Suchergebnisse

Italian government recently restated its achievement of following with the process of realizing the Messina Strait Bridge (Ponte sullo Stretto) within the investments program for stimulating new growth. Actually because of the economic and financial budget crisis the same Office cut all the national funds at least in the short run till the year 2013. At the same time EU deleted the project from TEN (Trans European Network) agenda. Despite of national government statements, the real destiny of the program is very uncertain. Even because critical studies and assessments strongly increased in the latest years. The essay recalls the history of the project: the first idea was born sat the beginning of Italian national State unity after 1861, but the Myth of rejoining Sicily and continental Italy became an achievable program only after second world war. In 1971 the State issued a national Act for promoting the agenda and the Agency in charge of projecting and building the Messina Strait Bridge. In 1981 the agency was completely organized and named as "Stretto di Messina" Society, that later became "Stretto di Messina Ltd". Several project proposals were advanced by engineers and corporations: eventually through an international technical selection the general shape of the bridge was designed. Over time the strong decrease of land traffic toward Sicily in front of dramatic increase of air passenger travels and sea good flows made the project of the bridge almost useless. Indeed at the middle of 1980's the Italian government was writing the project off. But the never ending story went on. Actually in the recent years, the right parties government reset the Big Works Growth Policies and issued the a national act for promoting and accelerating operations among which the Messina Strait Bridge Program was considered one of the most important. So, in 1992 the first edition of Preliminary Project was introduced: strong critics pushed the Agency to retire and fix the project production: because of that, there was a long debate that ended in 2002 with the new shape of the preliminary project. The final version of the preliminary project was defined in 2005, after further observations and critics by scientists, scholars, environmentalists and overall technicians offices of the several involved Italian Ministers. Today, at the end of 2011 the definitive not-operative project has been finally introduced. The article emphasizes the environmental and territorial impacts of the project and also it underlines its weakness in terms of economics, transportation and land planning, by asking the meaning of building a mega infrastructure for land linkages between Europe and Sicily today, in the age of beautiful landscape and hi-tech. ; Il governo ha ribadito la volontà di proseguire con il progetto del ponte sullo Stretto di Messina, all'interno del quadro di investimenti tesi ad accele­rare la ripresa economica; ha tuttavia azzerato le risorse disponibili per l'operazione, tradendo forse la vera natura dell'enunciazione suddetta: quella della reiterazione-sempre piùstanca e senza convinzione- di una declaratoria ormai rituale quanto improbabile. L'Unione Europea, dal canto suo, ha definitivamente cancellato l'opera dalla lista delle infrastrutture considerate prioritarie e quindi finanziabili con risorse comunitarie. Nonostante le posizioni governative ufficiali, vista anche la crescente opposizione e le critiche di diversi ambiti politici, sociali e scientifici, secondo cui l'attraversamento dello Stretto dovrebbe essere cancellato, l'operazione appare tuttora quanto mai incerta. L'articolo ricostruisce le vicende relative al progetto del ponte, dall'origi­nario dibattito post-unitario sulla necessità di un collegamento stabile tra la Sicilia ed il Continente, alla redazione delle prime ipotesi di piano nel secon­do dopoguerra, all'idea di "area metropolitana dello Stretto e conurbazione del ponte" contenuta nel progetto '80, alle posizioni critiche che, rispetto a tali concetti, sono maturate negli studi relativi alle più recenti versioni del progetto. Nella seconda parte si descrivono gli elementi principali del "progetto di attraversamento aereo dello Stretto di Messina" presentato dalla società dello Stretto al governo il 31/12/02 (progetto preliminare, che ha registrato il parere positivo con prescrizioni del CIPE nel 2005), di cui è stata di recente presentata la versione "definitiva"; e ancora note tratte dalle "Osservazioni sullo studio di impatto ambientale", avanzate per conto di Legambiente, WWF, Italia Nostra e di altre associazioni ambientaliste, da un gruppo di studio coordinato dall'autore delle note presenti, riassumendo anche recenti lavori di aggiornamento (Bettini, Guerzoni, Ziparo, 2002; Pieroni, 2000; Pieroni, Ziparo, 2010; Marino, 2011).

Italian government recently restated its achievement of following with the process of realizing the Messina Strait Bridge (Ponte sullo Stretto) within the investments program for stimulating new growth. Actually because of the economic and financial budget crisis the same Office cut all the national funds at least in the short run till the year 2013. At the same time EU deleted the project from TEN (Trans European Network) agenda. Despite of national government statements, the real destiny of the program is very uncertain. Even because critical studies and assessments strongly increased in the latest years. The essay recalls the history of the project: the first idea was born sat the beginning of Italian national State unity after 1861, but the Myth of rejoining Sicily and continental Italy became an achievable program only after second world war. In 1971 the State issued a national Act for promoting the agenda and the Agency in charge of projecting and building the Messina Strait Bridge. In 1981 the agency was completely organized and named as "Stretto di Messina" Society, that later became "Stretto di Messina Ltd". Several project proposals were advanced by engineers and corporations: eventually through an international technical selection the general shape of the bridge was designed. Over time the strong decrease of land traffic toward Sicily in front of dramatic increase of air passenger travels and sea good flows made the project of the bridge almost useless. Indeed at the middle of 1980's the Italian government was writing the project off. But the never ending story went on. Actually in the recent years, the right parties government reset the Big Works Growth Policies and issued the a national act for promoting and accelerating operations among which the Messina Strait Bridge Program was considered one of the most important. So, in 1992 the first edition of Preliminary Project was introduced: strong critics pushed the Agency to retire and fix the project production: because of that, there was a long debate that ended in 2002 with the new shape of the preliminary project. The final version of the preliminary project was defined in 2005, after further observations and critics by scientists, scholars, environmentalists and overall technicians offices of the several involved Italian Ministers. Today, at the end of 2011 the definitive not-operative project has been finally introduced. The article emphasizes the environmental and territorial impacts of the project and also it underlines its weakness in terms of economics, transportation and land planning, by asking the meaning of building a mega infrastructure for land linkages between Europe and Sicily today, in the age of beautiful landscape and hi-tech. ; Il governo ha ribadito la volontà di proseguire con il progetto del ponte sullo Stretto di Messina, all'interno del quadro di investimenti tesi ad accele­rare la ripresa economica; ha tuttavia azzerato le risorse disponibili per l'operazione, tradendo forse la vera natura dell'enunciazione suddetta: quella della reiterazione-sempre piùstanca e senza convinzione- di una declaratoria ormai rituale quanto improbabile. L'Unione Europea, dal canto suo, ha definitivamente cancellato l'opera dalla lista delle infrastrutture considerate prioritarie e quindi finanziabili con risorse comunitarie. Nonostante le posizioni governative ufficiali, vista anche la crescente opposizione e le critiche di diversi ambiti politici, sociali e scientifici, secondo cui l'attraversamento dello Stretto dovrebbe essere cancellato, l'operazione appare tuttora quanto mai incerta. L'articolo ricostruisce le vicende relative al progetto del ponte, dall'origi­nario dibattito post-unitario sulla necessità di un collegamento stabile tra la Sicilia ed il Continente, alla redazione delle prime ipotesi di piano nel secon­do dopoguerra, all'idea di "area metropolitana dello Stretto e conurbazione del ponte" contenuta nel progetto '80, alle posizioni critiche che, rispetto a tali concetti, sono maturate negli studi relativi alle più recenti versioni del progetto. Nella seconda parte si descrivono gli elementi principali del "progetto di attraversamento aereo dello Stretto di Messina" presentato dalla società dello Stretto al governo il 31/12/02 (progetto preliminare, che ha registrato il parere positivo con prescrizioni del CIPE nel 2005), di cui è stata di recente presentata la versione "definitiva"; e ancora note tratte dalle "Osservazioni sullo studio di impatto ambientale", avanzate per conto di Legambiente, WWF, Italia Nostra e di altre associazioni ambientaliste, da un gruppo di studio coordinato dall'autore delle note presenti, riassumendo anche recenti lavori di aggiornamento (Bettini, Guerzoni, Ziparo, 2002; Pieroni, 2000; Pieroni, Ziparo, 2010; Marino, 2011).

Recently, the issues of social responsibility of business in the US and EU states have been extensively addressed not only by researchers, but also by CEOs of enterprises, politicians, executive governmental authorities, trade unions, non-governmental organisations. This can be judged from the increasing number of publications on this issue as well as states' governmental acts passed to initiate and encourage corporate social responsibility initiatives. The article deals with the development of social responsibility of business in the context of the prevailing economic and manageral theoretical models. Although the concept of corporate social responsibility has been developed in the second half of the 20th century, the social role of business has been mentioned in the English classical political economy research studies. We can state that A. Smith and D. Richard essentially formulated the elements of the concept of corporate social responsibility in business operating within the free competition scheme. K. Marx's theoretical models provide a specific conception of social responsibility, which is actually radically different from that of the classical English political economy approach. Through imposing the value added production function to the capital and by giving its critical assessment, Marx presented his interpretation of social responsibility of both market economy and of alleged public limited company.An important stage in the corporate social responsibility study was the introduction and promotion of stakeholders theory which was reviewed in detail by R. Freeman in his monograph in 1984. He then modified a conventional corporation input-output model which accepted only four groups of players as directly linked to the firm's activity: shareholders, workers, suppliers and customers, by expanding the influences' list to governmental bodies, political groups, trade associations, trade unions, communities, associated corporations, environmentalists, human and customer rights' proponents and other vested parties whose interests are important to business and undertakings. Stakeholders theory admits the importance of corporate responsibility and the necessity of related costs. It maintains that the support of stakeholders adds to formation of a firm-friendly environment and positively affects a firm's operation results. Despite its popularity, stakeholders theory however failed the overall unconditional acclaim and has been subject to criticism both in the theoretical and empirical aspects.Corporate social responsibility analysis has been closely related to strategic corporate governance issues. This is obviously featured in a rather popular resource-based view model. The model maintains that every firm possesses a unique specific combination of resources and competences. Should these resources and capacities prove to show indeed valued, unique, rare and indispensable, they can actually make for the exclusive competitive advantage to the firm. Certainly, companies strive to identify, sustain and develop this advantage.Modem society shows an obvious growing influence of corporate social responsibility supporters. It shoved be noted that stakeholders, who a couple decades ago used to demand managerial social responsibility, sought arguments in the defence of their positions primarily in the ethics research works. Lately there has been a general tendency to justify the social responsibility of business on the account of financial benefit consideration. Also, an important thing is that even amongst the conventional neoclassical economic scholars increasing are studies that attempt to justify the costs of corporate social programmes through revealing their efficiency on a long-term scale. As a joint-point to enable incorporation of social expenses in the neoclassical profit maximisation model, the conception of strategic investment has been used lately. Classical enterprise theory makes impossible the maximization of the two values simultaneously - the profit and social benefit. Some researchers, however, through the use of traditional macroeconomic analysis instruments, seek to prove that corporate social programmes should be approached as strategic investment. In this respect, the dimensions of profit and social responsibility maximisation coincide.In Lithuania, corporate social responsibility has been mostly assessed in the context of human resource theory. Empiric analysis in the field remains in its initial stage. ; Straipsnyje nagrinėjama verslo socialinės atsakomybės sampratos ir įtakos kaita paplitusių ekonomikos ir vadybos teorijų kontekste. Analizuojami valstybės institucijų, piliečių ir jų organizacijų verslo santykiai, atskleidžiamos verslo socialinių funkcijų traktuotės evoliucionuojant rinkos ūkiui. Korporacijų socialinės atsakomybės koncepcija buvo išplėtota antrojoje XX amžiaus pusėje, tačiau verslo socialinių funkcijų klausimo ištakos - anglų klasikinės politinės ekonomijos atstovų darbai. Svarbiu įmonių socialinės atsakomybės tyrinėjimo etapu tapo suinteresuotųjų grupių teorijos plėtra ir raida. Įmonės išteklių požiūrio teorijoje išryškėjo tendencija verslo socialinį atsakingumą grįsti finansine nauda. Net tradicinės neoklasikinės ekonominės minties atstovų darbuose gausėja argumentų, pateisinančių įmonių socialinių programų kaštus ilgą laikotarpį. Lietuvoje socialinės atsakomybės tyrimai plėtojami žmoniškųjų išteklių teorijos kontekste.

The series of interviews presented in this book were originally conceived as a part of a wider project, investigating the ways in which Nordic people relate to nature. That project, entitled "Nature, National Identity and Environmental Policy in the Nordic Countries", was initiated in 1995 by Elfar Loftsson and Ulrik Lohm from the University of Linköping; Páll Skúlason and Þorvarður Árnason from the University of Iceland; and Lars Henrik Schmidt from the University of Århus. The project was intended from the outset to be interdisciplinary, with sociological, anthropological and philosophical methods to be applied in the investigation. Originally, the project involved three Nordic countries: Sweden, Denmark and Iceland. Parts of the project were undertaken in all three countries so that it would be possible to compare the results, whilst other parts were carried out separately in each country. The largest common sub-project was a questionnaire survey that was carried out in 1997 and investigated views of nature, and environmental concerns, amongst the general public in Sweden, Denmark and Iceland.In connection with the questionnaire survey, it was decided to invite an experienced journalist to join in the project and to ask him to interview people with various backgrounds, in order to elicit from them, in a personal manner, their ways of valuing and relating to nature. In addition to being of interest in themselves, the interviews were intended to complement the other parts of the project. Páll Skúlason had worked earlier with Jacques Gandebeuf when he came to Iceland in the wake of the volcanic eruption in the Westman Islands in 1972 to interview people about their experiences of living in a close Páll Skúlason and dangerous relationship with nature. Thus, Páll knew about Jacques´ skills as an interviewer, his great experience as an environmentalist, and his remarkable talent as a writer; and it was agreed to ask him to do the job. He accepted the assignment, and in this book the reader is presented with the results. Jacques Gandebeuf was born and brought up in Clermont-Ferrand, in the centre of France. He studied law and economic history before turning to journalism. From 1966 to 1992 he worked as a major reporter and editorialist in the great regional journal Républicain Lorrain, published in Metz in the north of France. During this period, he covered all the great events in the world, traveling to more than 80 countries. He also become an active member of the association of journalists and writers for ecology and wrote extensively on environmental issues. After retiring in 1992 he has written some ten books, among them My Father's Accent, which is a work of fiction on the linguistic problems of Lorraine, and three books on the experiences of people in that region during the two world wars. A specialist of European affairs, his personal interests bear particularly upon music and also upon sculpting, an art at which he himself excels. In connection with the Nordic project, Jacques conducted his first series of interviews in Iceland in 1996 and a second series in Sweden in 1997. For various reasons, he was unable to conduct any interviews in Denmark before the project came to an end. In the year 2000, however, the opportunity arose to survey Norwegian views of nature, thanks to the assistance of Gunnar Skirbekk at the University of Bergen, and the interviews contained in the present volume thus include the perspectives of three Nordic nations. These interviews were conducted in the period when environmental issues of all sorts were for the first time in history commanding public attention. Since then these issues have become progressively more and more the concern of public debates. In these debates what is most important are the various sentiments, feelings and worries that people have, and may share, all over the world. It is vital that politicians, scientists, entrepreneurs, and others engaged in decision-making that affects nature, take into account the ways in which people value and relating to nature. This book should be extremely useful for achieving an understanding of the attitudes and feelings that people have. Jacques was of course entirely free to conduct and present the interviews in whatever way he thought best. To my mind he has succeeded in revealing, in an exciting and interesting manner, how ordinary people in a certain part of the world felt and thought about nature at the end of the 20th century. It remains to be asked how people will feel and think about nature at the end of the current century, if we humans are still around and if there is still be a nature to which we can relate.

In recent years, there has been intense debate about the population size to which Australia should aim in the 21st century. Some argue for a much lower population than we have now. The environmentalist, Tim Flannery, for example, has suggested that Australians might opt for a future population of between 6 and 12 million people. Others argue for a considerably larger population. For example, former Prime Minister, Malcolm Fraser, would like to see a population of 45 to 50 million people in the next 50 years. This paper shows that the targets specified by both Flannery and Fraser are unattainable in the next 50 years because such targets can only be reached through levels of immigration which are impossibly negative on one side or impossibly large on the other side. The demographic reality is that the options for Australia's future population size are much more limited than the options that are considered in popular debate. The limiting factor is our low, and falling, level of fertility. The powerful demographic effects of low fertility have been little appreciated. One of the aims of this paper is to provide such an appreciation. We show that with zero net migration, Australia's projected levels of fertility and mortality would lead to the population rising initially to 20 million and then falling slowly in the first half of next century and rapidly in the second half. The population would age dramatically and the size of the labour force would fall markedly. We argue that these are not desirable outcomes and that, as a consequence, we should seek to have immigration levels which, at the least, lead to zero population growth. A level of net annual migration of around 80 000, in combination with our low fertility rate, would lead to zero population growth in about 25 years and a population size of about 24-25 million. Given current trends in fertility and mortality, annual net migration to Australia of at least 80 000 persons is necessary to avoid spiralling population decline and substantial falls in the size of the labour force. This level of annual net migration also makes a worthwhile and efficient contribution to the retardation of population ageing. Levels of annual net migration above 80 000 become increasingly ineffective and inefficient in the retardation of ageing. Those who wish to argue for a higher level of immigration must base their argument on the benefits of a larger population, not upon the illusory 'younging power' of high immigration. The level of about 80 000 is close to the average net migration of the past eight years and of the past 50 years. Thus, if present settings do not change, we are headed towards this outcome. There is an upper limit to annual net migration. We argue that there were difficulties in the late 1980s when net migration rose for just two years to over 150 000 per annum. While it is not possible to be prescriptive, a sustained net migration level of 120 000 per annum is at the high end of what Australia seems to be able to manage. Furthermore, it is little understood that the Australian Government has only a very limited degree of control over the final level of annual net migration. It has almost no control over movements out of the country and little control over long-term (as distinct from permanent) movement into the country. Even major components of permanent movement into the country (New Zealand citizens and spouses or children of Australian residents) are largely beyond the government's control. That is, it is not possible for any Australian government to precisely determine the level of annual net migration. For example, net migration was 72 000 in 1997 and 112 000 in 1998. The increase of 40 000 between these two years was not the outcome of deliberate government policy. If the desirable range of annual net migration is as narrow as 80 000 to 120 000 and if government is unable to determine this level with any degree of precision, heated debate about immigration levels seems pointless. In these circumstances, the major parties should reconsider the advantages of a bipartisan approach to immigration policy. Our analysis in the paper is based on the assumption that the fertility rate in Australia will not fall below 1.65 births per woman on average in the long term. In our view, population policy for Australia should revolve around ensuring that fertility does not fall below this level.

Books reviewed in this articles:Altshuler, Alan, Martin Anderson, Daniel Jones, Daniel Roos, and James Womach, The Future of the Automobile: the Report of MIT's International Automobile ProgramBenner, Jeffrey, Structure of Decision: The Indian Foreign Policy BureaucracyBerry, Jeffrey M., Feeding Hungry People: Rulemaking in the Food Stamp ProgramBertsch, Kenneth A., and Linda S. Shaw, The Nuclear Weapons IndustryBhide, Amar, Of Politics and Economic Reality: The Art of Winning Elections with Sound Economic PoliciesBinkin, Martin, America's Volunteer Military: Progress and ProspectsBrown, Lawrence D., James W. Fossett, and Kenneth T. Palmer, The Changing Politics of Federal GrantsBrowning, Rufus P., Dale Rogers Marshall, and David H. Tabb, Protest is Not Enough; The Struggle of Blacks and Hispanics for Equality in Urban PoliticsChristie, Renfrew, Electricity, Industry and Class in South AfricaDilworth, Mary E. with V. Y‐Tessa Perry, Teachers' Totter: A Report on Teacher Certification IssuesFlammang, Janet A. (ed.), Political Women: Current Roles in State and Local GovernmentFloyd, Robert H., Clive S. Gray, and R.P. Short, Public Enterprise in Mixed Economies; Some Macroeconomic AspectsGere, Edwin A. Jr., Modernizing Local Government in Massachusetts; The Quest for Professionalism and ReformGodson, Roy, Labor in Soviet Global StrategyHargrove, Erwin C., and Samuel A. Morely (eds.), The President and the Council of Economic Advisers: Interviews with CEA ChairmenHargrove, Erwin C., and Michael Nelson, Presidents, Politics, and PolicyHess, Stephen, The Government/Press Connection: Press Officers and Their OfficesHewitt, Ed A., Energy, Economics, and Foreign Policy in the Soviet UnionHills, Jill, Information Technology and Industrial PolicyHolzer, Marc, and Stuart S. Nagel (eds.), Productivity and Public PolicyIppolito, Dennis S., Hidden Spending; the Politics of Federal Credit ProgramsIrwin, Manley Rutherford, Telecommunications America; Markets Without BoundariesJain, R.K. (ed.), China and Thailand, 1949–1983Johansen, Elaine, Comparable Worth: The Myth and the MovementJohnson, Chalmers (ed.), The Industrial Policy DebateJohnson, Loch K., The Making of International Agreements; Congress Confronts the ExecutiveKlein, Ethel, Gender Politics: From Consciousness to Mass Politics (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984), x + 209 pp.; ISBN 0‐674‐34196‐1, $16.50 hardcover.Klinger, Donald E., and John Nalbandian, Public Personnel Management: Contexts and StrategiesKronish, Rich, and Kenneth S. Mericle (eds.), The Political Economy of the Latin American Motor Vehicle IndustryLandsman, Stephan, The Adversary System: A Description and DefenseLogue, Dennis E., and Richard J. Rogalski, Managing Corporate Pension Plans: The Impacts of InflationLustgarten, Steven, Productivity and Prices; The Consequences of Industrial ConcentrationMakin, John H., The Global Debt Crisis: America's Growing InvolvementMarien, Michael, with Lane Jennings (eds.), Future Survey Annual, 1983: A Guide to the Recent Literature of Trends, Forecasts, and Policy ProposalsMilbrath, Lester W., with Barbara V. Fisher, Environmentalists; Vanguard for a New SocietyMiller, Edward B., Antitrust Laws and Employee Relations: An Analysis of Their Impact on Management and Union PoliciesMurray, Charles, Losing Ground; American Social Policy, 1950–1980Navarro, Peter, The Policy Game: How Special Interests and Ideologues are Stealing AmericaNess, Gayl, and Hirofumi Ando, The Land is Shrinking; Population Planning in AsiaNoelle‐Neumann, Elisabeth, The Spiral of Silence: Public Opinion – Our Social SkinOrganski, A.F.K., Jacek Kugler, J. Timothy Johnson, and Youssef Cohen, Births, Deaths, and Taxes; The Demographic and Political TransitionsPalen, J. John, and Bruce London (eds.), Gentrification, Displacement and Neighborhood RevitalizationPearlman, Michael, To Make Democracy Safe for America; Patricians and Preparedness in the Progressive EraPearton, Maurice, Diplomacy, War and Technology Since 1830Perry, Ronald W., and Alvin H. Mushkatel, Disaster Management: Warning Response and Community RelocationPorter, Paul R., and David C. Sweet (eds.), Rebuildng America's Cities: Roads to RecoveryPreston, Michael B., The Politics of Bureaucratic Reform; The Case of the California State Employment ServiceSarkesian, Sam C. (ed.), Presidential Leadership and National Security: Style, Institutions, and PoliticsSchweitzer, Carl‐Christoph, Detlev Karsten, Robert Spencer, R. Taylor Cole, Donald Kommers, and Anthony Nicholls (eds.), Politics and Government in the Federal Republic of Germany; Basic DocumentsSmith, Bruce L.R. (ed.), The Higher Civil Service in Europe and Canada: Lessons for the United StatesSmith, Steven S., and Christopher J. Deering, Committees in CongressTanzi, Vito (ed.), Taxation, Inflation, and Interest RatesVig, Norman J. and Michael E. Kraft (eds.), Environmental Policy in the 1980s: Reagan's New AgendaWeintraub, Sidney, Free Trade between Mexico and the United States?Wireman, Peggy, Urban Neighborhoods, Networks, and Families: New Forms for Old ValuesWoolley, James T., Monetary Politics: The Federal Reserve and the Politics of Monetary PolicyYager, Joseph A. with Shelley M. Matsuba, The Energy Balance in Northeast Asia

Climate change is the buzz-word of the decade. It is being discussed in the media, in universities, in environment groups and in business councils. So what is it and why the concern? Climate change is a relatively new phenomenon, referring to the changes in the Earth's climate as a result of humans releasing greenhouse gases into the atmosphere, largely through fossil fuel combustion. It is a concern because it challenges the way we live, our food resources and our environment. Climate change results in increased temperatures, more frequent and lengthy droughts and severe weather events such as flooding and cyclones. It affects agricultural productivity, increases the risk of infectious diseases such as malaria, and has the potential to destroy sensitive natural areas such as the Great Barrier Reef and alpine regions such as Kosciusko National Park. Increased temperatures can also lead to sea level rise as glaciers and ice caps melt, threatening low-lying populated areas. Thanks to publications such as the Stern Review on the Economics of Climate Change, the public is increasingly aware of the costs involved for present and future generations if action to reduce the impact of climate change is not taken. The call to action is not only coming from left-wing environmentalists, but from business groups, banks, and mining companies. Submissions to the Prime Minister's Taskforce on Emissions Trading reveal the breadth of concern coming from all areas of the community. In Australia, the federal government has initiated several climate change mitigation measures such as funding for low-emissions technologies, and is awaiting the report from the Taskforce before considering implementing an emissions trading scheme for Australia. The emissions trading option is increasingly being taken up around the world as a cost-effective and flexible way of reducing emissions. Emissions trading first began in America as a way of controlling nitrogen oxide and sulphur dioxide emissions, and since its adoption as a mechanism in the Kyoto Protocol it has grown in both popularity and familiarity. Emissions trading involves granting firms the right to emit a certain amount of emissions, in the form of emissions permits, and giving them the choice as to how and when they reduce emissions. Any firm that requires more than its assigned number of permits must buy more permits from another firm. Firms therefore have an incentive to reduce emissions and sell their excess permits to make a profit. Government can decide exactly how many permits to issue, in order to meet a certain environmental target of emissions reductions. Emissions trading then has the advantage over other options such as an emissions tax, because trading allows firms to choose when, where and how to reduce emissions in the most cost-effective way. It also allows government to choose the environmental target without the risk of choosing a tax rate that is too high or too low, resulting in emissions higher or lower than desired. Because of these advantages, emissions trading is rapidly being adopted as the climate change policy of choice - schemes exist in the European Union, Japan and New South Wales, and are being considered for the USA and Australia, as well as other countries such as Canada. All these schemes vary in their design rules and application. Some have only short-term targets, others long term. Some use a Cap and Trade model, others use Baseline and Credit. Some apply only to the electricity sector, some to four or more sectors of the economy. Some hand out free permits to firms, others auction them off to the highest bidder. What is increasingly clear about these design choices is that all involve a trade-off of some sort. Economic efficiency is traded off against politics. The environmental target is traded off against cost certainty. Flexibility is traded off against predictability. The decision to cover only the electricity sector reduces administrative cost but reduces the number of abatement opportunities available. The use of price caps increases cost certainty but may reduce the opportunities available for the development of low-emissions technologies. Linking with other international schemes increases the opportunities available for low-cost emissions abatement but reduces a country's ability to influence the price of emissions permits. It is important for those involved in climate change policy and emissions trading to be aware of these, and other trade-offs, in the choice of particular scheme design features. They then can design a scheme that is uniquely suited to the particular circumstances of the county in which it is to be developed, without compromising the effectiveness of emissions trading as a means of combating climate changing emissions.

International audience ; The "land estate" has for many years been the subject of a thorough reflection in New Caledonia, nourished by research work (cf. for example Bensa 1992, Naepels 1998, Le Meur, 2009) and translated in terms of public policy by the land reform activities of the Rural Development and Land Management Board (ADRAF) and in the Noumea Accord (1998) and the Organic Law (1999). The traditional "connection to land" has become a key consideration in land policy. The concept of customary land has come to unify a disparate collection of places, referring to different historical strata, formed by the reservations and their extensions, clan allocations and les Groupements de Droit Particulier Local (GDPL). The "connection to sea" has not received the same attention, from either research or public policy. One reason for this (in terms of public policy) lies in the almost inviolable law on public maritime domain which leaves little room for management methods and practices inspired by local norms. Yet the assertion in Kanak discourse of the continuity of "customary" territorial control from "the ridge to the reef" is problematic, as are local claims, sometimes old, of protection and local management of marine areas. We address these issues using case studies on patterns of use and management of marine resources at Borendy (Commune of Thio) and Oundjo (Commune of Voh), highlighting the plurality of norms and authorities that regulate the "marine estate" (beyond the mere dualism of the maritime public domain/ "customary law"), in a context of the growing strength of environmentalist schemes (marine protected areas, World Heritage listing of the lagoon, provincial environment codes). The analysis will be comparative. The research sites are located in two provinces of Grande Terre (which have each developed different legal frameworks and political and developmental orientations), with different local environmental/marine issues (proposed provincial MPAs at Thio-Borendy, existing "customary reserve" at Oundjo that is not legally recognised but locally perceived as legitimate). These two levels of differentiation return us to the issue of interactions between different levels – village, customary district, commune, province and territory – that further complicate the legal and institutional pluralism that pervades both local resource management and public policy making. ; Le « foncier terrestre » fait depuis de nombreuses années l'objet d'une réflexion approfondie en Nouvelle-Calédonie, nourrie par les travaux de la recherche (cf. par exemple Bensa 1992, Naepels 1998, Le Meur 2009) et traduite en termes de politique publique par l'action de l'ADRAF Etat dans le cadre de la réforme foncière et par l'Accord de Nouméa (1998) et la Loi organique (1999). Le « lien à la terre » est devenu un acteur de la politique foncière et la notion de terre coutumière est venue unifier l'ensemble disparate, et renvoyant à différentes strates historiques, formé par les réserves et leurs agrandissements, les attributions claniques et les GDPL. Le « lien à la mer » n'a pas fait l'objet de la même attention, tant de la part de la recherche que des politiques publiques. Une raison à cela (pour ce qui est des politiques publiques) réside dans le caractère quasi intangible de la loi sur le Domaine public maritime qui laisse peu de place à des modes de gestion inspirés des pratiques et des normes locales. Or l'affirmation dans les discours kanak de la continuité des maîtrises territoriales « coutumières » qui vont « de la chaîne au récif » pose question, tout comme les demandes locales, parfois anciennes, de protection et de gestion locale de zones maritimes. Nous aborderons ces questions à partir d'études de cas sur les modes d'usage et de gestion des ressources marines à Borendy (commune de Thio) et à Oundjo (commune de Voh), mettant en lumière la pluralité des normes et des autorités qui règlent la question du "foncier marin" (au-delà du seul dualisme DPM/"droit coutumier"), dans un contexte de montée en puissance du dispositif environnementaliste (aires marines protégées, classement du lagon, codes provinciaux de l'environnement). L'analyse sera comparative. Les terrains de recherche sont situés dans les deux provinces de la Grande Terre (qui ont chacune développé un cadre légal et des orientations politiques et développementistes différentes) et dont la problématique environnementale/marine locale est d'autre part également différente (démarrage prochain d'aires marines protégées provinciales à Thio-Borendy, existence d'une "réserve coutumière" non reconnue légalement mais perçue localement comme légitime à Oundjo). Ces deux niveaux de différenciation renvoient à la question des jeux d'échelle entre tribu/district coutumier, commune, province et territoire qui viennent encore complexifier le pluralisme institutionnel et juridique qui imprègne à la fois les modes locaux de gestion de ressources et la production des politiques publiques.

International audience ; The "land estate" has for many years been the subject of a thorough reflection in New Caledonia, nourished by research work (cf. for example Bensa 1992, Naepels 1998, Le Meur, 2009) and translated in terms of public policy by the land reform activities of the Rural Development and Land Management Board (ADRAF) and in the Noumea Accord (1998) and the Organic Law (1999). The traditional "connection to land" has become a key consideration in land policy. The concept of customary land has come to unify a disparate collection of places, referring to different historical strata, formed by the reservations and their extensions, clan allocations and les Groupements de Droit Particulier Local (GDPL). The "connection to sea" has not received the same attention, from either research or public policy. One reason for this (in terms of public policy) lies in the almost inviolable law on public maritime domain which leaves little room for management methods and practices inspired by local norms. Yet the assertion in Kanak discourse of the continuity of "customary" territorial control from "the ridge to the reef" is problematic, as are local claims, sometimes old, of protection and local management of marine areas. We address these issues using case studies on patterns of use and management of marine resources at Borendy (Commune of Thio) and Oundjo (Commune of Voh), highlighting the plurality of norms and authorities that regulate the "marine estate" (beyond the mere dualism of the maritime public domain/ "customary law"), in a context of the growing strength of environmentalist schemes (marine protected areas, World Heritage listing of the lagoon, provincial environment codes). The analysis will be comparative. The research sites are located in two provinces of Grande Terre (which have each developed different legal frameworks and political and developmental orientations), with different local environmental/marine issues (proposed provincial MPAs at Thio-Borendy, existing "customary reserve" at Oundjo that is not legally recognised but locally perceived as legitimate). These two levels of differentiation return us to the issue of interactions between different levels – village, customary district, commune, province and territory – that further complicate the legal and institutional pluralism that pervades both local resource management and public policy making. ; Le « foncier terrestre » fait depuis de nombreuses années l'objet d'une réflexion approfondie en Nouvelle-Calédonie, nourrie par les travaux de la recherche (cf. par exemple Bensa 1992, Naepels 1998, Le Meur 2009) et traduite en termes de politique publique par l'action de l'ADRAF Etat dans le cadre de la réforme foncière et par l'Accord de Nouméa (1998) et la Loi organique (1999). Le « lien à la terre » est devenu un acteur de la politique foncière et la notion de terre coutumière est venue unifier l'ensemble disparate, et renvoyant à différentes strates historiques, formé par les réserves et leurs agrandissements, les attributions claniques et les GDPL. Le « lien à la mer » n'a pas fait l'objet de la même attention, tant de la part de la recherche que des politiques publiques. Une raison à cela (pour ce qui est des politiques publiques) réside dans le caractère quasi intangible de la loi sur le Domaine public maritime qui laisse peu de place à des modes de gestion inspirés des pratiques et des normes locales. Or l'affirmation dans les discours kanak de la continuité des maîtrises territoriales « coutumières » qui vont « de la chaîne au récif » pose question, tout comme les demandes locales, parfois anciennes, de protection et de gestion locale de zones maritimes. Nous aborderons ces questions à partir d'études de cas sur les modes d'usage et de gestion des ressources marines à Borendy (commune de Thio) et à Oundjo (commune de Voh), mettant en lumière la pluralité des normes et des autorités qui règlent la question du "foncier marin" (au-delà du seul dualisme DPM/"droit coutumier"), dans un contexte de montée en puissance du dispositif environnementaliste (aires marines protégées, classement du lagon, codes provinciaux de l'environnement). L'analyse sera comparative. Les terrains de recherche sont situés dans les deux provinces de la Grande Terre (qui ont chacune développé un cadre légal et des orientations politiques et développementistes différentes) et dont la problématique environnementale/marine locale est d'autre part également différente (démarrage prochain d'aires marines protégées provinciales à Thio-Borendy, existence d'une "réserve coutumière" non reconnue légalement mais perçue localement comme légitime à Oundjo). Ces deux niveaux de différenciation renvoient à la question des jeux d'échelle entre tribu/district coutumier, commune, province et territoire qui viennent encore complexifier le pluralisme institutionnel et juridique qui imprègne à la fois les modes locaux de gestion de ressources et la production des politiques publiques.

Le « foncier terrestre » fait depuis de nombreuses années l'objet d'une réflexion approfondie en Nouvelle-Calédonie, nourrie par les travaux de la recherche (cf. par exemple Bensa 1992, Naepels 1998, Le Meur 2009) et traduite en termes de politique publique par l'action de l'ADRAF Etat dans le cadre de la réforme foncière et par l'Accord de Nouméa (1998) et la Loi organique (1999). Le « lien à la terre » est devenu un acteur de la politique foncière et la notion de terre coutumière est venue unifier l'ensemble disparate, et renvoyant à différentes strates historiques, formé par les réserves et leurs agrandissements, les attributions claniques et les GDPL. Le « lien à la mer » n'a pas fait l'objet de la même attention, tant de la part de la recherche que des politiques publiques. Une raison à cela (pour ce qui est des politiques publiques) réside dans le caractère quasi intangible de la loi sur le Domaine public maritime qui laisse peu de place à des modes de gestion inspirés des pratiques et des normes locales. Or l'affirmation dans les discours kanak de la continuité des maîtrises territoriales « coutumières » qui vont « de la chaîne au récif » pose question, tout comme les demandes locales, parfois anciennes, de protection et de gestion locale de zones maritimes. Nous aborderons ces questions à partir d'études de cas sur les modes d'usage et de gestion des ressources marines à Borendy (commune de Thio) et à Oundjo (commune de Voh), mettant en lumière la pluralité des normes et des autorités qui règlent la question du "foncier marin" (au-delà du seul dualisme DPM/"droit coutumier"), dans un contexte de montée en puissance du dispositif environnementaliste (aires marines protégées, classement du lagon, codes provinciaux de l'environnement). L'analyse sera comparative. Les terrains de recherche sont situés dans les deux provinces de la Grande Terre (qui ont chacune développé un cadre légal et des orientations politiques et développementistes différentes) et dont la problématique environnementale/marine locale est d'autre part également différente (démarrage prochain d'aires marines protégées provinciales à Thio-Borendy, existence d'une "réserve coutumière" non reconnue légalement mais perçue localement comme légitime à Oundjo). Ces deux niveaux de différenciation renvoient à la question des jeux d'échelle entre tribu/district coutumier, commune, province et territoire qui viennent encore complexifier le pluralisme institutionnel et juridique qui imprègne à la fois les modes locaux de gestion de ressources et la production des politiques publiques. ; The "land estate" has for many years been the subject of a thorough reflection in New Caledonia, nourished by research work (cf. for example Bensa 1992, Naepels 1998, Le Meur, 2009) and translated in terms of public policy by the land reform activities of the Rural Development and Land Management Board (ADRAF) and in the Noumea Accord (1998) and the Organic Law (1999). The traditional "connection to land" has become a key consideration in land policy. The concept of customary land has come to unify a disparate collection of places, referring to different historical strata, formed by the reservations and their extensions, clan allocations and les Groupements de Droit Particulier Local (GDPL). The "connection to sea" has not received the same attention, from either research or public policy. One reason for this (in terms of public policy) lies in the almost inviolable law on public maritime domain which leaves little room for management methods and practices inspired by local norms. Yet the assertion in Kanak discourse of the continuity of "customary" territorial control from "the ridge to the reef" is problematic, as are local claims, sometimes old, of protection and local management of marine areas. We address these issues using case studies on patterns of use and management of marine resources at Borendy (Commune of Thio) and Oundjo (Commune of Voh), highlighting the plurality of norms and authorities that regulate the "marine estate" (beyond the mere dualism of the maritime public domain/ "customary law"), in a context of the growing strength of environmentalist schemes (marine protected areas, World Heritage listing of the lagoon, provincial environment codes). The analysis will be comparative. The research sites are located in two provinces of Grande Terre (which have each developed different legal frameworks and political and developmental orientations), with different local environmental/marine issues (proposed provincial MPAs at Thio-Borendy, existing "customary reserve" at Oundjo that is not legally recognised but locally perceived as legitimate). These two levels of differentiation return us to the issue of interactions between different levels – village, customary district, commune, province and territory – that further complicate the legal and institutional pluralism that pervades both local resource management and public policy making.

[spa] La investigación sobre el conflicto por la gestión del servicio de acueducto en Dosquebradas, es un estudio que aprovecha el enfoque ofrecido por la ecología política, para explicar la manera como en un municipio colombiano se presentan desacuerdos entre la administración municipal y las asociaciones de acueductos comunitarios para la solución del problema de desabastecimiento de agua potable para los habitantes pobres de la localidad. Este conflicto ambiental aparece por la presencia principalmente de tres factores: En primer lugar, la urbanización del municipio de Dosquebradas en manos de particulares, sin control y orientación estatal obligó a los pobladores a construir sus propios sistemas de abastecimiento de agua potable. Se trata de asentamientos periurbanos, en muchos casos sin licencias ni permiso de urbanismo, que convirtió el territorio biquebradense desde 1948 en una feria de predios. Como consecuencia de ello, una gran proporción de urbanizaciones se han construido sin garantía de acceso a los servicios públicos de agua. En segundo lugar, esta situación se ha dado en el marco de unas políticas ambientales y de servicios públicos municipales, regionales y nacionales que han favorecido progresivamente la mercantilización del sector en general y del servicio público en particular, y su traspaso a manos de actores privados o empresas mixtas. Con ello, se debilitó la responsabilidad estatal en la prestación de los servicios públicos a la población más pobre. Estos dos antecedentes, contrastaron con un modelo de gestión colectiva del servicio de acueducto, que en Dosquebradas comenzó desde 1925. Para los habitantes de diferentes zonas de Dosquebradas, la autogestión fue y continúa siendo la solución más efectiva para cubrir muchas de sus necesidades básicas como apertura de brechas, caminos, vías y saneamiento básico, construcción de acueducto y alcantarillado. Sin embargo, este modelo de gestión colectiva se debilitó a medida que parte de los líderes de las Juntas de Acción Comunal y de las Asociaciones de acueductos comunitarios, ante la urgencia por satisfacer las múltiples necesidades de los pobladores pobres a quienes representaban y mantener las infraestructuras necesarias para garantizar el servicio de acueducto a mayor número de habitantes, se articularon a redes clientelares de políticos que ofrecían solución a las demandas de la población en épocas electorales, para luego generalmente incumplirlas durante el desarrollo de la gestión pública. A cambio de ello, los directivos redujeron la autonomía política que caracteriza al modelo de gestión colectiva del agua, ya que su gestión para sostener la infraestructura dependió en algunos casos de promesas irresueltas por parte de los políticos de turno. El conflicto ambiental que afronta hoy el municipio de Dosquebradas contrapone a distintos prestadores que gestionan el servicio de acueducto, a la sociedad civil y las instituciones públicas, y se manifiesta como una competencia entre dos modelos de prestación del servicio público de agua potable, el estatal-empresarial y el colectivo. Cada uno de estos modelos supone esquemas distintos de propiedad de la infraestructura, de administración y de organización social. Se encuentra conectado con una problemática más global de confrontación por el manejo y la administración de los recursos naturales, que forma parte del proceso de mercantilización y privatización del agua y los servicios públicos en Colombia, América Latina y el mundo. NOTA BENE: En la actualidad, la autora es docente de la Universidad Tecnológica de Pereira. ; [eng] The research about the Dosquebradas conflict for management aqueduct service to be considering from theory politics ecology, for to explain in a Colombian municipality the way disagreement between city hall and community aqueduct association for solution the abasto problem the potable water for poor resident of this locality. This environmental conflict emerges because: one, the particular cultural and socio-politics characteristics of housing development. The private person has had responsibility of housing development and the poor person was not having aqueduct service. It neither has had state control. Two, the politics environmentalist and public's services municipal, regional and national has evolution for privateers. Three, the collective systems of administration for abasto of water was debilitate. The environmental conflict of Dosquebradas is principality one confrontation between civil society and public's institution, one competition between the state model and collective model for to pay attention the public's services. Each model has different types of infrastructure property, administration and social organization. The environmental conflict of Dosquebradas is communicate with the grown-ups problems is concerned to negotiations of natural resources, also with the water privatization, as well with to attend public's services for poor people in Colombia, Latin America and the world.

Purpose
The purpose of this study/paper Manipulating Golden Wombs' (2017) is to show the author's non-site intervention of authoritarian – undemocratic maneuvering of both women's and earth's "golden" wombs. The burning fossil fuels in myriads of flame colors, signal the power and distress of Earth's wounded womb, memories of war, environmental destruction and human fatality, and descend to decline as extinguished Oil Drops (2017), creating a void. Global warming poses a problem for fossil fuel systems and those who profit from them.


Design/methodology/approach
The title of this paper has been inspired by Cara New Dagget's book, The Birth of Energy (2019), posited in the nascent realm of energy "mortalities." Now, confronting a world warmed by sweltering fossil fuels, the book provides us with a direction to thinking energy beyond the "Calvinist view" of everlasting work. Spellbound by Manipulating Golden Wombs' (2017), the audience canter around the outer surface of the centrally positioned, circulating luminous "acrylic" oil drops highlighted by hundreds of mono-frequency lamps impregnated with desert biodiversity. A closer look takes spectators through a fiery desert, across the fossil fuel fields into the depths of its scorching oil wells, its womb, as they sense the "real-time" catastrophe that had occurred beyond the gallery wall.


Findings
These artists' objective with their interventions is to "root it to the contour of the […] land, so that it's permanently there and subject to the weathering," so the audience is "sort of curious to see what will happen to this" (Schmidt, 1996, 225) through the course of time. The works resists the resistance of nature and social culture, as well as of body and intellect by emphasizing the intransience, however complex, of human beings with the ecosphere in which they survive (Novak 2002, 23). The surfacing of the under-surface of the land and ocean life triggers the idea of the private space, which involves role-play, gender norms and the control over women's lives in the capitalist and Gulf societies. Authoritarianism, fossil fuel capital, high-energy use and militarism make the climate politics critical to planetary security. This combustible convergence gave birth to Manipulating Golden Wombs' (2017).


Research limitations/implications
Ganz reminds us that devouring less energy appears to be almost unharmonious with the current politics of being "Modern." Sacrificing energy resonances with abstinence at best, and widespread death and injustice at worst. But, consuming an overload of energy is incompatible with a multispecies existence on Earth. Scientists caution "a cascade of feedbacks could push the Earth System irreversibly onto a 'Hothouse Earth' pathway," the consequence of which could be an uninhabitable, unsafe globe for beings (Steffen et al., 2018). Even though it sounds vivid, it is hard to overstate the crisis in the midst of what environmentalists and biologists term as a sixth extinction event (Kolbert, 2014), in line with a "biological annihilation" that paints "a dismal picture of the future of life, including human life" (Ceballos et al., 2017).


Practical implications
It is not only the land's womb that we have hurt; we have miffed the hearts of the water network, and "Othered" and the wombs of many women and most surfaces of the Earth have been penetrated, unconsented! To sustain a biodiverse sphere, to pause the deaths of the planet's flora and fauna and to thrive on Earth, we need to work on renewable sources of energy based on "new collectively shared values, principles, and frameworks" (Steffen et al., 2018). We need to stop Manipulating Golden Wombs' (2017). Are we ready to accept the challenge? (Lau and Traulsen, 2016)


Social implications
Petro-masculinity has multiple global dimensions and manifests in multiple and locally specific ways (Dagget, 2018). This encourages the geographically diverse artists discussed in this paper to embrace alternative visions, to make bold and explicit statements on gender and global diversity, equity and rights. Through history, women, in specific, embodied the entirety of the Ecocene and its life cycle and explored it in the context of their own relationships, health, sexuality, fertility, reproduction, childbirth, illness and inescapably death. The artists' interventions' visual physiognomies and intentions point toward a comprehensive agenda of action that leads to remedial courses toward reinstating the biome to a healthy condition.


Originality/value
Manipulating Golden Wombs' (2017) enacts the historic all-consuming fires, penetrating the "shared environment," burning the fossilized fuels exuding from Earth's penetrated womb. The higher cone-shaped oil drops irradiate the intense dazzling images of oil wells in flames and the desert flora and fauna nestled within the scorching inner arena. This aligns with the private space provided to women. The wombs are smothered in the fuming fires of the Gulf war. The darker, narrower lower oil drops, iconic of the remnants of fossil fuel, are the residual sludge within which the land and water species are enmeshed and ensnared to death. The potency of the enactment of the drops "enables the viewer to see [him/]herself seeing, to become aware of how she perceives the world around [him/]her and in doing so participates in shaping it" (Eliasson, 2009, p. 25) as a form of engagement, which involves an "attention to time, movement and changeability" (pp. 18–21).

La materia impositiva en colombia, tiene amplia regulación, en lo que respecta a los diferentes tributos, impuestos, tasas y contribuciones, hecho que genera una relativa confianza en el manejo de las finanzas del estado, pero dicha regulación no ha sido actualizada o entrelazada con el tema ambiental, ello genera que la necesidad de adoptar posiciones o políticas públicas que conminen más que al gobierno, al pueblo a cumplir con ciertos mínimos que al final más que una solución, en realizada aliviaran la actualidad climática en colombia. Promesa que se ha visto truncada por la falta de voluntad política, pues la labor de los ambientalistas no se ha tenido en cuenta en el gobierno colombiano, dejando en claro que los impuestos verdes existirán, pero su destinación (inversión por recaudo en aplicación de los diferentes enfoques del derecho tributario), no será la que se esperaba, o siquiera se determina dentro de las últimas reformas, a donde irán dichos recursos. Iterando el sistema de gobernabilidad de las últimas décadas en colombia, no siendo otro que el "garrote y la zanahoria", hecho que no resulta un verdadero método a aplicar para desincentivar o reducir el uso de elementos contaminantes, o gravar tributariamente los recursos naturales en colombia. Hecho que se suma a la insistente petición de mantener exentos de iva, los combustibles fósiles en colombia; elementos como el gas metano, butano y propano (de uso doméstico), requieren el mismo tratamiento que las energías renovables. Lo cual describe a media luz, la real utilidad del impuesto a las bolsas plásticas y sus derivados definidos como contaminantes, acorde a la reforma tributaria de 2016 y la fallida ley de financiamiento de 2018 que entra en vigencia desde el presente año 2019. Ello denota que la utilización de elementos reciclajes aún está muy alejado del interés o diario vivir de los ciudadanos colombianos, hecho que dista tremendamente de otros países en europa e incluso en el continente asiático. Máxime las empresas, y los habitantes en colombia, persisten o son renuentes a adoptar por si solos, teorías o estilos de vida más sanos, y ello empieza con las políticas públicas de reciclaje o métodos en los que se pueda incentivar de forma real o dogmática, la disminución de tales elementos contaminantes, y no ese aspecto que persiste en la realidad social, el cual es la errónea idea de obligar a los ciudadanos a no usar un producto, a través del coste económico, lo cual genera un burdo ideario de interés económico y no la real motivación a cuidar el medio ambiente. ; Tax matters in Colombia have ample regulation, with respect to different taxes, taxes, taxes and contributions, which generates relative confidence in the management of the state's finances, but this regulation has not been updated or interconnected with the environmental issue, this generates the need to adopt positions or public policies that require more than the government, the people to meet certain minimums that in the end more than a solution, in fact alleviate climate news in Colombia. Promise that has been truncated by the lack of political will, because the work of environmentalists has not been taken into account in the Colombian government, making it clear that green taxes will exist, but their destination (investment by collection in application of the different cantidades of the tax law), will not be the one who introducción, orollows a inches among themical reforms, where those resources conveys. Iterating the governance system of the last decades in Colombia, not being other than the "stick and the carrot", fact that is not a true method to be applied to discourage or reduce the use of polluting elements, or tax taxation of natural resources in Colombia. Fact that adds to the insistent request to keep exempt from VAT, fossil fuels in Colombia; Elements such as methane, butane and propane gas (for domestic use), require the same treatment as renewable energies. Which describes in the dim light, the real utility of the tax on plastic bags and their derivatives defined as pollutants, according to the tax reform of 2016 and the bankruptcy law of 2018 that comes into force since the current year 2019. This denotes that the use of recycled elements is still far from the interest or daily life of Colombian citizens, a fact that is far from other countries in Europe and even in the Asian continent. Especially the companies, and the inhabitants in Colombia, persist or are reluctant to adopt by themselves, theories or healthier lifestyles, and this starts with the public policies of recycling or methods that can be encouraged in a real or dogmatic way , the decrease of such polluting elements, and not that aspect that persists in the social reality, which is the mistaken idea of forcing citizens not to use a product, through the economic cost, which generates a crude ideology of interest economic and not the real motivation to care for the environment.

Tourism has been acknowledged as one of the fastest growing industries in the world. However, recently tourism activities have been noted as a double-edged sword, in that it not only creates positive impacts but also causes negative impacts on the physical environment (i.e., land pollution, ecosystem degradation, air and water pollution) if not well managed. Increasing concerns about the negative impacts of tourism have led various researchers to estimate and model the role of the different tourism sectors that contribute to greenhouse gas emissions and various aspects of climate change. Northern Cyprus is a popular tourist destination in the Mediterranean region, boast of increasing number of tourists annually. Besides the massive economic benefits of the tourism industry of Northern Cyprus, there are serious environmental concerns on the basis of improper waste management. Hence, the present research focused on the statistical modelling of the waste generation rate of accommodation sectors of Northern Cyprus, management approach and the re-utilization of the generated wastes. The research herein adopted a quantitative method and the data were collected through the questionnaire. Various accommodation types based on size were sampled in Famagusta, Girne and Nicosia districts of Northern Cyprus. Specifically, the thesis examines the type of wastes generated, the quantity of wastes generated considering the nationality of the tourists, waste management practices employed by each sampled accommodation and established the relationship between these independent variables and the waste generation rate. The quantifiable wastes generated per tourism seasons were modelled by three statistical models; central composite design, artificial neural network and multiple linear regressions. The results showed that 4159.9 kg and 2063.4 kg of waste were generated during the peak and lean season from the sampled hospitality facilities, respectively. In the sampled accommodation, 36% of the waste generated originated from the kitchen waste and about one-fourth (27.3%) of the total waste is non-wet waste which consists 7% of glass, 8% of nylon, 5% of wood, 4.2% disposable plastics and 2.8% of PET bottles. 35% of the sampled accommodation sector practices landfill waste disposal, while only 14% recycled the wastes generated in their facilities. Considering the results, this thesis implied that the type of accommodation sector, the waste management practices adopted by the accommodation sector, nationality and the tourism season significantly influenced the waste generation rates. These findings are important for policymakers, environmentalist and development of sustainable green hotels. Recommendations concerning separation and re-utilization of generated wastes are suggested and future research directions are outlined. This study proposes the integration of the cost-benefit system into the waste management program of each accommodation sector to encourage hotels to manage their waste effectively. Also, the conversion of waste cooking oil into green energy (biofuel) is demonstrated and encouraged to incentivise better waste management. Keywords: tourism, environmental pollution, waste generation, reutilization, forecasting ; ÖZ: Turizm, dünyadaki en hızlı büyüyen endüstrilerden biri olarak kabul edilmiştir. Bununla birlikte, son zamanlarda turizm faaliyetleri çift taraflı bir kılıç olarak görülmüştür, çünkü bu sadece olumlu etkiler yaratmaz, aynı zamanda iyi yönetilmezse fiziksel çevre üzerinde olumsuz etkilere neden olur (ör: arazi kirliliği, ekosistem bozulması, hava ve su kirliliği). Turizmin olumsuz etkileri ile ilgili artan endişeler, çeşitli araştırmacıların sera gazı emisyonlarına ve iklim değişikliğinin çeşitli yönlerine katkıda bulunan farklı turizm sektörlerinin rolünü tahmin etmelerine ve modellemelerine neden olmuştur. Kuzey Kıbrıs, Akdeniz bölgesinde popüler bir turizm beldesidir ve her yıl artan sayıda turist barındırmaktadır. Kuzey Kıbrıs turizm endüstrisinin büyük ekonomik faydalarının yanı sıra, uygun olmayan atık yönetimi temelinde ciddi çevresel kaygılar bulunmaktadır. Bu nedenle mevcut araştırma, Kuzey Kıbrıs'ın konaklama sektörlerinin atık üretim oranının istatistiksel modellenmesine, yönetim yaklaşımına ve üretilen atıkların yeniden kullanılmasına odaklanmıştır. Buradaki araştırma kantitatif bir yöntemi benimsemiş ve veriler anket yoluyla toplanmıştır. Kuzey Kıbrıs'ın Mağusa, Girne ve Lefkoşa ilçelerinde boyutuna göre çeşitli konaklama türleri örneklenmiştir. Özellikle, tez, üretilen atıkların türünü, turistlerin uyruğunu göz önüne alarak oluşturulan atıkların miktarını, her bir örnekdeki konaklama tarafından kullanılan atık yönetimi uygulamalarını incelemekte ve bu bağımsız değişkenler ile atık üretim oranı arasındaki ilişkiyi ortaya koymaktadır. Turizm mevsimlerine göre üretilen ölçülebilir atıklar üç istatistiksel modelle modellenmiştir; merkezi kompozit tasarım, yapay sinir ağı ve çoklu doğrusal regresyon. Sonuçlar, örneklenmiş konukseverlik tesislerinden en yüksek ve zayıf mevsim boyunca sırasıyla 4159.9 kg ve 2063.4 kg atık üretildiğini göstermiştir. Örneklenen konutta, üretilen atığın 'sı mutfak atığından kaynaklanmakta ve toplam atığın yaklaşık dörtte biri (% 27.3) ıslak atık değildir, %7'si cam, %8'i naylon, %5'i odun, %4.2'sini tek kullanımlık plastikler ve %2,8 PET şişeler'den oluşmaktadır. Örneklenen konaklama sektörünün 'i çöp atıklarının bertarafını gerçekleştirirken, sadece 'ü tesislerinde üretilen atıkları geri dönüştürmektedir. Sonuçlar dikkate alındığında, bu tez, konaklama sektörünün türünün, konaklama sektörünün benimsediği atık yönetimi uygulamalarının, uyruk ve turizm mevsiminin atık üretim oranlarını önemli ölçüde etkilediğini göstermektedir. Bu bulgular politika yapıcılar, çevreci ve sürdürülebilir yeşil otellerin gelişimi için önemlidir. Üretilen atıkların ayrıştırılması ve yeniden kullanımı ile ilgili öneriler önerilmekte ve gelecekteki araştırma yönleri özetlenmektedir. Bu çalışma, otellerin atıklarını etkili bir şekilde yönetmelerini teşvik etmek için her bir konaklama sektörünün atık yönetim programına maliyet-fayda sisteminin entegrasyonunu önermektedir. Ayrıca, atık pişirme yağının yeşil enerjiye dönüştürülmesi (biyoyakıt) daha iyi atık yönetimini teşvik etmenin ıspatıdır. Anahtar Kelimeler: turizm, çevre kirliliği, atık üretimi, yeniden kullanım, öngörme ; Doctor of Philosophy in Tourism Management. Thesis (Ph.D.)--Eastern Mediterranean University, Faculty of Tourism, 2018. Co-Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Akeem Oladipo, Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Habib Alipour.

La fecundidad teórica-política de las luchas contra los impactos ambientales, sanitarios, sociales, económicos del denominado neodesarrollismo y neoextractivismo, en América Latina, se encuentra en momentos acuciantes. Entre la diversidad de perspectivas, recuperamos los aportes de una sociología de los problemas públicos para abordar las luchas por la justicia ambiental, básicamente porque la práctica de investigación se promueve como una forma de cooperación reflexiva y democrática entre los afectados ambientales y todos lossujetos inmersos en una estructura de injusticias ambientales. Considerando, principalmente, algunas contribuciones del pragmatismo y de la teoría crítica, daremos cuenta de los rasgos distintivos de una sociología de los problemas públicos. En primer lugar, presentaremos su dimensión epistemológica, ética y política, definida por la activa formación de lo público. Ensegundo lugar, haremos énfasis en la creatividad conceptual, estratégica e institucional de lo público, con ejemplos de situaciones problemáticas que devienen de los impactos ambientales y sanitarios del uso masivo de agrotóxicos en la siembra de un organismo genéticamente modificado (OGM). En tercer lugar, estableceremos un puente entre los aportes de una sociología de los problemas públicos y la justicia ambiental, considerada un campo de pensamiento y acción de la competencia de discursos ambientalistas, en el que el concepto de justicia no se reduce a su administración estatal, sino que remite a una diversidad de prácticas en el espacio público estatal y ciudadano. Estas prácticas denuncian y critican la desigual distribución del riesgo y del daño ambiental, a la vez que promueven creativamente reformas y transformaciones institucionales para la plena vigencia de los derechos y las garantías a la vida, la salud y el ambiente. Una sociología de los problemas públicos pretende así aportar a la comprensión de las luchas por los derechos y el reconocimiento de formas de vida, por la equidad socioambiental y por el derecho a la participación democrática y el amplio ejercicio de la autodeterminación en la construcción de una sociedad con justicia ambiental. ; The political struggles against the environmental, health, social, and economic impacts of neo-developmentalism and neo-extractivism in Latin America have been theoretically fertile. From the diversity of perspectives, we recover the contributions of a sociology of public problems for the struggles for Environmental Justice, basically because it promotes the practice of research as a reflexive and democratic form of cooperation between those directly environmentally affected and all those subject to a structure of environmental injustice. First, we present the epistemological, ethical and political dimension, defined by the active formation of a public. Secondly, we focus on the conceptual, strategic and institutional creativity of the public, with examples of the problems caused by the environmental and health impacts of the massive use of agrotoxics in gmo agriculture. Finally, we establish a bridge between the contributions of a sociology of public problems and Environmental Justice, the latter considered as a field of thought and action with competence in environmentalist discourses, meaning that the concept of justice is not reduced to state administration. Instead it refers to the diversity of practices in the public sphere, claiming and criticizing the unequal distribution of environmental risk and harm. At the same time, these practices creatively promote institutional reforms and transformations toward the full enforcement of rights and guarantees to life, health and the environment. A sociology of public problems aims to provide an understanding of the struggle for rights and recognition of forms of life, social and environmental equity and the right to democratic participation and the broad exercise of self-determination in building a society with environmental justice. ; A fecundidade teórico-política das lutas contra os impactos ambientais, sanitários, sociais, econômicos do denominado neodesenvolvimento e neoextrativismo, na América Latina, encontra-se em momentos prementes. Entre a diversidade de perspectivas, recuperamos as contribuições de uma sociologia dos problemas públicos para abordar as lutas pela justiça ambiental, já que a prática de pesquisa é promovida como uma forma de cooperação reflexiva e democrática entre os afetados ambientais e todos os sujeitos imersos numa estrutura de injustiças ambientais. Considerando, principalmente, algumas contribuições do pragmatismo e da teoria crítica, trataremos dos traços diferenciais de uma sociologia dos problemas públicos. Em primeiro lugar, apresentaremos sua dimensão epistemológica, ética e política, definida pela ativa formação do público. Em seguida, enfatizaremos a criatividade conceitual, estratégica e institucional do público, com exemplos de situações problemáticas que derivam dos impactos ambientais e sanitários do uso massivo de agrotóxicos na semeadura de um organismo geneticamente modificado (ogm). Em terceiro lugar, estabeleceremos uma ponte entre as contribuições de uma sociologia dos problemas públicos e a justiça ambiental, considerada um campo de pensamento e ação da competência de discursos ambientalistas, no qual o conceito de justiça não se reduz a sua administração estatal, mas sim remete a uma diversidade de práticas no espaço público estatal e cidadão. Essas práticas denunciam e criticam a distribuição desigual do risco e do dano ambiental ao mesmo tempo que promovem criativamente reformas e transformações institucionais para a plena vigência dos direitos e das garantias à vida, à saúde e ao ambiente. Uma sociologia dos problemas públicos pretende, portanto, contribuir para a compreensão das lutas pelos direitos e pelo reconhecimento de formas de vida, pela equidade socioambiental e pelo direito à participação democrática e ao amplo exercício da autodeterminação na construção de uma sociedade com justiça ambiental.