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The present paper concentrates on particular mytho-religious symbolism and mythological structures used in two popular films by famous contemporary Indian film director Ashutosh Gowariker: Lagaan (2001) and Swades (2004). These films are significant in the history of Indian popular cinema not only for their complex problems related to the sensitive topics of anti-colonialism, nationalism and patriotism, but also for their widely used mytho-religious symbolism. My goal in this essay is to analyse these two films, identifying the mythological symbols and mythological structures used in the films, and to see how they organise the films' narrative and how they are connected with the issues of anti-colonialism, Hindu nationalism, and the construction of (idealised) Indian identity. In this paper I argue that the usage of mythological and mytho-religious symbolism functions as a useful tool for the director to transfer ideas related to national identity, nationalism, and anti-colonialism to the viewer effectively, as well as to express a political and social critique of contemporary India and to construct the images of idealised Indian identity in response.

Vilnius UniversityThe present paper concentrates on particular mytho-religious symbolism and mythological structures used in two popular films by famous contemporary Indian film director Ashutosh Gowariker: Lagaan (2001) and Swades (2004). These films are significant in the history of Indian popular cinema not only for their complex problems related to the sensitive topics of anti-colonialism, nationalism and patriotism, but also for their widely used mytho-religious symbolism. My goal in this essay is to analyse these two films, identifying the mythological symbols and mythological structures used in the films, and to see how they organise the films' narrative and how they are connected with the issues of anti-colonialism, Hindu nationalism, and the construction of (idealised) Indian identity. In this paper I argue that the usage of mythological and mytho-religious symbolism functions as a useful tool for the director to transfer ideas related to national identity, nationalism, and anti-colonialism to the viewer effectively, as well as to express a political and social critique of contemporary India and to construct the images of idealised Indian identity in response.

В статье отмечается, что национально-государственное размежевание в 1924-1925 гг. в Средней Азии относится к событиям крупного административного и политического решения партии большевиков по осуществлению в регионе своей национальной политики. Выступая 20 августа 1924 г. на собрании партийной организации г. Ташкента, один из активных деятелей РКП(б) в Туркестанской АССР И.М. Варейкис особо отмечал, что принятое большевистской партией решение о проведении в Средней Азии национально-государственного размежевания это новый этап в деле осуществления ленинских планов национального строительства, это есть «вторая революция в Средней Азии». ; In clause it is marked, that the national-state delimitation in 1924-1925 of Central Asia concerns to events of the large administrative and political decision of a party of Bolsheviks on realization in region of the national policy. Acting on August, 20th, 1924 at assembly of the party organization of Tashkent, one of active figures Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) in Turkestani АSSR I.M. Varejkis, especially marked, that accepted большевистской in lots the decision on carrying out in Central Asia the national-state delimitation is a new stage in business of realization of Lenin plans of national construction, it is «the second revolution in Central Asia».

This article explains how the advocacy coalition framework (ACF) can be used as a theoretical basis for understanding political context via a stakeholder analysis. An ACF analysis widens the attention toward subsystem- wide dynamics with multiple actors who are motivated by their beliefs, structure their relationships into advocacy coalitions, and try to influence policy through utilizing multiple resources and venues. The article illustrates the ACF approach to stakeholder analysis in an international conflict, over the construction of two pulp paper miles in Uruguay. ; El artículo explica cómo el "enfoque de la coalición de apoyo"(Advocacy Coalition Framework, ACF), puede ser utilizado como base teórica para estudiar conflictos ambientales a través de un análisis de los sistemas de actores. El análisis ACF destaca las dinámicas dentro de los sistemas de actores, que están motivados por sistemas de creencias, estructuran sus relaciones dentro de coaliciones de causa, e intentan influenciar la política a través de múltiples recursos y medios. El artículo ilustra el estudio de un sistema de actores a través del ACF, a través de un conflicto internacional sobre la construcción de dos fábricas de pasta de papel.

Le travail n'est pas une catégorie d'analyse, ou même de description, souvent utilisée dans les sciences sociales pour appréhender l'activité politique. Celle-ci est, de fait, une réalité assez fuyante, difficile à circonscrire, rétive à la délimitation : elle est exercée par une population hétérogène, elle n'est pas toujours reconnue comme une activité professionnelle, elle ne peut être aisément référée à un corpus de savoirs ou à des conditions d'apprentissage et de formation, etc. L'activité politique est plus fréquemment saisie à travers le prisme de la professionnalisation. En dépit du patronage de Max Weber (1919), ce terme reste polysémique et fait l'objet d'usages éclatés, ouvrant sur une variété d'éclairages : mouvement historique de codification de l'activité politique (émergence de statuts, règles de rémunération.), transformation des standards de la décision politique et du gouvernement (rôle des expertises, poids des savoirs spécialisés.), évolution des filtres à l'entrée (recrutements sélectifs, compétition électorale.), changements dans la production et la mise en oeuvre des politiques publiques (construction d'acteurs enréseau, formes de délégation.), reconfiguration des cercles de conseillers (assistants attitrés ou officieux, cellules stratégiques.), etc. [Premières lignes]

Quels sont les objectifs poursuivis et les concepts mobilisés par la construction des indicateurs du développement durable (IDD) ? Dans quel contexte institutionnel s'inscrit en Europe et plus particulièrement en France leur développement ? Quels problèmes de définition et de mesure posent-ils ? Enfin, comment s'inscrit leur usage compte tenu des nouvelles orientations de la Politique agricole commune (Pac) ? Cet article effectue tout d'abord une revue des concepts impliqués dans les IDD jusqu'ici proposés. Puis, décrivant leur intégration aux systèmes statistiques européen et nationaux, ce texte souligne leur participation à la production de normes environnementales dans le cadre de stratégies de développement socio-économique, à travers des exemples portant sur l'aménagement du territoire, la gestion de la ressource en eau, la qualité des sols, la gestion des déchets et l'exposition aux risques . Dans un contexte national décrit comme subordonné à la contrainte communautaire, l'article montre comment une mesure de la durabilité des exploitations agricoles s'insère dans le contexte actuel de redéfinition de la Pac. Enfin, le texte identifie les défis statistiques du court et moyen, plaidant pour le développement d'indicateurs individuels de durabilité légitimés par une rationalité procédurale de la communication.

International audience ; Anti-racism as a political discourse and a form of collective social action has long been ignored as a serious field of research. In contrast, I envision the study of anti-racism as a vital lens on both 'race' and racism. First, the heterogeneity of anti-racism is demonstrated, spanning both pro- and anti-state-based analyses of the origins of racism. Second, a parallel discourse of 'anti-anti-racism' within the radical Left reveals the reluctance of many on the Left to identify the anti-racist project with anything other than its officialized, state-endorsed version. This raises important questions about the possibility for autonomy from paternalist control in the construction of radical anti-racisms. The article examines the relationship to anti-racism within these three shifts from anti-racism, to anti-anti-racism, to post-anti-racism. It asks what conclusions can be drawn about the status of anti-racism today: has it indeed exceeded its political utility, or is it a political project that is, in fact, yet to be born?

Il y a peu de temps encore, la mairie trônait au milieu du village et les vaches étaient bien gardées. Le maire gérait sa commune, s'occupait de ses administrés et l'Etat veillait, garant des grands équilibres. Par endroit, ce décor subsiste encore, simple façade qui maintient l'illusion. L'édifice républicain s'est lézardé, l'équilibre s'est rompu sous les coups de boutoir de la mondialisation, de la construction européenne et d'une décentralisation toujours inachevée. L'Etat est désormais trop grand pour les petites choses et trop petit pour les grandes. Il déserte les territoires, laissant les égoïsmes locaux s'affirmer. face à ces mutations, seuls les maires résistent encore. Isolés dans leurs communes, ces derniers piliers de la République font front et parent au plus pressé. Insuffisamment formés, fatigués et souvent excédés, ils ploient sous la paperasse, les responsabilités et nos exigences. A la fois aménageurs, développeurs et assistantes sociales, les maires sont devenus nos femmes et nos hommes à tout faire. ils restent souvent les seuls gestionnaires de l'urgence et de la proximité au niveau local, mais, jour après jour, leur pouvoir décisionnel décroit.

The present paper concentrates on particular mytho-religious symbolism and mythological structures used in two popular films by famous contemporary Indian film director Ashutosh Gowariker: Lagaan (2001) and Swades (2004). These films are significant in the history of Indian popular cinema not only for their complex problems related to the sensitive topics of anti-colonialism, nationalism and patriotism, but also for their widely used mytho-religious symbolism. My goal in this essay is to analyse these two films, identifying the mythological symbols and mythological structures used in the films, and to see how they organise the films' narrative and how they are connected with the issues of anti-colonialism, Hindu nationalism, and the construction of (idealised) Indian identity. In this paper I argue that the usage of mythological and mytho-religious symbolism functions as a useful tool for the director to transfer ideas related to national identity, nationalism, and anti-colonialism to the viewer effectively, as well as to express a political and social critique of contemporary India and to construct the images of idealised Indian identity in response.

The present paper concentrates on particular mytho-religious symbolism and mythological structures used in two popular films by famous contemporary Indian film director Ashutosh Gowariker: Lagaan (2001) and Swades (2004). These films are significant in the history of Indian popular cinema not only for their complex problems related to the sensitive topics of anti-colonialism, nationalism and patriotism, but also for their widely used mytho-religious symbolism. My goal in this essay is to analyse these two films, identifying the mythological symbols and mythological structures used in the films, and to see how they organise the films' narrative and how they are connected with the issues of anti-colonialism, Hindu nationalism, and the construction of (idealised) Indian identity. In this paper I argue that the usage of mythological and mytho-religious symbolism functions as a useful tool for the director to transfer ideas related to national identity, nationalism, and anti-colonialism to the viewer effectively, as well as to express a political and social critique of contemporary India and to construct the images of idealised Indian identity in response.

This article, through the study of an episode of high political significance –the so-called "Guarani War" (1753-1756)- will analyse the construction of authority and leadership among the reduced Guarani people, in wartime. In this regard, this paper will delve into the different levels of indigenous authority (cabildo and caciques) as well as in their interrelation with Jesuit authorities. On the other hand, it will report –through specific cases– about the characteristics and the extent of indigenous leadership, which is evident in the war of the Guarani peoples against the Portuguese-Spanish army. ; En este artículo, a través del estudio de un episodio de gran envergadura política, como fue la llamada «Guerra Guaranítica» (1753-1756), se analizará la construcción de autoridad y liderazgo entre los guaraníes reducidos, en tiempos de guerra. Al respecto, se indagará en los diferentes niveles de autoridad indígena (cabildo y caciques) y en su interrelación con las autoridades jesuitas. Por otro lado, se dará cuenta —a través de casos concretos— de las características y alcances del liderazgo indígena manifestado en la guerra de los pueblos guaraníes contra el ejército luso-español.

ResumenEl artículo trata, en primer lugar, acerca del panorama legislativo acordado en los organismos internacionales de Derechos Humanos en relación con el tema de la violencia contra la mujer. Para éste análisis se hace énfasis en los articulados que tratan la violencia doméstica en la relación de pareja. En segundo lugar, se establece la correlación entre los instrumentos jurídicos internacionales y la construcción de una normatividad en Colombia orientada a proteger los derechos fundamentales de las mujeres al interior de la familia. En tercer lugar, se hace un análisis acerca del impacto de la normatividad en el ámbito de la realidad familiar colombiana en la actualidad.AbstractThis article discuss about, in first place, concerning the legislative tune in international human right organisms in relation violence against woman's for this analysis we make emphasis in does articles that treat domestic violence in couple relationship. In second place, them selves establish a reciprocal way between international jurist instrument and a construction of a model in Colombia orientated to protect the fundamental rights of woman inside they family. In third place, we do analysis about the impact.

En el presente balance del 98 se revisan las principales conclusiones que se han obtenido en este repensar 1898, cien años después. Se enfatiza, en primer lugar, el cambio de perspectiva a la hora de enjuiciar los hechos: se ha producido una desdramati-zación de la derrota y se ha cuestionado la existencia de una crisis en y por 1898. En tal sentido, en el artículo se van desgranando las tesis discutidas en el terreno de la política, la economía, la política colonial, la acción internacional, la construcción nacional y nacionalista, y el ambiente cultural e ideológico. ; This paper proposes a review of the present debate about the Spanish crisis of 1898. It rejects the idea of crisis related to 1898, and defuses the extent of the militar defeat and the lose of the last colonies. It also examines the impact of 1898 over the political system, the economic background, the colonial policy, the foreign relations, the construction of the nation and nationalisms, and the cultural atmosphere in Spain at the end of 19th the century.

Researchers have no direct access, to the past: the image and structure of the event being reconstructed don't depend on its nature but on the social and political context. Thus a political event is of a constructivistic nature and depends on the researcher, who construct it as an intellectual model. So the "amount" of the event depends on the scholar's point of view, who, by means of intellectual technologies, defines its scale and builds up the logic of the research. It is this political script that was written in Russia, when modification of agriculture was at the agenda at the beginning of the XX century. The intellectual discourse of the historical and legal science (as presented in V.I. Sergejevich's version) was of the decisive influence on the way of solving this problem. The agrarian modifications at the beginning of the XX century Stolypin's agrarian reform was a kind of case study of political construction, when the "knot" of social reality, that historians defined later as "Stolypin's agrarian reform", had been reconstructed by means of intellectual efforts.

Normative theories of deliberative democracy stake claims that deliberation, if done correctly, can enhance citizens' trust in authorities, foster a greater understanding of political issues and the element of compromise in politics, and increase the legitimacy of the political system overall. Skeptics point out that public deliberations seldom fully satisfy the communicative criteria stipulated in normative theory, raising the question: to what extent may we expect imperfect deliberations to generate the promised civic goods? This article proposes a framework for answering this question and also offers a few preliminary answers. The empirical analyses build on an opinion survey conducted in the wake of a series of public meetings that varied in the extent to which they lived up to normative standards of deliberative democracy. The meetings centered around whether to continue construction on a railway tunnel near the town of Båstad in southwestern Sweden. The findings suggest that even imperfect deliberation may have the potential to generate civic goods, though the analyses also raise doubts regarding the durability of the positive effects as well as the extent to which they will develop uniformly among participants.