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AbstractThis paper argues that international relations in Africa have changedespecially in content since the abatement of the Cold War. These changeshave been accelerated by the pressures unleashed by the internationalenvironment, including the reality of Africa's marginalisation and the forcesof globalisation. These, along with domestic factors, including debt, internalconflicts, the impact of the ubiquitous structural adjustment programmes(SAPs), HIV/AIDS and human insecurity in general have combined tounderscore foreign aid and economic assistance as key driving forces ofthe continent's foreign policies and diplomacy towards the North. Yet, thenew thrust of foreign policies, informed by the need for foreign aid, has notoccurred without a price. Among other things it has elevated technocrats incentral or reserve banks and finance ministries to positions of prominencevis-à-vis officials from foreign ministries and in the process introduced extra-African actors into the foreign policy making process of the continent. Thisin turn has undermined Africa's increasingly tenuous economic sovereignty.But above all, it has led to the strengthening of ties with the North andinternational creditors in particular at the cost of intra-African relations.The New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) and the AfricanUnion (AU) recently inaugurated, promise to open a new chapter in Africa'sinternational relations. It is argued, however, that against a background of aconfluence of factors, these new continental projects will make only a minimalimpact in terms of mitigating the consequences of the aid-driven foreignpolicies and thus altering the donor-oriented postures of African states

Russia in a Reconnecting Eurasia examines the full scope of Russian national interests in the South Caucasus and Central Asia and analyzes the broad outlines of Russian engagement over the coming years. It is part of a six-part CSIS series, "Eurasia from the Outside In," which includes studies focusing on Turkey, the European Union, Iran, India, Russia, and China

Book 1, Published Material on Canadian-Russian Relations; Book 2, Archival Material on Canadian-Russian Relations (Mostly from Russia). Napoleonic Wars to Cold Wars: An Archival Trail; Book 3, Special Collections. Subject Based Books, Archival Documents, Reports, and Clippings; Book 4, COLD WARRIOR PROPAGANDA PAMPHLETS, 1920s-1970s: English-Language Soviet and International Communist Party Propaganda Pamphlets, Magazines, and Newspapers (Emphasis on materials from and by the Canadian Left, or Soviet and other pamphlets distributed to the Canadian Left); Book 5, Supplement to Books 1-3.

"September 16, 1999." ; "Referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations." ; At head of title: 106th Congress, 1st session. Senate. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Winner of the 2010 Hayek Book Prize given by the Manhattan Institute"Money, Markets and Sovereignty is a surprisingly easy read, given the complicated issues covered. In it, Mr. Steil and Mr. Hinds consistently challenge today's statist nostrums."-Doug Bandow, The Washington TimesIn this keenly argued book, Benn Steil and Manuel Hinds offer the most powerful defense of economic liberalism since F. A. Hayek published The Road to Serfdom more than sixty years ago. The authors present a fascinating intellectual history of monetary nationalism from the ancient world to the present and explore why, in its modern incarnation, it represents the single greatest threat to globalization.Steil and Hinds describe the current state of international economic relations as both unusual and precarious. Eras of economic protectionism have historically coincided with monetary nationalism, while eras of liberal trade have been accompanied by a universal monetary standard. But today, the authors show, an unprecedentedly liberal global trade regime operates side by side with the most extreme doctrine of monetary nationalism ever contrived-a situation bound to trigger periodic crises. Steil and Hinds call for a revival of the political and economic thinking that underlay earlier great periods of globalization, thinking that is increasingly under threat by more recent ideas about what sovereignty means

"As a presidential candidate, Donald Trump broke not only from the Republican Party but also from the bipartisan consensus on the direction of recent U.S. foreign policy. Calling the Iraq War a terrible mistake and lamenting America's nation-building expeditions, Trump evinced little interest in maintaining the traditional form of American leadership of the liberal international order. Instead, Trump's "America First" vision called for a reassertion of American nationalism on the economic front as well as in foreign affairs. Since Trump took office, it has become clear that America First was more of a campaign slogan than a coherent vision of American grand strategy. As president, Trump has steered a course that has maintained some of the worst aspects of previous foreign policy-namely, the pursuit of primacy and frequent military intervention-while managing to make a new set of mistakes all his own. While President Trump continues to muddle along, now is the time to consider what should come after him. In Fuel to the Fire, the authors characterize and explain Trump's foreign policy doctrine and the effect that he likely will have on U.S. foreign policy during his tenure. Furthermore, they provide policy recommendations for the future centered on restraint-a radical departure from America's current expansive global military role in the world, but a return to the historical American focus on trade and diplomacy"--

The following article discusses modern Iranian foreign relations in the Middle East and North Africa from the rise of the Safavid dynasty up to the fall of the Pahlavi dynasty. It looks at the interplay of nationalist and ultra-nationalist variables. The nationalist factors include the beliefs system of the policymakers, interests related to political survival, the political economy, the geopolitics of modern Persia and also the geographical realm. The transnational variables consist of the global order, symmetrical and asymmetrical interdependence, and the regional systemic status. These major components are vital in modern Persia's relationships with the regional and extra-regional players in the Middle East. Unlike the Iranian negative or conflictual dialectics, the Iranian positive or cooperative dialectics is the major consequence of the agent–structure's interactions in this region.

With special reference to the Cyprus question and Turkey's strategic position and role in the Persian Gulf war.

This book represents the first ever comprehensive study of the EU's foreign and security policy in Bosnia. It also sheds new light on the role that intergovernmental, bureaucratic and local political contestation have played in the formulation and implementation of a European foreign and security policy

Caption title. ; At head of title: 52d Congress, 1st session. Senate. Ex. Doc. 114, part 2. ; Mode of access: Internet.