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The electric vehicle market is an increasingly important aspect of the automotive industry. However, as a relatively new technology, several issues remain present within the industry. An analysis is utilised to examine these issues, along with how they affect the industry and how they can be tackled. Several key issues that affect the electric vehicle market, as well as how efforts to address these issues influence the market, are identified. The analysis also includes the examination of ethical issues, with the issues that arise from the production of raw materials for electric vehicles. The analysis and examination of ethical issues display a wide range of problems in the industry. However, it did highlight the efforts being made to lessen the effect of these problems by various groups, such as regulation by EU and US governing bodies on the materials mined. From this analysis, this paper identifies that many of the other factors examined are directly or indirectly influenced by political and economic factors, also examined in this review. This highlights the impact that governing bodies and businesses have on a vast number of issues that are present within the market and how they can resolve the harmful factors examined.

This article focuses on the evolution of Nancy Astor's political persona, dating it back to 1908 when she first visited Plymouth when her husband Waldorf Astor was being considered as the junior Unionist candidate for the borough. It reveals how, by 1919 when she was elected, she had already formed the political ideas and identified the key campaigning issues that she would pursue between 1919 and 1945, as a result of her experiences at Plymouth. It argues that Plymouth is a key factor to understanding Nancy Astor's political identity and expressions of her view, and that the foundation created for these between 1908 and 1919 continued to support her further political development after her election for Plymouth Sutton in 1919. The article thus gives insights into an aspect of Nancy Astor's development as 'an unconventional MP' which has hitherto remained largely unfamiliar to those with an interest in her career and work. It reveals a sustained consistency of engagement with a range of issues relating primarily to women's and children's concerns (education, welfare, health, support for employment and training, as well as temperance and promotion of women's political participation) that were shaped by her involvement with these issues in the microcosm provided by Plymouth.

This article traces the historiography of an elite woman and salonnière from late eighteenth-century Denmark, Charlotte Schimmelmann (1757–1816), arguing that the publication of her letters at the turn of the twentieth century has impacted contemporary historical writing on her salon and elite women's political agency in Denmark. The article places the case of Charlotte Schimmelmann's correspondence within the wider context of salon historiography and new diplomatic history, arguing that we must take the international research on not only the eighteenth-century salon, but also aristocratic sociability and new diplomatic history into account in order to understand Charlotte Schimmelmann's late eighteenth-century sociability. Through examples from a reading of Charlotte Schimmelmann's and her female circle's full correspondence, their political and diplomatic involvement is highlighted. Several of these examples have been excluded from the published collection, prompting the second part of the article to investigate how and why the letters presented in the collection were selected for publication. Drawing on material from Louis Bobé's personal archive, this part of the article uncovers Bobé's basis for publishing the letters, leading to a discussion of how the publication's emphasis on literary aspects of elite sociability has contributed to contemporary understandings of their agency.

Adaptive governance seeks to address complicated and difficult policy problems. Due to the extreme political upheaval wrought by the Trump administration's dismantling of federal climate change programs, many state and local governments are considering new policy approaches. Yet by ignoring crucial aspects of politics and intergovernmental relations, the adaptive governance literature provides little guidance for such substantial issues. This paper introduces the concept of strategic adaptive governance, a framework for permitting policymakers to achieve the highest rate of compliance possible under existing conditions and constraints involving state and local policy, despite political upheaval. The strategic adaptive governance model embraces politics, accounts for the role of central authorities, and emphasizes the motivations, resources, and interdependencies of affected parties. We apply the model in an analysis of California's Global Warming Solutions Act of 2006 (AB 32), examining the extent to which it aligns with strategic adaptive governance, and evaluating the potential for the state to utilize the model. We find that AB 32 aligns moderately with strategic adaptive governance, and discuss how the model could help protect and enhance policy gains. More broadly, strategic adaptive governance provides a generic and universal framework for policymakers interested in tactical formulation of any regulatory policy.

National audience ; La bataille « oubliée » de Maubeuge, en 1914, montre le rôle déterminant pris par l'artillerie lourde dans la guerre. Elle révèlel'importance de l'industrie et du renseignement économique chez les belligérants et conforte l'Allemagne dans la mise en place del'exploitation méthodique des zones productives qu'elle occupe par la suite. S'ils évoluent au fil du temps, que ce soit en Belgique ou dans la France du Nord et de l'Est, les rapports entre les autorités allemandes d'une part, les entreprises et les populations civiles de l'autre, sont pendant quatre années décidés, planifiés et « arrangées » à l'aune de cette politique délibérée. Côté allemand, passé le temps des saccages et des pillages, le Ministère de la guerre et l'Etat major oscillent, en fonction des circonstances, entre assignation de leurs prescriptions et respect d'une relative autonomie du marché. Côté belge ou français, les acteurs économiquesdes territoires occupés se déterminent depuis les formes de l'acceptation passive jusqu'à celles de l'accommodement intéressé. Sous couvert de « moindre mal », les industriels s'autorisent des attitudes et des stratégies fort dissemblables tout en se préservant pour l'heure de la sortie de guerre.Cet ouvrage collectif interroge un aspect curieusement occulté du premier conflit mondial par des historiographies longtemps plus sensibles à l'aspect exclusivement doloriste de l'occupation allemande en 1914-1918.

This paper focuses on the ways in which the distinctively international aspects of population movements across borders affects the experience of the children of immigrants raised in the United States or born in the United States themselves. The international impinges directly on the acquisition and exercise of citizenship, the topics treated in this chapter. On the one hand, every emigrant departs as a home country citizen to arrive as a destination country alien, a status less tractable to individual initiative than was the initial decision to seek a better life in a new land. For those who enjoy the possibility of acquiring a new citizenship and successfully exercise that option, the acquisition of citizenship marks the transition from the old nationality to the new. On the other hand all immigrants in a democratic society can exercise citizenship, as mere territorial presence confers the right to engage in a broad, though not, full panoply of civic and political activities. Yet to access these different options for involvement, however, immigrants need the resources required for understanding a strange, new environment and for engaging with civic and political matters at least one step removed from the demands of everyday survival.

National audience ; La bataille « oubliée » de Maubeuge, en 1914, montre le rôle déterminant pris par l'artillerie lourde dans la guerre. Elle révèlel'importance de l'industrie et du renseignement économique chez les belligérants et conforte l'Allemagne dans la mise en place del'exploitation méthodique des zones productives qu'elle occupe par la suite. S'ils évoluent au fil du temps, que ce soit en Belgique ou dans la France du Nord et de l'Est, les rapports entre les autorités allemandes d'une part, les entreprises et les populations civiles de l'autre, sont pendant quatre années décidés, planifiés et « arrangées » à l'aune de cette politique délibérée. Côté allemand, passé le temps des saccages et des pillages, le Ministère de la guerre et l'Etat major oscillent, en fonction des circonstances, entre assignation de leurs prescriptions et respect d'une relative autonomie du marché. Côté belge ou français, les acteurs économiquesdes territoires occupés se déterminent depuis les formes de l'acceptation passive jusqu'à celles de l'accommodement intéressé. Sous couvert de « moindre mal », les industriels s'autorisent des attitudes et des stratégies fort dissemblables tout en se préservant pour l'heure de la sortie de guerre.Cet ouvrage collectif interroge un aspect curieusement occulté du premier conflit mondial par des historiographies longtemps plus sensibles à l'aspect exclusivement doloriste de l'occupation allemande en 1914-1918.

This paper focuses on the ways in which the distinctively international aspects of population movements across borders affects the experience of the children of immigrants raised in the United States or born in the United States themselves. The international impinges directly on the acquisition and exercise of citizenship, the topics treated in this chapter. On the one hand, every emigrant departs as a home country citizen to arrive as a destination country alien, a status less tractable to individual initiative than was the initial decision to seek a better life in a new land. For those who enjoy the possibility of acquiring a new citizenship and successfully exercise that option, the acquisition of citizenship marks the transition from the old nationality to the new. On the other hand all immigrants in a democratic society can exercise citizenship, as mere territorial presence confers the right to engage in a broad, though not, full panoply of civic and political activities. Yet to access these different options for involvement, however, immigrants need the resources required for understanding a strange, new environment and for engaging with civic and political matters at least one step removed from the demands of everyday survival.

El tratamiento del Desarrollo y Bienestar adquiere una posición secundaria en el currículo de tercero de la ESO, Geografía e Historia. En la actualidad, dichos contenidos han de efervescer a favor del desarrollo humano del alumnado. Nuestro objetivo es presentar el origen del subdesarrollo, fijando el punto de partida, para, seguidamente, realizar una contextualización del mismo relacionando la normativa que ha regulado la cuestión hasta la actualidad, con la visión de los autores que han trabajado sobre el tema con anterioridad, planteando las distintas estrategias de enseñanza y exponiendo los diferentes aspectos que relacionan la educación moderna con la tradicional. ; Treatment of Development and Welfare takes a secondary position in the curriculum of third Secundary Education, Geography and History. Currently, these contents are to effervesce for the human development of students. Our goal is to present the origin of underdevelopment, setting the starting point, to then make a contextualization of it relating the legislation which has regulated the issue to date with the view of the authors who they have worked on the issue earlier, raising the different teaching strategies and exposing the different aspects that relate modern education with traditional, for defining the educational process itself.

International audience ; The chapter deals with 'frontier research' as a concept to organise public intervention in science and questions the choices made in Europe with the creation of a specific agency, the European Research Council. It shows how politically driven the emergence of the concept was both in the US and in Europe. It presents the very different organisational choices that have been made in Europe and in the US, but also within the US. This drives to analyse Frontier research through two lenses: as a process highlighting organisational implications, and as part of knowledge dynamics highlighting the need for keeping the link with substantive aspects and thus the need for cognitive specificity. These lenses are then applied to look at the ERC trying to address three questions: does the process selected will produce 'excellent' rather than 'frontier' science? Will it help addressing the perceived 'quantitative' gap in frontier science between the US and Europe? Will it be able to cope with diversity in knowledge dynamics? The answers are not straightforward and drive to suggest an evolution of the ERC being not only one more agency among the existing funding agencies in Europe, but also the 'agency of agencies' to be in a position to focus on 'scientific grand challenges'.

International audience ; The chapter deals with 'frontier research' as a concept to organise public intervention in science and questions the choices made in Europe with the creation of a specific agency, the European Research Council. It shows how politically driven the emergence of the concept was both in the US and in Europe. It presents the very different organisational choices that have been made in Europe and in the US, but also within the US. This drives to analyse Frontier research through two lenses: as a process highlighting organisational implications, and as part of knowledge dynamics highlighting the need for keeping the link with substantive aspects and thus the need for cognitive specificity. These lenses are then applied to look at the ERC trying to address three questions: does the process selected will produce 'excellent' rather than 'frontier' science? Will it help addressing the perceived 'quantitative' gap in frontier science between the US and Europe? Will it be able to cope with diversity in knowledge dynamics? The answers are not straightforward and drive to suggest an evolution of the ERC being not only one more agency among the existing funding agencies in Europe, but also the 'agency of agencies' to be in a position to focus on 'scientific grand challenges'.

The hypothesis of selective exposure assumes that people seek out information that supports their views and eschew information that conflicts with their beliefs, and that has negative consequences on our society. Few researchers have recently found counter evidence of selective exposure in social media: users are exposed to politically diverse articles. No work has looked at what happens after exposure, particularly how individuals react to such exposure, though. Users might well be exposed to diverse articles but share only the partisan ones. To test this, we study partisan sharing on Facebook: the tendency for users to predominantly share like-minded news articles and avoid conflicting ones. We verified four main hypotheses. That is, whether partisan sharing: 1) exists at all; 2) changes across individuals (e.g., depending on their interest in politics); 3) changes over time (e.g., around elections); and 4) changes depending on perceived importance of topics. We indeed find strong evidence for partisan sharing. To test whether it has any consequence in the real world, we built a web application for BBC viewers of a popular political program, resulting in a controlled experiment involving more than 70 individuals. Based on what they share and on survey data, we find that partisan sharing has negative consequences: distorted perception of reality. However, we do also find positive aspects of partisan sharing: it is associated with people who are more knowledgeable about politics and engage more with it as they are more likely to vote in the general elections.

As part of her modern novel project, the Peruvian writer Mercedes Cabello de Carbonera (1842- 1909), published six novels in which she represented Lima's society before the War of the Pacific (1879- 1883). The last of these is entitled El Conspirador. Autobiografía de un hombre público. Novela político-social (1892) and is also the one that best problematizes, through parody, the ethical-aesthetic project of its author. In this article, we analyze three aspects : the transvestism of the characters, the carnival of the literate city and the metaliterary reflection through the autobiographical genre. We believe that through them a parodic stylization (Bakhtin, Hutcheon, Tran-Gervat) of different genres in force in the second half of the nineteenth century (political novel, picaresque novel, Costumbrismo' short story, sentimental novel) is configured, which allows the author, on the one hand, to rewrite and subvert her own realistic intentionality reflected in the denomination "political-social", and on the other hand, to reflect on the value of the novel as a civilizing instrument. ; La escritora peruana Mercedes Cabello de Carbonera (1842- 1909), como parte de su proyecto de novela moderna, publicó seis novelas en las que representó la sociedad limeña anterior a la Guerra del Pacífico (1879- 1883). La última de ellas se titula El Conspirador. Autobiografía de un hombre público. Novela político-social (1892) y es también la que mejor problematiza, a través de la parodia, el proyecto ético-estético de su autora. En este artículo, analizamos tres aspectos: el travestismo de los personajes, la carnavalización de la ciudad letrada y la reflexión metaliteraria a través del género autobiográfico. Creemos que a través de ellos se configura una estilización paródica (Bajtin, Hutcheon, Tran-Gervat) de distintos géneros vigentes en la segunda mitad del siglo XIX (novela política, novela picaresca, relato de costumbres, novela sentimental) que le permite a la autora, por un lado, reescribir y subvertir su propia ...

Dans les villes de province comme en banlieue parisienne, l'observation des actions publiques en direction des migrants roms, généralement des Roumains ou des Bulgares, conduit au même constat. Dans tous les cas, l'espace occupe une place prépondérante : on expulse, on regroupe, on met à l'abri, on contrôle les mobilités, etc. Il en va de même pour les discours de justification des politiques en question. Ces derniers mettent l'accent, certes sur les comportements jugés asociaux ou déviants des publics visés, mais aussi sur l'habitat précaire et sur les hébergements mis en place par la puissance publique, le plus souvent dans une logique humanitaire. Comment expliquer cette attention portée aux aspects spatiaux, alors que les causes de la pauvreté sont probablement à rechercher ailleurs, par exemple dans la production des inégalités socio-économiques dans les pays d'origine ou encore dans les logiques d'exclusion juridique orchestrées par l'État français ? Faut-il y voir une sorte de spatialisation de la question sociale, comme le laissent entendre les sociologues à propos de la politique de la ville 1 ? Sans doute, les pouvoirs publics cherchent-ils à résoudre des problèmes locaux, comme j'ai pu le montrer à propos des " villages d'insertion ". Ces derniers ont été installés en Seine-Saint-Denis par l'État et par les collectivités locales dans le cadre de l'éradication de trois grands bidonvilles, à partir de 2007. La confrontation des dispositifs " villages " avec d'autres expériences montre cependant que la réponse est plus complexe car il faut tenir compte des qualités inhérentes à l'espace sur le plan social et politique. Grâce à ces dernières, l'action spatiale constitue en effet un puissant instrument de régulation sociale. En outre, la question de l'attribution des places semble se poser avec toujours plus d'acuité dans les villes françaises. Les réflexions suivantes s'appuient principalement sur des enquêtes réalisées en 2009 au sujet des " villages d'insertion " de la région parisienne 2, ainsi que sur ...

Dans les villes de province comme en banlieue parisienne, l'observation des actions publiques en direction des migrants roms, généralement des Roumains ou des Bulgares, conduit au même constat. Dans tous les cas, l'espace occupe une place prépondérante : on expulse, on regroupe, on met à l'abri, on contrôle les mobilités, etc. Il en va de même pour les discours de justification des politiques en question. Ces derniers mettent l'accent, certes sur les comportements jugés asociaux ou déviants des publics visés, mais aussi sur l'habitat précaire et sur les hébergements mis en place par la puissance publique, le plus souvent dans une logique humanitaire. Comment expliquer cette attention portée aux aspects spatiaux, alors que les causes de la pauvreté sont probablement à rechercher ailleurs, par exemple dans la production des inégalités socio-économiques dans les pays d'origine ou encore dans les logiques d'exclusion juridique orchestrées par l'État français ? Faut-il y voir une sorte de spatialisation de la question sociale, comme le laissent entendre les sociologues à propos de la politique de la ville 1 ? Sans doute, les pouvoirs publics cherchent-ils à résoudre des problèmes locaux, comme j'ai pu le montrer à propos des " villages d'insertion ". Ces derniers ont été installés en Seine-Saint-Denis par l'État et par les collectivités locales dans le cadre de l'éradication de trois grands bidonvilles, à partir de 2007. La confrontation des dispositifs " villages " avec d'autres expériences montre cependant que la réponse est plus complexe car il faut tenir compte des qualités inhérentes à l'espace sur le plan social et politique. Grâce à ces dernières, l'action spatiale constitue en effet un puissant instrument de régulation sociale. En outre, la question de l'attribution des places semble se poser avec toujours plus d'acuité dans les villes françaises. Les réflexions suivantes s'appuient principalement sur des enquêtes réalisées en 2009 au sujet des " villages d'insertion " de la région parisienne 2, ainsi que sur ...