Suchergebnisse

It is generally accepted that the lack of free public spaces in Greek cities, is one of the most severe urban planning problems, not only in the central urban areas but also in the peripheral neighbourhoods. Furthermore, it is a fact that through the land use legal framework there have been efforts towards the implementation of a number of planning tools, regulations, thresholds, methods etc in order to obtain and secure an appropriate level of acceptable urban public space mainly for parks, playgrounds and squares, which would ensure at least a minimal level of essential (sustainable) free urban public space. The reality has shown that this effort has not been successful until today. The provision, the quality and the spatial distribution of public space in Greek cities, cannot correspond to the continuously increasing needs and wishes of citizens. This is probably the most serious weakness of the Greek urban planning system, because it cannot achieve the objectives of urban sustainability. In this manner and specifically for some cities, military camps that exist and occupy vital space in the urban tissue, present a new challenge for "liberating" this space and providing new quality to the urban environment. The present paper presents a case study in which, proposals are formulated for the transformation of "brown" space occupied by military camps, to urban free space, useful for the adjacent neighbourhoods, as well as for the city of Alexandroupolis in general. The importance of the proposal also lies in the fact that this transformation will take in account the present rigid and complex legal and institutional framework, having, thus, the elements of a pilot intervention. The basic approach is based on the principle that military camps are public land, and can be used in the formulation of a regeneration policy. Critical elements of the approach are the assessment of benefit that the transformation of this space will bring to the city, the allocation of the benefits to the neighbourhoods, the effectiveness of spatial integration of the new space in the existing urban structure, and the absolute protection of public space in the whole city.

The COVID-19 pandemic has subjected international relations to a severe stress test - at the level of both individual states and multilateral associations. Among the obvious challenges are the economic crisis, the crisis of global governance, the growth of protectionist and isolationist sentiments, the growing military confrontation along the US-China axis. The article focuses on two important areas of integration of the Greater Eurasia project - in the field of defense and security and in the economic sphere in the context of the pandemic. The first part of the article examines the challenges associated with the defense and security sector of Greater Eurasia, using the example of military cooperation between China and Russia. It is concluded that by 2016, an «average» level of military interaction had been achieved in Russian-Chinese relations, which opens up opportunities for further integration. However, given that relations between the two great powers are built on the basis of respect for national interests and sovereign equality, further military integration of Russia and China is being questioned. It is noted that in the face of growing contradictions between the PRC and the United States, the pandemic contributed to a more self-confident and assertive behavior of Beijing in the foreign arena. The second part of the article examines the economic and geographical dimension of the integration of Greater Eurasia on the example of relations between the Russian Federation and the PRC in the trade and economic sphere. It is indicated that the absence of an agreement on an additional reduction in oil production between Saudi Arabia, Russia and other OPEC+ countries and the corresponding collapse of oil prices have a significant impact on the development of economic integration in Greater Eurasia. Scenarios for the further economic development of this regional international community after the pandemic are proposed.

Сучасні міжнародні відносини є поєднанням відносно автономних видів, у першу чергу політичних (дипломатичних і військових), економічних, культурних та медіа­відносин. Інтеграційні процеси є багатогранним і складним явищем, тому що вони досить складно піддаються аналізу і не мають єдиної та остаточної типології. Питання дослідження інтеграції напряму пов'язані з інтеграційними процесами в реальному світі, спрямовані на виявлення загальних тенденцій, причини, умов та основних рис цього явища. Інтеграція визначає закономірності розвитку сучасного світу, бо під її впливом відбуваються зміни глобальної структури, глобального управління і нова інтеграційна структура має забезпечити активний розвиток людства в цілому. Це основний критерій та принцип сучасного світу і відповідно до цього. Процесу інтеграції протиставляється процес дезінтеграції. Ці процеси тісно пов'язані між собою. Навіть активний інтеграційний розвиток може зупинитись у разі домінуючих дезінтеграційних тенденцій. Роль дезінтеграції полягає не лише в запереченні інтеграції, але вона також створює імпульс для нової конфігурації на регіональному просторі. Процеси інтеграції та дезінтеграції набувають все більшої актуальності у сучасній світовій політичній системі. ; Сучасні міжнародні відносини є поєднанням відносно автономних видів, у першу чергу політичних (дипломатичних і військових), економічних, культурних та медіа­відносин. Інтеграційні процеси є багатогранним і складним явищем, тому що вони досить складно піддаються аналізу і не мають єдиної та остаточної типології. Питання дослідження інтеграції напряму пов'язані з інтеграційними процесами в реальному світі, спрямовані на виявлення загальних тенденцій, причини, умов та основних рис цього явища. Інтеграція визначає закономірності розвитку сучасного світу, бо під її впливом відбуваються зміни глобальної структури, глобального управління і нова інтеграційна структура має забезпечити активний розвиток людства в цілому. Це основний критерій та принцип сучасного світу і відповідно до цього. Процесу інтеграції протиставляється процес дезінтеграції. Ці процеси тісно пов'язані між собою. Навіть активний інтеграційний розвиток може зупинитись у разі домінуючих дезінтеграційних тенденцій. Роль дезінтеграції полягає не лише в запереченні інтеграції, але вона також створює імпульс для нової конфігурації на регіональному просторі. Процеси інтеграції та дезінтеграції набувають все більшої актуальності у сучасній світовій політичній системі. ; Modern international relations are a combination of relatively autonomous species, especially political (military and diplomatic), economic, cultural and media relations. Integration is a multifaceted and complex phenomenon. It is quite difficult process which does not have definitive typology. The issue of integration research directly related to the integration processes in the real world, which identifies general trends, causes, conditions and basic features of this phenomenon. Integration determines patterns of development of the modern world, because it influences on the global structure, global governance. New integration structure should ensure an active human development in general. This is the main criteria and principles of the modern world, and according to this criteria, it is also an institutional functional mechanism. The process of integration is opposed to the process of disintegration. These processes are closely related. Role of disintegration is not only an opposition of integration but also creating momentum for a new regional configuration space. The processes of integration and disintegration become more popular in the modern political system of the world.

В статье рассматривается модель сетевого взаимодействия крупного машиностроительного предприятия и военного образовательного учреждения высшего образования на основе доминирующих принципов: открытости, интегративности, вариативности и непрерывности ; The article deals with the model of network interaction between a large machine-building enterprise and a military educational institution of higher education on the basis of the dominant principles: openness, integration, variability and continuity

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Preface -- Acknowledgements -- Part One The Historical Background -- 1 The Formation of a Policy after 1948: Security versus Citizenship -- 2 The Establishment of the Military Government -- 3 Policy About the Refugee Issue -- 4 Different Perceptions Regarding Arab Lands -- 5 The Intensity of Enforcing the Governmental Policy -- 6 Main Policy Lines, 1967–1990 -- 7 After "Land Day" 1976: Citizenship or Security? -- 8 Ways the Arab Minority Deals with Israeli Policy -- 9 The Pattern of Activities of the Arab Minority, 1948-1967 -- 10 Patterns of Adaptation Adopted by the Arabs from 1967 to 1990 -- 11 After "Land Day": New Arab Political Structures -- 12 Signs of Growing Activism on the Background of the First Lebanese War -- 13 Accelerated Processes of Politicization, 1982–1990 -- 14 Central Government Resolutions and Politics in the Aftermath of Two Waves of Violence -- Part Two The Government's Policy, 1987–2010 -- 1 The Civil Dimension of the Policy towards the Arabs: The First Signs of a Change in the Direction of Narrowing the Gap -- 2 After the 1992 Elections: From Intentions to Deeds -- 3 The Civil Policy from 1996 to 2000: One-sided Striving to Reduce the Gaps -- 4 After the Events of October 2000: Strengthening the Effort to Compensate the Arab Minority -- 5 The Sharon Government: Continuation of the Government's Treatment of the Arab Population -- 6 The Olmert and Netanyahu Governments: Acceleration of Improvements in Treatment of the Arab Population -- 7 The Attitude of the Jewish Majority to the Arab Minority: Increasing Radicalization, Hatred and Alienation -- 8 Two Decades of Change: Not only Security but Civil Integration as Well -- Part Three Political and Social Changes within the Arab Minority -- 1 The Political Reality in Israel at the Beginning of the 1990s

This article explores the impact of the police action and the anti-communist struggle in Hyderabad on the formation of the Indian state in the first years after independence. Because of its central location and diverse cultural heritage, the absorption of the princely state of Hyderabad into the Indian Union was an important goal for Nehru's government. However, the task of bringing Hyderabad into the Union was not an easy one. As it entered Hyderabad, the government of independent India had to come to terms with the limitations of the police, military and bureaucracy, which it had inherited from the colonial state; and as it took over the governance of the state, it had to find ways to manage relations between Hindus and Muslims, even as the social order was being transformed. It also had to fight communism in the Telangana region of the state, whilst trying to ensure the loyalty of its new citizens. This article examines the ways in which India's first government confronted these complex problems. The following pages argue that these early years must be seen as a time of great dynamism, rather than as a period of stability inherited from the colonial state.

The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) embodies Russia's latest attempt to restore interconnections among former Soviet countries through economic means rather than military might. The literature on the EAEU views the initiative as a geopolitical tool, a post-imperial escamotage, a platform to enhance reforms, or a counterhegemonic strategy. This article wishes to understand the EAEU as an example of Carl Schmitt's theorizations, especially in relation to the concept of Great Space. The EAEU resembles the Schmittian Great Space in four main respects: the existence of a regional hegemon with spheres of interest beyond its fixed borders, the expression of an "imperial" community of cultural and historical affinity, the overcome of the rigid Westphalian state model expressed by the jus publicum Europeaum in favor of a large space, and the manifestation of the nomos of the Earth, that is a telluric civilization within the Schmittian contraposition between Land and Sea. The application of the Schmittian Great Space paradigm to the EAEU—in tandem with the proliferation of other regional integration initiatives and organizations—confirms the ongoing global shift from rigid Westphalian nation-states to highly integrated political-economic blocs based on civilizational identity in the frame of a multipolar world.

Belarus and Russia have been discussing and actually working on the integration of their defense structures since Former President of Russia Boris Yeltsin and President of Belarus Aleksandr Lukashenko agreed to the formation of the greater Belarus-Russia Union State. Although development of the overall union state has been slow, some might argue stultified, the two countries have made progress in integrating their defenses. There are only a few colleagues with much interest in Belarusian defense matters, except within the context of their military relationship with Russia. What interest there is concentrates on several recurring questions. How much progress has there actually been? In what areas has the progress occurred? Does the integration present any sort of danger to the West? What sort of capabilities does this force have? This paper attempts to answer them. Adapted from the source document.

The state and prospects of the development of the military education system of Ukraine are analyzed, taking into account Ukraine's course on integration into European and Euro-Atlantic political, economic, security and legal spaces ; Проаналізовано стан і перспективи розвитку системи військової освіти України з урахуванням курсу України на інтеграцію в європейський та євроатлантичний політичний, економічний, безпековий, правовий простори.

The state and prospects of the development of the military education system of Ukraine are analyzed, taking into account Ukraine's course on integration into European and Euro-Atlantic political, economic, security and legal spaces ; Проаналізовано стан і перспективи розвитку системи військової освіти України з урахуванням курсу України на інтеграцію в європейський та євроатлантичний політичний, економічний, безпековий, правовий простори.

This paper explores the experience of information sharing, coordination, and integration of actions of the Civil and Military Polices in the state of Minas Gerais, Brazil, in the context of the IGESP program. The IGESP is based on the introduction of information management systems and organizational changes akin to those associated with COMPSTAT. All the evidence presented points to a causal effect of the IGESP on crime. The most conservative estimates indicate a reduction of 24% in property crimes and 13% in personal crimes. There is also evidence that the IGESP is associated with improved police response, measured by apprehension of weapons and clearance rates. We present one of the first set of causal estimates – with a clear identification strategy – of the impact of COMPSTAT-like programs. The results suggest that the coordination and informational gains represented by the program may constitute a first-order factor in a successful policy for fighting crime.

This paper explores the experience of information sharing, coordination, and integration of actions of the Civil and Military Polices in the state of Minas Gerais, Brazil, in the context of the IGESP program. The IGESP is based on the introduction of information management systems and organizational changes akin to those associated with COMPSTAT. All the evidence presented points to a causal effect of the IGESP on crime. The most conservative estimates indicate a reduction of 24% in property crimes and 13% in personal crimes. There is also evidence that the IGESP is associated with improved police response, measured by apprehension of weapons and clearance rates. We present one of the first set of causal estimates - with a clear identification strategy - of the impact of COMPSTAT-like programs. The results suggest that the coordination and informational gains represented by the program may constitute a first-order factor in a successful policy for fighting crime.

The article is devoted to the study of Civil-Military cooperation in Ukraine and its role and place in the system of public administration. This will provide a real opportunity to follow the stages of development of Civil-Military relations and help to systematize the organizational and legal measures that have been taken to create a modern concept of Civil-Military cooperation.
The study aims to define Civil-Military cooperation as a type of social-legal relations in the system of public administration; the analysis of Civil-Military relations, their special features, the limits of their relationship with Civil-Military cooperation, as well as determining the role and place of such relations in the system of public administration.
The main method of research is the systematic approach, because by means of identifying key elements of Civil-Military relations, it is possible to combine them into a single system and to further analyze the separate direction of such relations – Civil-Military cooperation, exploring it as a complex object and, at the same time, as an integrated the system.
In addition, the systematic approach in the study of Civil-Military cooperation allows building such a system of Civil-Military cooperation of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, which should ensure the fulfillment of the overall strategic goal and achieve a beneficial result from their activities. This is done through the implementation of certain functions by the structural units, communication with other authorities and non-governmental institutions, the use of historical values and achievements, and integration of foreign experience.
The concept of «Civil-Military cooperation» is revealed. The analysis of the normative framework, the work of leading scientists combined with the definition of its goals, tasks and principles will contribute to the construction of a perspective model of management of training specialists in Civil-Military cooperation, and thus – to establish an effective and efficient system of Civil-Military cooperation in Ukraine.
The situation in the East of Ukraine has shown the need to create an effective system of Civil-Military cooperation. It should include training in the specialty «Civil-Military cooperation». An urgent and extremely important task is to create conditions for the training of specialists in Civil-Military cooperation. The main purpose of the management system for training specialists in Civil-Military cooperation includes the following components: provision of personnel, that is, the Identification of the needs of the Armed Forces in the forces and means of the CIMIC; their effective use, that is, the creating of regular posts (both military and civilian) for the CIMIC specialists; professional and social development of CIMIC specialists, that is, the availability of opportunities for training, career development and social needs and requests.