo não só um momento de reclamação, mas também de programação. Pode ser um novo livro sobre feminismo ou sobre a novidade desse movimento social. No entanto, esta escrita é mais do que isso. Apresenta uma teoria alternativa do poder, fornecendo-nos ferramentas para pensar as reconfigurações que adota hoje e como os feminismos são os principais atores dessa evolução. Situado na dinâmica organizacional do movimento, Gago apresenta-nos um registo ao vivo de discussões, assembleias, conversas e debates que, à medida que o livro avança, vão se vinculando a preocupações políticas e teóricas, dando corpo a uma investigação militante.

Los ciudadanos polacos y las personas de ascendencia polaca desempeñaron un papel considerablemente importante en la Guerra Civil española. Lucharon en ambos lados del conflicto, aunque la gran mayoría de ellos en el Ejército Republicano (4.500-5.000 entre aproximadamente 35.000 soldados de las Brigadas Internacionales). El 75% de ellos eran inmigrantes, que habitaban principalmente en Francia, que eran predominantemente activistas o partidarios del Partido Comunista Francés. Se creía que solo 600-800, o según algunas fuentes 1200 individuos, la mayoría de los cuales eran comunistas (80% o más), procedían directamente de Polonia. El mayor número de voluntarios luchó dentro de las filas de la 13ª Brigada "Jarosław Dąbrowski", que participó en las principales operaciones clave y sufrió enormes pérdidas que ascienden al 30-40%. Algunas decenas de polacos combatieron en el ejército franquista. La mayoría de ellos eran soldados profesionales de la Legión Extranjera Española, que se habían incorporado a ella antes de que estallara la guerra, por lo que su participación en la guerra no estuvo dictada por motivos ideológicos. El autor adopta un enfoque sintetizado para retratar a los soldados polacos que luchan por cada lado del conflicto, incluidos sus antecedentes y participación en las operaciones militares más importantes. El artículo presta atención a los destinos de los veteranos polacos de las Brigadas Internacionales a los que se hizo referencia como "Dąbrowszczacy" durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial y, a continuación, un intento de demostrar el papel específico y los cambios que estaban experimentando los "Dąbrowszczacy" dentro del sistema político de la República Popular de Polonia (PRL).). ; Polish citizens and people of Polish descent played a considerably significant role in the Spanish Civil War. They fought on both sides of the conflict, however, most of them in the Republican Army (4,500-5,000 among ca. 35,000 soldiers of the International Brigades). Approximately 75% of them comprised of immigrants, mainly from France, who were predominantly either activists or supporters of the French Communist Party. Only 600-800, or according to some sources 1200 individuals, the majority of whom were communists (80% or more), were believed to come directly from Poland. The highest number of volunteers fought within the ranks of 13th Brigade "Jarosław Dąbrowski", which took part in the major key operations and suffered huge losses amounting to 30-40%. A few dozens of Poles fought in the Gen. F. Franco's National Army. Most of them were professional soldiers of the Spanish Foreign Legion, who had joined it before the war broke out, so their participation in the war was not dictated by ideological reasons. The author adopts synthesizing approach to portray the Polish soldiers fighting for each side of the conflict, including their background and involvement in the most important military operations. The article pays an attention to the fates of Polish veterans of the International Brigades referred to as "Dąbrowszczacy" during the World War II and, following this, an attempt to demonstrate the specific role and changes "Dąbrowszczacy" were undergoing within the political system of the Polish People's Republic (PRL).

Although the discussion about quality tools is deemed exhausted by some theoretical lines, the need to understand contextual parameters is still highly relevant to contribute to existing academic models and improve market practices. As part of organization and atypical context research, this article presents a descriptive study of the implementation of a quality program in a Brazilian military organization and the short-term outputs and results achieved by the initiative. The study conducted in the 3rd Antiaircraft Artillery Group of Caxias do Sul, Brazil, was based on quantitative and qualitative instruments using cross-sectional data collection. The results reveal that aspects of the specific environment have provoked atypical reactions to change and quality model implementation processes compared to traditional industrial cases. Besides, although widely known in the market, traditional tools such as the SWOT matrix and the cause-and-effect diagram built new paradigms in this environment, producing significant results in the short term. ; Si bien la discusión acerca de las herramientas de calidad se considere agotada por algunas líneas teóricas, la necesidad de la comprensión de parámetros contextuales aun presenta gran relevancia, tanto para aportar a los modelos académicos existentes como para perfeccionar prácticas de mercado. En el contexto de estudios de organizaciones y contextos atípicos, el artículo plantea un estudio descriptivo del proceso de implantación de un programa de calidad en una organización militar brasileña y los productos y resultados de corto plazo logrados desde la iniciativa. El estudio realizado en el 3o Grupo de Artillería Antiaérea de Caxias do Sul, Brasil, se construyó con base en instrumentos cuantitativos y cualitativos a partir de un recorte transversal de recolección de datos. Los resultados apuntan que aspectos del ambiente específico han generado reacciones atípicas a los procesos de cambios e implantación del modelo de calidad, si comparado con los casos industriales tradicionales. Asimismo, herramientas tradicionales como la matriz SWOT y el diagrama de causa y efecto, aunque ampliamente conocidos en el mercado, construyeron nuevos paradigmas en este entorno, generando resultados significativos en corto plazo. ; Ainda que a discussão sobre as ferramentas da qualidade seja considerada exaurida por algumas linhas teóricas, a necessidade da compreensão de parâmetros contextuais ainda apresenta grande relevância, tanto para contribuir com os modelos acadêmicos existentes quanto para aperfeiçoar práticas de mercado. Na premissa de estudo de organizações e contextos atípicos, este artigo apresenta um estudo descritivo do processo de implantação de um programa de qualidade em uma organização militar brasileira, bem como as decorrências e os resultados de curto prazo alcançados a partir da iniciativa. O estudo realizado no 3o Grupo de Artilharia Antiaérea de Caxias do Sul, Brasil, foi construído a partir de instrumentos quantitativos e qualitativos com base em um recorte transversal de coleta. Os resultados apontam que aspectos do ambiente específico geraram reações atípicas aos processos de mudança e implantação do modelo de qualidade, se comparado aos casos industriais tradicionais. Adicionalmente, ferramentas tradicionais como a matriz (SWOT) e o gráfico de causa e efeito, embora já amplamente conhecidos no mercado, construíram novos paradigmas nesse ambiente, gerando resultados significativos em curto prazo.

The article presents an analysis of the transitory provisions issued by the Government of Colombia and the Commission for the Regulation of Drinking Water and Basic Sanitation, in relation to home public services (SPD), concerning the declaration of the State of Economic, Social and Ecological Emergency in the national territory, due to the COVID-19 pandemic. After explaining the scope of the provisions issued by the Executive, the main objective of the research is to analyze challenges and opportunities for the implementation of public policies, which must be redirected from the experiences left by social distancing. The methodology used consisted in the analysis and interpretation of the exception norms issued by the Government, concerning the constitutional and legal provisions that regulate the SPD. It is concluded that, first, it is possible to make changes in the SPD public policies regarding drinking water and basic sanitation services and, secondly, people began to make a necessary association: the relationship between consumption with the price of services. ; El artículo presenta un análisis de las disposiciones transitorias emitidas por el Gobierno de Colombia y la Comisión de Regulación de Agua Potable y Saneamiento Básico, en relación con los servicios públicos domiciliarios (SPD), en desarrollo de la declaratoria del Estado de Emergencia Económica, Social y Ecológica en el territorio nacional, por motivo de la pandemia de covid-19. Luego de explicar el alcance de las disposiciones emanadas del Ejecutivo, la investigación plantea como objetivo central analizar los retos y oportunidades para la implementación de políticas públicas, las cuales deben ser redireccionadas a partir de las experiencias que deja el distanciamiento social. La metodología utilizada consistió en el análisis e interpretación de las normas de excepción expedidas por el Gobierno, frente a las disposiciones constitucionales y legales que regulan los SPD. Se concluye que, primero, es posible hacer cambios en la política pública de spd en el caso de los servicios de agua potable y saneamiento básico y, segundo, se consiguió que las personas empezaran a hacer una asociación necesaria: la relación entre el consumo con el precio de los servicios. ; Neste artigo, apresenta-se uma análise das medidas transitórias emitidas pelo governo da Colômbia e pela Comissão de Regulamentação de Água Potável e do Saneamento Básico, quanto aos serviços públicos domiciliares (SPD), em desenvolvimento para a declaração do estado de emergência econômica, social e ecológica no território nacional ante a pandemia ocasionada pela COVID-19. Após explicar o escopo das disposições emanadas pelo Executivo, nesta pesquisa, propõe-se, como objetivo principal, analisar os desafios e as oportunidades para implementar políticas públicas, as quais devem ser repensadas a partir das experiências que o distanciamento social deixa. A metodologia utilizada consistiu na análise e na interpretação das normas de exceção expedidas pelo governo, ante as disposições constitucionais e legais que regulamentam os spd. Conclui-se que, primeiro, é possível fazer mudanças na política pública dos spd no caso dos serviços de água potável e saneamento básico; segundo, foi possível que as pessoas começassem a fazer uma associação necessária: a relação entre o consumo com o preço dos serviços.

Leaders in Toraja society have drawn an understanding of power, recognition, prestige, and dignity. This has an impact on the strong incentive of many Toraja people to change their fate by becoming leaders in any way. The result is that they are eager to go abroad and collect as much money as possible and then come back relying on the power of money to seize positions as leaders. Democracy which provides equal opportunities for all people to vote and be elected has been patterned on transactional politics, namely money politics. This situation certainly threatens and will destroy the building of our democracy. The church, as a very influential part in safeguarding democracy and the succession process of leaders in Toraja society, seems helpless. The power of capital has conquered society, including the church. Is there no other way the church can take? This research was conducted to offer the concept of the rationality of Jurgen Habermas's communication. That massive and systematic money politics can be opposed by the church with the concept of massive and systematic communication rationality as well. Pemimpin dalam masyarakat Toraja telah ditarik dalam pemahaman kekuasaan, pengakuan, prestise dan harga diri. Hal ini berdampak kepada kuatnya daya dorong banyak orang Toraja untuk mengubah nasibnya dengan menjadi pemimpin dengan cara apapun. Akibatnya adalah mereka dengan hasrat menggebu merantau dan mengumpulkan uang sebanyak mungkin lalu kembali dengan mengandalkan kekuatan uang untuk merebut posisi sebagai pemimpin. Demokrasi yang memberi kesempatan yang sama bagi seluruh masyarakat untuk memilih dan dipilih telah terpola pada sebuah politik yang transaksional yakni politik uang. Situasi ini tentu mengancam dan akan memporak-porandakan bangunan demokrasi kita. Gereja selaku bagian yang berpengaruh sangat besar dalam mengawal demokrasi serta proses suksesi pemimpin dalam masyarakat Toraja seolah-olah tidak berdaya. Kekuatan kapital telah menaklukkan masyarakat termasuk gereja. Tidak adakah jalan lain yang dapat ditempuh gereja? Penelitian ini dilakukan untuk menawarkan konsep rasionalitas komunikasi Jurgen Habermas. Bahwa politik uang yang massif dan sistematis dapat dilawan oleh gereja dengan konsep rasionalitas komunikasi yang massif dan sistematis juga. ; Pemimpin dalam masyarakat Toraja telah ditarik dalam pemahaman kekuasaan, pengakuan, prestise dan harga diri. Hal ini berdampak kepada kuatnya daya dorong banyak orang Toraja untuk mengubah nasibnya dengan menjadi pemimpin dengan cara apapun. Akibatnya adalah mereka dengan hasrat menggebu merantau dan mengumpulkan uang sebanyak mungkin lalu kembali dengan mengandalkan kekuatan uang untuk merebut posisi sebagai pemimpin. Demokrasi yang memberi kesempatan yang sama bagi seluruh masyarakat untuk memilih dan dipilih telah terpola pada sebuah politik yang transaksional yakni politik uang. Situasi ini tentu mengancam dan akan memporak-porandakan bangunan demokrasi kita. Gereja selaku bagian yang berpengaruh sangat besar dalam mengawal demokrasi serta proses suksesi pemimpin dalam masyarakat Toraja seolah-olah tidak berdaya. Kekuatan kapital telah menaklukkan masyarakat termasuk gereja. Tidak adakah jalan lain yang dapat ditempuh gereja? Penelitian ini dilakukan untuk menawarkan konsep rasionalitas komunikasi Jurgen Habermas. Bahwa politik uang yang massif dan sistematis dapat dilawan oleh gereja dengan konsep rasionalitas komunikasi yang massif dan sistematis juga.

The image of Japan obviously has a dual nature: on the one hand, we perceive it as a high-tech, economically developed, pragmatic global actor, and on the other - we associate it with exotic cuisine, mysterious traditional culture, ultra-modern pop-culture and incredible nature. After the Second World War, these images were purposefully created by cultural diplomacy, which was transformed almost every ten years depending on changes in the foreign policy environment. In particular, the Japanese government formed and promoted the following images of the state: "peaceful Japan" (1950-1960s), "economically developed Japan" (1970s), "international actor" (1980s, however during this period, the Asian region was dominated by the image of "faceless Japan"), "the country of innovative culture" (1990s), "partner for peace development" (early XXI century), "the country of postmodern culture and the best cuisine in the world" (since 2012). The Japanese Foundation, as an institution of cultural diplomacy, encourages and promotes the Japanese language, cultural exchanges and the organization of Japanese studies abroad. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan actively advances the country's culture through "pop-culture diplomacy", supports the study of the Japanese language and research related to Japan. Diplomatic missions abroad organize comprehensive cultural activities within their territories to improve understanding of Japan and the education of pro-Japanese groups. An effective and influential tool of Japan's cultural diplomacy is gastrodiplomacy as a resource of soft power that increases the attractiveness and desirability of Japanese culture, people, values and ideals; it strengthens the association of some products with Japan, and enables economic gains, including food exports, increased tourism. ; Образ Японії, очевидно, має подвійну природу: з одного боку, сприймаємо її як високотехнологічного, економічно розвиненого, прагматичного глобального актора, а з іншого – асоціюємо з екзотичною кухнею, загадковою традиційною культурою, ультрасучасною поп-культурою й неймовірною природою. Після Другої світової війни ці образи цілеспрямовано створювалися культурною дипломатією, яка трансформувалася практично кожних десять років залежно від змін у зовнішньополітичному оточенні. Зокрема, уряд Японії формував й просував такі образи держави: «мирна Японія» (1950-1960-ті рр.), «економічно розвинена Японія» (1970-ті рр.), «міжнародний актор» (1980-ті рр., проте у цей період в Азійському регіоні домінує образ «безликої Японії»), «країна новаторської культури» (1990-ті рр.), «партнер з розвитку миру» (початок ХХІ ст.), «країна постмодернової культури й найкращої кухні світу» (з 2012 р.). Японська фундація, як інституція культурної дипломатії, сприяє популяризації й навчанню японської мови, культурним обмінам й організації японських студій за кордоном. МЗС Японії активно просуває культуру країни через «поп-культурну дипломатію», підтримку вивчення японської мови й проведення досліджень, що стосуються Японії. Дипломатичні представництва за кордоном організовують всебічну культурну діяльність у межах своїх територій для покращення розуміння Японії й виховання прояпонських груп. Ефективним й впливовим інструментом культурної дипломатії Японії є гастродипломатія як ресурс м'якої сили, яка підвищує привабливість і бажаність японської культури, людей, цінностей та ідеалів, посилює асоціацію деяких продуктів з Японією, й дає змогу отримати економічні здобутки, зокрема експорт продуктів харчування, збільшення туризму.