Suchergebnisse

This analysis examines the link between 'indirect rivalry factors' – situations in which states are neighbors of direct US rivals, and/or states that share rivalries in common with the US – and allocations of foreign aid to shed light on the impact of strategic calculations on a key area of foreign policy behavior. Blending literatures on rivalry/conflict and foreign aid, the study is situated in the relevant prior work and a theory is developed that links indirect rivalry factors with allocations of foreign aid. It is argued that indirect rivalry factors are likely to affect a state's foreign assistance as states in a rivalry strategically allocate aid to create friends and isolate their targeted rivals. In particular, it is argued that donors direct greater amounts of aid to (i) other states involved in a rivalry with the donor's rivals (rivalries in common, or 'rivals of my rival' effects) and (ii) states within the geographic region in which the donor's existing rivals are situated (neighborhood effects, or 'neighbors of rivals'). Hypotheses on the effects of these indirect rivalry factors on aid allocations are developed and then tested empirically against US foreign aid allocations from 1962 to 2000. The results lend support to the authors' theory of indirect rivalry factors and their impact on aid allocation.

Constructivism in the International Relations literature mainly focuses on the constitutive interaction between international norms and state actions. Few studies explore when ideas at the domestic level matter in foreign policy change. I propose a constructivist account for policy change that emphasizes not only ideas but also material interests as exogenous factors constituted within domestic structures. My empirical analysis in the case of the Turkish International Cooperation and Development Agency reveals important evidence demonstrating the influence of (i) shared normative values, mostly constituted by the foreign policy elite's intersubjective understanding of Turkey's historical roots and cultural ties in the region and (ii) material interests, favored through the 'trading state' and framed by the convergence of principled and causal beliefs on policy change. Ideas matter in foreign policymaking when a set of contingent conditions is satisfied: (i) A small group of recognized foreign policy elite has shared normative beliefs and (ii) an enabling political environment exists, particularly a majority government facilitating foreign policy appointments to key positions so that a window of opportunity is provided for policy entrepreneurship. Adapted from the source document.

Article Nine of Japan's postwar constitution, drafted in 1946 under U.S. Occupation, claims that the Japanese people "forever renounce the use of force as a means of settling international disputes." During the Cold War, the alliance with the United States allowed Japan to develop a largely defensive military, the Self-Defense Forces. Yet in the decades since, Japan has considered new ways to use its military. Demands from Washington for greater Japanese military participation in coalition forces and a gradual embrace in Japan of contributing to UN peacekeeping led to overseas deployments. Entering the 21st century, North Korea's nuclear and missile proliferation and China's growing maritime assertiveness have challenged Japanese strategists to confront their hesitancy over the use of force. This book examines this ambivalence over the military as an instrument of power and argues that the accelerating changes in Japan's relationship with the United States and with its neighbors are forcing Tokyo's political leaders to confront the idea that they may need to order their military to do what all militaries are expected to do: prepare for war.--

With special reference to the Cyprus question and Turkey's strategic position and role in the Persian Gulf war.

92 p. ; (12mo) ; The Diary was published by Samuel Loudon, Jun. until his death in Sept. 1795.

"Since 1814 Sweden has avoided involvement in armed conflicts and carried out policies of non-alignment in peacetime and neutrality during war. Even though the Swedish government often describes Sweden as a 'nation of peace', in 2004 the 200-year anniversary of that peace passed by with barely any attention. Despite its extraordinary longevity, research about the Swedish experience of enduring peace is underdeveloped. 200 Years of Peace places this long period of peace in broader academic and public discussions surrounding claimed Swedish exceptionality as it is represented in the nation's social policies, expansive welfare state, eugenics, gender equality programs, and peace"--

Winner of the 2010 Hayek Book Prize given by the Manhattan Institute"Money, Markets and Sovereignty is a surprisingly easy read, given the complicated issues covered. In it, Mr. Steil and Mr. Hinds consistently challenge today's statist nostrums."-Doug Bandow, The Washington TimesIn this keenly argued book, Benn Steil and Manuel Hinds offer the most powerful defense of economic liberalism since F. A. Hayek published The Road to Serfdom more than sixty years ago. The authors present a fascinating intellectual history of monetary nationalism from the ancient world to the present and explore why, in its modern incarnation, it represents the single greatest threat to globalization.Steil and Hinds describe the current state of international economic relations as both unusual and precarious. Eras of economic protectionism have historically coincided with monetary nationalism, while eras of liberal trade have been accompanied by a universal monetary standard. But today, the authors show, an unprecedentedly liberal global trade regime operates side by side with the most extreme doctrine of monetary nationalism ever contrived-a situation bound to trigger periodic crises. Steil and Hinds call for a revival of the political and economic thinking that underlay earlier great periods of globalization, thinking that is increasingly under threat by more recent ideas about what sovereignty means