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Vážení čtenáři,S potěšením vám oznamujeme, že po několika měsících intenzivní práce je první anglické číslo Envigogiky na světě – a může být vypuštěno do světa. Envigogika se od roku 2006 postupně stává důležitou platformou pro komunikaci a šíření znalostí v oblasti environmentálního vzdělávání či vzdělání pro udržitelný rozvoj. Dosud byly publikovány "anglické verze" časopisu formou přehledů anglických abstraktů, samozřejmě s několika výjimkami plně anglických textů.Nyní, v roce 2013, jsme pokročili zásadním způsobem kupředu – začínáme publikovat plně anglická čísla časopisu vedle čísel víceméně pouze českých (a slovenských). To je možné zaprvé díky stále vzrůstajícímu počtu autorů: učitelé různých stupňů, kteří se o naše témata zajímají, se jimi také stále více zabývají v praxi. Mají potřebu reflektovat svou činnost, sdělovat si navzájem své zkušenosti; někteří dokonce plánují svůj výzkum tak, aby se pak o jeho výsledky mohli podělit s našimi čtenáři – to vše samozřejmě podporuje rozvoj této oblasti. Naši autoři tak postupně vytvářejí společnou "zásobárnu vědění", a sdělují si informace potřebné pro spolupráci a společné aktivity. Za druhé, a zde je třeba vyjádřit opravdovou vděčnost, nám pomáhají také četní anonymní recenzenti. V procesu nezávislého posuzování (peer-review) na sebe berou část odpovědnosti za publikované články, a také díky jim pak vidíme, jak celková úroveň našich textů postupně roste. Ochota vést tuto (kritickou) diskusi, a vývoj média, kde probíhá, nám pak nyní umožnily vykročit na mezinárodní scénu.Toto první anglické číslo Envigogiky je zaměřeno na environmentální vzdělávání (EV), vzdělávání pro udržitelný rozvoj (VUR), či vytváření obecného povědomí o environmetálních problémech; týká se i jejich širšího kulturního kontextu a politických podmínek ve specificky českém prostředí. S ohledem na udržitelný rozvoj společnosti se soustavně zabýváme jeho bariérami – které brání hlubším změnám ve společenských zvyklostech a pravidlech, životním stylu, nebo eticky podložených přístupech a způsobech rozhodování; soustřeďujeme se na naši oblast expertizy, kde čerstvé myšlenky, metody výuky/učení, nové postupy hodnocení atd. mohou být inspirací pro kritický pohled na systém vzdělávání jako takový. Snažíme se stát součástí mezinárodního společenství EV i VUR, přičemž současně očekáváme jeho podporu; všechny zásadnější změny či inovace jsou totiž založeny na širších diskusích (v našem případě vedených v evropském měřítku), teoretických úvahách, sdílených strategiích a společných iniciativách. A také doufáme v podíl zahraničních kolegů (z dalších zemí střední a východní Evropy jakož i odjinud) na obsahu i přípravě dalších čísel Envigogiky.Během posledních týdnů jsme také usilovali o zlepšení formy časopisu, a tím i jeho postavení mezi časopisy v mezinárodním měřítku. Součástí tohoto vývoje bylo převedení celého obsahu Envigogiky z původního systému (Joomla) do nového, tzv. Open Journal System (OJS) [1] – "otevřeného" systému pro správu a publikování časopisů. Tento systém pomáhá v každé fázi publikačního procesu: od zasílání/přijímání příspěvků, přes recenzní řízení a publikační proces v elektronickém prostředí, až po indexování.Využití OJS znamená pro Envigogiku kvalitativní krok kupředu – nyní se metadata z jednotlivých článků okamžitě načtou do EndNote, Zotera a dalších systémů správy referencí; časopis je již v tuto chvíli indexoán v Google Scholaru, a v nejbližší budoucnosti jej plánujeme zařadit do dalších důležitých databází jako např. DOAJ atd. Ve spolupráci s vydavatelstvím Karolinum Univerzity Karlovy v Praze bude Envigogika také zařazena do databáze CrossRef a každý článek získá své jedinečné číslo DOI.V následujících letech tak bude připraveno několik anglických čísel časopisu, a ty ponesou v názvu pro snadnou orientaci označení "ENGLISH ISSUE". Na základě zkušeností z tohoto období se pak rozhodneme, zda ve vydávání na jedné straně čistě anglických, na straně druhé českých/slovenských čísel pokračovat, nebo zda se v budoucnu vrátíme k číslům dvojjazyčným, například tematicky zaměřeným.Ale nyní se můžete podívat do obsahu tohoto prvního anglického čísla Envigogiky: V textu Jana Činčery si můžete přečíst o hodnocení interaktivní výstavy určené pro středoškolské studenty, která se zaměřuje na globální problémy a zodpovědnost konzumentů. Autor, který sledoval její působení na třech školách, dochází k zajímavému závěru: i když byla výstava úspěšná z hlediska zaujetí studentů a napomohla zvýšení jejich povědomí o daných problémech, někteří studenti ji hodnotili jako manipulativní, zatímco v jiných vyvolala pocit bezmoci. V článku je navržena změna strategie výuky a provádění aktivit týkajících se globálních problémů. Vzdělávací aspekty kurzu Environmentální ekonomie a politiky vyučovaného na Vysoké škole ekonomické v Praze zkoumal Petr Šauer a Martin Zahradník. Výzkum se zaměřil na postoje studentů vůči životnímu prostředí a na jejich hodnocení různých částí kurzu; snažil se odpovědět na otázku, v čem byl pro studenty kurz přínosný, jaké preferovali informační zdroje a jakou roli v jejich přístupu ke studiu sehrál zájem o stav životního prostředí. Autoři dospěli k závěru, že environmentální ekonomii považují za užitečnou jak studenti klasifikovaní jako "environmentalisté", tak i "ne-environmentalisté" (či dokonce "anti- environmentalisté"). V závěru diskutují klíčové faktory pro udržení zájmu studentů a možnosti analýzy tzv. přístupů ke studiu (learning strategies). Mezigeneračními rozdíly v osobním vztahu k přírodě se zabývá Markéta Vacínová a Tomáš Matějček . Sledují žáky a jejich rodiče z hlediska jejich vztahu k přírodě a zjišťují určité rozdíly v jejich osobním přístupu: zatímco žáci dávají přednost "moderním" aktivitám, jejich rodiče praktikují spíše více "tradiční" činnosti. Článek Anny Poláškové poskytuje pohled na environmentální gramotnost a postoje mladých technicky orientovaných českých studentů na farmaceutické fakultě, kteří se připravují na profese mimo oblast ekologie. Autorka věří, že environmentální gramotnost a povědomí univerzitních studentů v technických oborech jsou velmi důležité, protože právě na úrovni manažerů a vedoucích pracovníků vznikají politiky, které jsou více, či méně, šetrné k životnímu prostředí. Zjišťuje převážně pozitivní vztah k ochraně přírody a vzdělávání u těchto více techniky orientovaných studentů a studentek; na druhé straně úroveň environmentálních znalostí získaných během středoškolského vzdělání hodnotí jako v mnoha případech nízkou.V rubrice Informace připomínají Andrew Barton a Jan Vávra konferenci "Naše společná přítomnost (Our Common Present) - Jaké jsou současné výzvy Střední Evropy?", která se konala 24. dubna 2013 se na Filozofické fakultě Univerzity Karlovy v Praze; představují hlavní přednášející, jejich příspěvky a závěry z konference. První z autorů píše též o mezinárodní konferenci "Transdisciplinární výzkum udržitelnosti v Evropě" (23.-24. května 2013, UK), kde byl diskutován tento hraniční prostor ve vědě a byla též formulována doporučení pro Evropskou komisi utvářející budoucí vědecké příležitosti v transdisciplinární oblasti.Přejeme vám inspirativní čteníZa redakci EnvigogikyV Praze 28.8.2013Zvláštní poděkování patří všem, kteří přispěli k procesu publikování na straně vydavatele, včetně Univerzity Karlovy, která bude zajišťovat archivaci Envigogiky a vydávání čísel DOI pro texty v dalších číslech. Redakční tým chce také poděkovat těm, kteří pro tento krok poskytli finanční podporu, zvláště projektu Mezioborová síť spolupráce pro policy development v oblasti udržitelného rozvoje (MOSUR) financovanému Evropským sociálním fondem (ESF OPVK), jehož prostřednictvím jsou vydávána čísla od roku 2011, a v jehož rámci bylo též zahájeno vydávání anglické verze časopisu.[1] OJS je systém tzv. open source software vyvinutý v rámci projektu Public Knowledge Project (http://pkp.sfu.ca), který je financován kanadskou vládou, a který je poskytnut celosvětově všem časopisům – umožňuje jim publikovat formou, tzv. open access, tj. přístup k plným verzím článků není nijak omezen . V současné době jej využívá 12 000 vědeckých časopisů po celém světě. ; Dear readers,We are very pleased to announce that after several months of intense work the first fully English issue of the journal Envigogika is ready to be shared with the community of those interested in the field we strive to systematically cultivate! Envigogika has been an important communication and knowledge-sharing platform on educational topics regarding the environment and sustainability in the Czech- and Slovak-speaking professional community since 2006. English abstracts were previously included, but full texts were available predominantly in Czech and Slovak (with a few exceptions in English).Now, in 2013, the journal is taking a big leap forward by starting publication of additional issues in English alongside the Czech/Slovak issues. This is possible thanks to teachers at various educational levels in the Czech Republic involved in environmental education/ESD who are becoming more active and fostering a dialogue in this field that will support its ongoing development.The number of authors from different disciplinary backgrounds that publish their articles in Envigogika is growing, and some of them even plan their research with regard to our readership. We are happy that these authors thus contribute to a common pool of knowledge, share their experiences "from the field" and provide up-to-date information necessary for joint initiatives. We are also grateful to have numerous anonymous reviewers who are willing to undertake the difficult task of contributing to the quality of the published articles. Thus, we feel that the quality of our articles has been consistently improving since the journal's inception, which has also enabled us to step onto the international stage recently.This first English issue is primarily focused on the specific context of the Czech Republic: not only environmental education (EE) and education for sustainable development (ESD), but also awareness raising and the wider cultural context and political conditions necessary to achieve a transition towards sustainability. We are constantly challenging historically constructed and economically justified barriers to this development that also prevent deeper changes to habits, customs, lifestyles and ethical approaches; we concentrate on our field of expertise where fresh new ideas, teaching/learning methods, assessment techniques etc. could provide inspiration for and a critical view into the educational system per se. Thus, we are endeavouring to become a part of the international ESD community while also anticipating its support; any more profound innovation is based upon broader (in our case, European-wide) discussions, theoretical considerations, shared strategies, and joint initiatives. And we hope to involve colleagues from abroad (from other Central and East European countries, as well as further afield) in future English issues.During past few weeks, we have been working hard towards strengthening the position of the journal internationally and therefore, as part of further developments, we have transferred the content of Envigogika from the original Joomla system to the new Open Journal System (OJS) [1] – an open source journal management and publishing system. OJS assists with every stage of the refereed publishing process, from submissions through to online publication and indexing.For Envigogika, using OJS means a qualitative step forward – now you can immediately download metadata from articles to EndNote, Zotero and other reference management software, it is already indexed in Google Scholar and, in the near future, we plan to add it to other important databases such as DOAJ, etc. In cooperation with Charles University's publishing house Karolinum, Envigogika will also soon be included in the CrossRef database and each article will have a unique DOI.A number of English-only issues will be prepared in 2013 and 2014 and these will be marked "ENGLISH ISSUE" in the volume name for easy identification. Based on our experience from this period, we will decide whether to publish articles based on language (Czech/Slovak vs. English) or whether to produce bilingual (possibly thematic) issues in the future instead.But for now, in this first 2013 English-only issue, you can read about:1) An evaluation of an interactive exhibition for secondary education students, focusing on global problems and consumer responsibility by Jan Činčera. The author comes to an interesting conclusion: even if the exhibition was successful in terms of involving students and increasing their awareness of the problems, it was evaluated as being manipulative by some students while some of the others experienced a feeling of hopelessness. Modification of the exhibition and related activities is proposed in the article.2) Educational aspects of Environmental Economics – a course taught at the University of Economics in Prague for environmentally as well as non-environmentally oriented specialisations – are explored by Petr Šauer and Martin Zahradník. The focus of attention of their research is especially on what aspects of the course the students valued, what benefits they got from the course, how they managed the information resources and what role this played with regards to students' concern for environmental issues. The authors come to the conclusion that the students clustered as both 'environmentalists' and 'non-environmentalists' (or even 'anti-environmentalists') advocate environmental economics as a beneficial part of the curriculum.3) Intergenerational differences in personal relationships to nature are examined by Markéta Vacínová and Tomáš Matějček. They concentrate their research on pupils and their parents on selected aspects of their personal relationship to nature. They discover certain differences between these two groups of respondents in feeling a need to be in the countryside: while parents prefer more "classic" or "traditional" pursuits, the students practice mainly "modern" activities in the countryside.4) Anna Polášková's article offers an insight into the environmental literacy and attitudes of young technically-oriented Czech university students at a faculty of pharmacy in preparation for non-teaching and non-ecological professional careers. The author believes that environmental literacy and consciousness among university students in technical fields is very important, since it is usually among middle managers and executives with technical education that environmentally friendly policies and strategies more or less begin. She found that positive relationships to environmental protection and education in this faculty prevailed; however, the level of environmental knowledge gained from their secondary education seemed to be low in most cases.5) Information texts: Andrew Barton and Jan Vávra report on the proceedings of an academic conference held in Prague in April 2013 called Our Common Present which focused on the array of current challenges facing Central Europe. In addition, Andrew Barton also writes about a workshop on Transdisciplinary Research on Sustainability held in Prague in May in collaboration with the Schumacher Institute for Sustainable Systems, UK.We wish you inspirational reading,The Envigogika editorial teamIn Prague on 28.8.2013With special thanks to those who contributed to the publication process on the part of publisher, including Charles University which has been supportive in the archiving of Envigogika and providing DOI for future issues. The editorial team would, moreover, like to thank all who made this important step possible with financial support obtained via the project Interdisciplinary Sustainable Development Network (MOSUR, OP VK) for all issues published since 2011, including the current English issue.[1] OJS is open source software development by the Public Knowledge Project (http://pkp.sfu.ca) funded by Canadian Government and made freely available to journals worldwide for the purpose of making open access publishing a viable option for more journals. About 12 000 titles of scientific journals are using this system worldwide.

The problem of smoking is almost the most common among human addictions, which is very difficult to give up. A person spends a lot of his life neglecting his health to buy cigarettes and get temporary pleasure. The issue of quality and environmental safety of cigarette components – tobacco, tissue paper and filters worries both cigarette consumers and environmentalists, doctors and others. specialists. Of course, the use of low-quality product from cigarette manufacturers harms not only the human body but also the environment.Purpose. Determine the quality and environmental safety (presence of concentrations of heavy metals) of tobacco, cigarette paper and cigarette filters of domestic and foreign brands.Methods. Methods of atomic absorption spectrometry using the atomic absorption spectrometer MGA 915 MD.Results. Experimental studies by atomic absorption analysis on the concentrations of heavy metals in tobacco, cigarette filters and paper showed the presence of heavy metals: Mn, Zn, Cu, Cr, Cd, Pb. Studies of various tobacco brands have found that the highest concentrations of heavy metals were in the tobacco of the cheapest cigarettes (up to 150 mg / kg), in cigarette paper found only Mn, Zn., When comparing the content of the most toxic heavy metals Cd and Pb in the cigarettes "Parliament" and "Kyiv" and "LM" it was determined that in the tobacco of "Parliament" cigarettes HM concentrations are 7–10 times lower.Conclusions. There is a tendency to decrease the concentration of heavy metals in the components of cigarettes depending on the price category of the tobacco product. Thus, for the most part, the components of cigarettes of domestic brands have tens of times higher concentrations of heavy metals than cigarettes of the American manufacturer. ; Проблема курения почти самая распространенная среди зависимостей человечества, от которой очень трудно отказаться. Человек всю жизнь, пренебрегая своим здоровьем, тратит значительные средства на приобретение сигарет и получения временного удовольствия. Вопрос качества и экологической безопасности составляющих сигарет – табака, сигаретной бумаги и фильтров беспокоит как самих потребителей сигарет, так и экологов, медиков и других специалистов. Конечно, использование некачественного продукта от производителей сигарет вредит не только организму, но и окружающей среде.Цель. Определить качество и экологическую безопасность (наличие концентраций тяжелых металлов) в табаке, сигаретной бумаге и фильтрах сигарет отечественных и зарубежных брендов.Методы. Методы атомно-абсорбционной спектрометрии с помощью атомно-абсорбционного спектрометра МГА 915 МД.Результаты. Экспериментальные исследования методами атомно-абсорбционного анализа концентраций тяжелых металлов в табаке, сигаретных фильтрах и бумаге показали наличие тяжелых металлов: Mn, Zn, Cu, Cr, Cd, Pb. Исследование различных табачных брендов определили, что наибольшие концентрации тяжелых металлов обраружены в табаке дешевых сигарет (до 150 мг / кг), в сигаретной бумаге только Mn, Zn. При сравнении содержания наиболее токсичных тяжелых металлов Cd и Pb в сигаретах «Parliament» и «Киев» и «LM» определено, что в табаке сигарет «Parliament» концентрации ВМ в 7–10 раз меньше.Выводы. Выявлена тенденция к уменьшению концентрации тяжелых металлов в составных сигарет в зависимости от ценовой категории табачного продукта. Так по большинству показателей в составляющих сигарет отечественных брендов концентраций тяжелых металлов в десятки раз выше, чем в сигаретах американского производителя. ; Проблема тютюнопаління є майже найпоширенішою серед залежностей людства, від якої дуже важко відмовитися. Людина все життя, нехтуючи своїм здоров'ям, витрачає значні кошти на придбання цигарок та отримання тимчасового задоволення. Питання якості та екологічної безпеки складових цигарок – тютюну, цигаркового паперу та фільтрів непокоїть як самих споживачів цигарок, так і екологів, медиків і інших фахівців. Звісно, використання неякісного продукту від виробників цигарок шкодить не тільки організму людини, а й довкіллю.Мета. Визначити якість та екологічну безпеку (наявність концентрацій важких металів) у тютюні, цигарковому папері та фільтрах цигарок вітчизняних і зарубіжних брендів.Методи. Меоди атомно-абсорбційної спектрометрії за допомогою атомно-абсорбційного спектрометра МГА 915 МД.Результати. Експериментальні дослідження методами атомно-абсорбційного аналізу щодо концентрацій важких металів у тютюні, цигаркових фільтрах та папері показали наявність важких металів: Mn, Zn, Cu, Cr, Cd, Pb. Дослідження різних тютюнових брендів визначили, що найбільші концентрації важких металів – в тютюні найдешевших цигарок (до 150 мг/кг), у цигарковому папері виявлено лише Mn, Zn. При порівнянні вмісту найбільш токсичних важких металів Cd та Pb у цигарках «Parliament» та «Київ» і «LM» визначено, що у тютюні цигарок «Parliament» концентрації ВМ у 7–10 разів менші.Висновки. Виявлено тенденцію до зменшення концентрації важких металів у складових цигарок у залежності від цінової категорії тютюнового продукту. За більшістю показників у складових цигарок вітчизняних брендів концентрації важких металів у десятки разів вище, ніж у цигарках американського виробника.

The problem of smoking is almost the most common among human addictions, which is very difficult to give up. A person spends a lot of his life neglecting his health to buy cigarettes and get temporary pleasure. The issue of quality and environmental safety of cigarette components – tobacco, tissue paper and filters worries both cigarette consumers and environmentalists, doctors and others. specialists. Of course, the use of low-quality product from cigarette manufacturers harms not only the human body but also the environment.Purpose. Determine the quality and environmental safety (presence of concentrations of heavy metals) of tobacco, cigarette paper and cigarette filters of domestic and foreign brands.Methods. Methods of atomic absorption spectrometry using the atomic absorption spectrometer MGA 915 MD.Results. Experimental studies by atomic absorption analysis on the concentrations of heavy metals in tobacco, cigarette filters and paper showed the presence of heavy metals: Mn, Zn, Cu, Cr, Cd, Pb. Studies of various tobacco brands have found that the highest concentrations of heavy metals were in the tobacco of the cheapest cigarettes (up to 150 mg / kg), in cigarette paper found only Mn, Zn., When comparing the content of the most toxic heavy metals Cd and Pb in the cigarettes "Parliament" and "Kyiv" and "LM" it was determined that in the tobacco of "Parliament" cigarettes HM concentrations are 7–10 times lower.Conclusions. There is a tendency to decrease the concentration of heavy metals in the components of cigarettes depending on the price category of the tobacco product. Thus, for the most part, the components of cigarettes of domestic brands have tens of times higher concentrations of heavy metals than cigarettes of the American manufacturer. ; Проблема курения почти самая распространенная среди зависимостей человечества, от которой очень трудно отказаться. Человек всю жизнь, пренебрегая своим здоровьем, тратит значительные средства на приобретение сигарет и получения временного удовольствия. Вопрос качества и экологической безопасности составляющих сигарет – табака, сигаретной бумаги и фильтров беспокоит как самих потребителей сигарет, так и экологов, медиков и других специалистов. Конечно, использование некачественного продукта от производителей сигарет вредит не только организму, но и окружающей среде.Цель. Определить качество и экологическую безопасность (наличие концентраций тяжелых металлов) в табаке, сигаретной бумаге и фильтрах сигарет отечественных и зарубежных брендов.Методы. Методы атомно-абсорбционной спектрометрии с помощью атомно-абсорбционного спектрометра МГА 915 МД.Результаты. Экспериментальные исследования методами атомно-абсорбционного анализа концентраций тяжелых металлов в табаке, сигаретных фильтрах и бумаге показали наличие тяжелых металлов: Mn, Zn, Cu, Cr, Cd, Pb. Исследование различных табачных брендов определили, что наибольшие концентрации тяжелых металлов обраружены в табаке дешевых сигарет (до 150 мг / кг), в сигаретной бумаге только Mn, Zn. При сравнении содержания наиболее токсичных тяжелых металлов Cd и Pb в сигаретах «Parliament» и «Киев» и «LM» определено, что в табаке сигарет «Parliament» концентрации ВМ в 7–10 раз меньше.Выводы. Выявлена тенденция к уменьшению концентрации тяжелых металлов в составных сигарет в зависимости от ценовой категории табачного продукта. Так по большинству показателей в составляющих сигарет отечественных брендов концентраций тяжелых металлов в десятки раз выше, чем в сигаретах американского производителя. ; Проблема тютюнопаління є майже найпоширенішою серед залежностей людства, від якої дуже важко відмовитися. Людина все життя, нехтуючи своїм здоров'ям, витрачає значні кошти на придбання цигарок та отримання тимчасового задоволення. Питання якості та екологічної безпеки складових цигарок – тютюну, цигаркового паперу та фільтрів непокоїть як самих споживачів цигарок, так і екологів, медиків і інших фахівців. Звісно, використання неякісного продукту від виробників цигарок шкодить не тільки організму людини, а й довкіллю.Мета. Визначити якість та екологічну безпеку (наявність концентрацій важких металів) у тютюні, цигарковому папері та фільтрах цигарок вітчизняних і зарубіжних брендів.Методи. Меоди атомно-абсорбційної спектрометрії за допомогою атомно-абсорбційного спектрометра МГА 915 МД.Результати. Експериментальні дослідження методами атомно-абсорбційного аналізу щодо концентрацій важких металів у тютюні, цигаркових фільтрах та папері показали наявність важких металів: Mn, Zn, Cu, Cr, Cd, Pb. Дослідження різних тютюнових брендів визначили, що найбільші концентрації важких металів – в тютюні найдешевших цигарок (до 150 мг/кг), у цигарковому папері виявлено лише Mn, Zn. При порівнянні вмісту найбільш токсичних важких металів Cd та Pb у цигарках «Parliament» та «Київ» і «LM» визначено, що у тютюні цигарок «Parliament» концентрації ВМ у 7–10 разів менші.Висновки. Виявлено тенденцію до зменшення концентрації важких металів у складових цигарок у залежності від цінової категорії тютюнового продукту. За більшістю показників у складових цигарок вітчизняних брендів концентрації важких металів у десятки разів вище, ніж у цигарках американського виробника.

The problem of smoking is almost the most common among human addictions, which is very difficult to give up. A person spends a lot of his life neglecting his health to buy cigarettes and get temporary pleasure. The issue of quality and environmental safety of cigarette components – tobacco, tissue paper and filters worries both cigarette consumers and environmentalists, doctors and others. specialists. Of course, the use of low-quality product from cigarette manufacturers harms not only the human body but also the environment. Purpose. Determine the quality and environmental safety (presence of concentrations of heavy metals) of tobacco, cigarette paper and cigarette filters of domestic and foreign brands. Methods. Methods of atomic absorption spectrometry using the atomic absorption spectrometer MGA 915 MD. Results. Experimental studies by atomic absorption analysis on the concentrations of heavy metals in tobacco, cigarette filters and paper showed the presence of heavy metals: Mn, Zn, Cu, Cr, Cd, Pb. Studies of various tobacco brands have found that the highest concentrations of heavy metals were in the tobacco of the cheapest cigarettes (up to 150 mg / kg), in cigarette paper found only Mn, Zn., When comparing the content of the most toxic heavy metals Cd and Pb in the cigarettes "Parliament" and "Kyiv" and "LM" it was determined that in the tobacco of "Parliament" cigarettes HM concentrations are 7–10 times lower. Conclusions. There is a tendency to decrease the concentration of heavy metals in the components of cigarettes depending on the price category of the tobacco product. Thus, for the most part, the components of cigarettes of domestic brands have tens of times higher concentrations of heavy metals than cigarettes of the American manufacturer. ; Проблема курения почти самая распространенная среди зависимостей человечества, от которой очень трудно отказаться. Человек всю жизнь, пренебрегая своим здоровьем, тратит значительные средства на приобретение сигарет и получения временного удовольствия. Вопрос качества и экологической безопасности составляющих сигарет – табака, сигаретной бумаги и фильтров беспокоит как самих потребителей сигарет, так и экологов, медиков и других специалистов. Конечно, использование некачественного продукта от производителей сигарет вредит не только организму, но и окружающей среде. Цель. Определить качество и экологическую безопасность (наличие концентраций тяжелых металлов) в табаке, сигаретной бумаге и фильтрах сигарет отечественных и зарубежных брендов. Методы. Методы атомно-абсорбционной спектрометрии с помощью атомно-абсорбционного спектрометра МГА 915 МД. Результаты. Экспериментальные исследования методами атомно-абсорбционного анализа концентраций тяжелых металлов в табаке, сигаретных фильтрах и бумаге показали наличие тяжелых металлов: Mn, Zn, Cu, Cr, Cd, Pb. Исследование различных табачных брендов определили, что наибольшие концентрации тяжелых металлов обраружены в табаке дешевых сигарет (до 150 мг / кг), в сигаретной бумаге только Mn, Zn. При сравнении содержания наиболее токсичных тяжелых металлов Cd и Pb в сигаретах «Parliament» и «Киев» и «LM» определено, что в табаке сигарет «Parliament» концентрации ВМ в 7–10 раз меньше. Выводы. Выявлена тенденция к уменьшению концентрации тяжелых металлов в составных сигарет в зависимости от ценовой категории табачного продукта. Так по большинству показателей в составляющих сигарет отечественных брендов концентраций тяжелых металлов в десятки раз выше, чем в сигаретах американского производителя. ; Проблема тютюнопаління є майже найпоширенішою серед залежностей людства, від якої дуже важко відмовитися. Людина все життя, нехтуючи своїм здоров'ям, витрачає значні кошти на придбання цигарок та отримання тимчасового задоволення. Питання якості та екологічної безпеки складових цигарок – тютюну, цигаркового паперу та фільтрів непокоїть як самих споживачів цигарок, так і екологів, медиків і інших фахівців. Звісно, використання неякісного продукту від виробників цигарок шкодить не тільки організму людини, а й довкіллю. Мета. Визначити якість та екологічну безпеку (наявність концентрацій важких металів) у тютюні, цигарковому папері та фільтрах цигарок вітчизняних і зарубіжних брендів. Методи. Меоди атомно-абсорбційної спектрометрії за допомогою атомно-абсорбційного спектрометра МГА 915 МД. Результати. Експериментальні дослідження методами атомно-абсорбційного аналізу щодо концентрацій важких металів у тютюні, цигаркових фільтрах та папері показали наявність важких металів: Mn, Zn, Cu, Cr, Cd, Pb. Дослідження різних тютюнових брендів визначили, що найбільші концентрації важких металів – в тютюні найдешевших цигарок (до 150 мг/кг), у цигарковому папері виявлено лише Mn, Zn. При порівнянні вмісту найбільш токсичних важких металів Cd та Pb у цигарках «Parliament» та «Київ» і «LM» визначено, що у тютюні цигарок «Parliament» концентрації ВМ у 7–10 разів менші. Висновки. Виявлено тенденцію до зменшення концентрації важких металів у складових цигарок у залежності від цінової категорії тютюнового продукту. За більшістю показників у складових цигарок вітчизняних брендів концентрації важких металів у десятки разів вище, ніж у цигарках американського виробника.

Master's thesis consists of the Introduction, four Parts with sections, Conclusions, References, Bibliography, and Appendixes. The first part reviews political situation in the country during the period when Sąjūdis was established. The study examines the circumstances of establishment and development of Sąjūdis, as well as its juridical legitimation. The second and the third parts investigate initiation processes of Sąjūdis divisions in the districts of Pakruojis and Šiauliai, also the influence of press in the provinces to local people. The fourth part is devoted to the concept and forms of memory and respect, analysis and assessment of the recollections of Sąjūdis' contemporaries. The reform politics of Mikhail Gorbachev, the last leader of the Soviet Union, impelled the ideas of publicity and democracy. That was an inducement to create separate reformation organizations in the USSR soviet republics. Lithuania has established the Reform Movement Sąjūdis to reorganize the state. The initiation of Sąjūdis is considered to be June 3, 1988, when the group of 35 members came together and formed Sąjūdis Initiative Group (Lithuanian: Sąjūdžio iniciatyvinė grupė) in Vilnius. A number of Sąjūdis formations were established throughout the country. Lithuania experienced national Rebirth (Lithuanian: Atgimimas). The processes of Atgimimas in the provinces were slower and varied from the processes in larger cities. The latter opened Sąjūdis divisions in the summer of 1988, meanwhile in the provinces they appeared at the end of autumn. The division in Pakruojis and Šiauliai were found in September and October. Sąjūdis raised hopes to create the State of Lithuania based on democratic administration. The first mass meetings took place in 1988 and Sąjūdis was introduced to local people. After a while the movement spread to smaller towns and villages, supported by Sąjūdis Initiative Groups. According to Sąjūdis historiography, it is observed that historians have carried out comprehensive researches of the processes of Sąjūdis formation in larger cities of Lithuania, however, not in smaller towns. The movement of Sąjūdis was active not only in the capital of Lithuania but also in the provinces and smaller towns. Even though, in the provinces national rebirth faced more challenges. Above all, the provinces had lack of intellectual forces. People living in the provinces were less courageous and resolute. They needed encouragement and leading which they received from Sąjūdis headquarters in Vilnius. Historiography presents no explicit evaluation of Sąjūdis activities in Northern Lithuania, either in Pakruojis and Šiauliai districts. Therefore, one of the aims of this research was to question contemporaries of that time and local Sąjūdis members applying the method of interviewing. Their recollections benefit of analyzing the activities of Pakruojis and Šiauliai divisions. Moreover, the interviews are recorded and will be retained for generations to come. That is the way to pay respects to the Reform Movement. Sąjūdis was the main factor which enabled people to express their opinion about social injustice, imperfection of a communist party and to proclaim national feelings. Sąjūdis council of Pakruojis and Šiauliai took the initiative to organize the first mass meetings in the provinces, began reconstructions of memorials which were destroyed in soviet times, gave publicity to environmental problems, passed resolutions, and collected signatures for petitions. Members of Sąjūdis debated with local people in offices, distributed print of Sąjūdis, and invited people along to join Sąjūdis movement. People who were disappointed about inaction of the Communist party of Lithuania were joining Sąjūdis, whereas a number of citizens feared of losing jobs or privileges and, therefore, they were ignoring the movement. The biggest number of citizens living in the provinces was restrained observers. The study highlights the relevance of ambiguity in Sąjūdis activities. The Reform movement was accepted and supported in Šiauliai district by local authorities and press. Though, Sąjūdis activities in Pakruojis district experienced occasional distrust and disunity. There were tentions in relations with local authorities and confrontations with local press. The main supporters and followers of Sąjūdis were educated people: teachers, engineers, medical doctors, and environmentalists. The activities of the Reform movement in the provinces did not contrast with the common trend in Lithuania. In Šiauliai district Sąjūdis managed to evoke national feelings far more than in Pakruojis. It was determined by professional relations, communication with local authorities, and support of local press. In conclusion, it is noteworthy to acknowledge that Sąjūdis has brought national awakening and regeneration as well as Re-establishment of the State of Lithuania.

Master's thesis consists of the Introduction, four Parts with sections, Conclusions, References, Bibliography, and Appendixes. The first part reviews political situation in the country during the period when Sąjūdis was established. The study examines the circumstances of establishment and development of Sąjūdis, as well as its juridical legitimation. The second and the third parts investigate initiation processes of Sąjūdis divisions in the districts of Pakruojis and Šiauliai, also the influence of press in the provinces to local people. The fourth part is devoted to the concept and forms of memory and respect, analysis and assessment of the recollections of Sąjūdis' contemporaries. The reform politics of Mikhail Gorbachev, the last leader of the Soviet Union, impelled the ideas of publicity and democracy. That was an inducement to create separate reformation organizations in the USSR soviet republics. Lithuania has established the Reform Movement Sąjūdis to reorganize the state. The initiation of Sąjūdis is considered to be June 3, 1988, when the group of 35 members came together and formed Sąjūdis Initiative Group (Lithuanian: Sąjūdžio iniciatyvinė grupė) in Vilnius. A number of Sąjūdis formations were established throughout the country. Lithuania experienced national Rebirth (Lithuanian: Atgimimas). The processes of Atgimimas in the provinces were slower and varied from the processes in larger cities. The latter opened Sąjūdis divisions in the summer of 1988, meanwhile in the provinces they appeared at the end of autumn. The division in Pakruojis and Šiauliai were found in September and October. Sąjūdis raised hopes to create the State of Lithuania based on democratic administration. The first mass meetings took place in 1988 and Sąjūdis was introduced to local people. After a while the movement spread to smaller towns and villages, supported by Sąjūdis Initiative Groups. According to Sąjūdis historiography, it is observed that historians have carried out comprehensive researches of the processes of Sąjūdis formation in larger cities of Lithuania, however, not in smaller towns. The movement of Sąjūdis was active not only in the capital of Lithuania but also in the provinces and smaller towns. Even though, in the provinces national rebirth faced more challenges. Above all, the provinces had lack of intellectual forces. People living in the provinces were less courageous and resolute. They needed encouragement and leading which they received from Sąjūdis headquarters in Vilnius. Historiography presents no explicit evaluation of Sąjūdis activities in Northern Lithuania, either in Pakruojis and Šiauliai districts. Therefore, one of the aims of this research was to question contemporaries of that time and local Sąjūdis members applying the method of interviewing. Their recollections benefit of analyzing the activities of Pakruojis and Šiauliai divisions. Moreover, the interviews are recorded and will be retained for generations to come. That is the way to pay respects to the Reform Movement. Sąjūdis was the main factor which enabled people to express their opinion about social injustice, imperfection of a communist party and to proclaim national feelings. Sąjūdis council of Pakruojis and Šiauliai took the initiative to organize the first mass meetings in the provinces, began reconstructions of memorials which were destroyed in soviet times, gave publicity to environmental problems, passed resolutions, and collected signatures for petitions. Members of Sąjūdis debated with local people in offices, distributed print of Sąjūdis, and invited people along to join Sąjūdis movement. People who were disappointed about inaction of the Communist party of Lithuania were joining Sąjūdis, whereas a number of citizens feared of losing jobs or privileges and, therefore, they were ignoring the movement. The biggest number of citizens living in the provinces was restrained observers. The study highlights the relevance of ambiguity in Sąjūdis activities. The Reform movement was accepted and supported in Šiauliai district by local authorities and press. Though, Sąjūdis activities in Pakruojis district experienced occasional distrust and disunity. There were tentions in relations with local authorities and confrontations with local press. The main supporters and followers of Sąjūdis were educated people: teachers, engineers, medical doctors, and environmentalists. The activities of the Reform movement in the provinces did not contrast with the common trend in Lithuania. In Šiauliai district Sąjūdis managed to evoke national feelings far more than in Pakruojis. It was determined by professional relations, communication with local authorities, and support of local press. In conclusion, it is noteworthy to acknowledge that Sąjūdis has brought national awakening and regeneration as well as Re-establishment of the State of Lithuania.

Canada and the United Kingdom (UK) have prospered from a productive commercial relationship. Their two-way merchandise trade totaled more than C$25.3 billion in 2016, making the UK Canada's fifth-largest merchandise trade partner and making Canada the UK's eighth biggest export market outside the EU. The UK is the second largest source of FDI to Canada and Canada's second most significant destination for FDI abroad. Although the UK is only Canada's eighth largest trading partner, it is Canada's largest trading partner in Europe and was an important part of the success of the Canada-European Union Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA). Brexit has made the future of this relationship uncertain. Various trade and financial institutions, such as Export Development Canada (EDC), the Business Development Bank of Canada (BDC), and the Royal Bank of Canada (RBC) note that Brexit may affect Canadian exports and investments. Brexit could make the UK a less attractive destination for Canadian investment due to uncertainty over the UK's market access to the EU. Further, Brexit could result in Canadian exporters facing the same tariff structure that was in place before the CETA. This would raise the costs of doing business, particularly for exporters of Canadian services. Crucial to the future of Canada-UK relations is the possibility of a new Canada-UK Free Trade Agreement (FTA).1 CETA will not apply to Canada-UK trade after the UK leaves the EU. Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and UK Prime Minister Theresa May have said that both countries are working on a Canada-UK FTA for after Brexit. Brexit should be a "wake-up" call for Canadian policymakers to address increased social inequality and avoid isolationist movements that threaten the economic and social benefits of an open economy. Understanding these dynamics represents proactive steps that can be taken to prevent a future breakdown of a Canada-UK trade agreement. We examine the provisions and negotiating history of NAFTA-USMCA, CETA, and the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) to identify the demands and limits of both business and civil society. For a Canada-UK FTA to be successful in the long-run and provide a clear model for the future UK trade agenda, policymakers must address the challenges created by FTAs and build an economic environment that are perceived to be more widely beneficial. One option therefore is to maintain the bilateral market access between Canada and the UK gained with the implementation of CETA. This gives rise to the need to design a trade agreement that supports both business and social interests. Some believe that the UK and EU will end up with a CETA-like trade deal. Is the "progressive" nature of CETA a good fit for a Canada-UK trade deal as well? Or are there more appropriate approaches to take greater account of public concerns about the social and environmental effects of trade agreements? Does a Canada-UK FTA offer the UK an opportunity to forge a new FTA model that can more directly address the concerns of workers and environmentalists in a post-Brexit context? This paper examines whether and how a Canada-UK trade agreement can bring an early harvest success story to the UK trade agenda post-Brexit and for Canada to push its progressive trade agenda in this new era of aggressive unilateralism in the US. As Canada's trade agenda has pivoted toward a focus on trade diversification, an agreement with the UK could meet both the diversification and progressive agendas of recent Canadian trade policy. This briefing note is set out as follows. The first section examines the recent surge in protectionism, as evinced in the UK and Brexit. It presents an overview of the evidence on the impact of Brexit, including global value chains, and its predicted welfare effects. The second section surveys the progressive development of environment and labour provisions in trade agreements. It seeks to identify the limits of regional rules on these sustainable development rules, in terms of their scope and enforceability. The section discusses how a progressive trade agreement between the UK and Canada would build upon the strengths and mitigate the weaknesses of existing approaches. The briefing paper concludes that there is an opportunity for the UK and Canada to create an innovative free trade agreement based on shared progressive and inclusive values that could simultaneously support citizens who have not benefited from globalization while promoting trade and investment.

Tras grandes conflictos y desastres ambientales, los proyectos económicos, en particular las inversiones a gran escala en minería o energía hidroeléctrica, están hoy en día sujetos a leyes y reglamentos ambientales rigurosos. La aplicación de las normas y reglamentos tiene lugar en la administración pública y en los tribunales e incluye evaluaciones de impacto ambiental (EIAs), procesos de concesión de licencias y litigios en los tribunales. En este contexto, se supone que la toma de decisiones se basa en un razonamiento racional y en conocimientos e informaciones supuestamente científicas e imparciales. Así, los derechos de los ciudadanos en los conflictos ambientales y la aplicación efectiva de estos derechos en procesos de contestación administrativa, judicial y política dependen en gran medida del conocimiento, de la información y de las formas en que se producen, interpretan y valoran en la interacción entre las personas afectadas y los inversores, los expertos y no expertos, los burócratas, los profesionales del derecho y los ciudadanos. La discusión política se convierte en una disputa aparentemente técnica. El presente texto se basa en un estudio cualitativo de los conflictos en torno al establecimiento del proyecto minero a gran escala Minas-Río, en Conceição do Mato Dentro, Minas Gerais, Brasil, realizado en 2014-2015. Se describe la naturaleza problemática de la producción de información y conocimiento en un contexto político-económico dado y las disputas en torno a la validez de los resultados aparentemente científicos que surgieron en el proceso de concesión de licencias ambientales. Los estudios ambientales y sus evaluaciones técnicas se basan en supuestos cuestionables y a menudo carecen de datos de referencia precisos. La falta de recursos públicos para la investigación independiente hace que las agencias ambientales dependan de los servicios y de la información proporcionada por las compañías mineras. Aparte de esta forma de colaboración, la priorización de conocimientos supuestamente científicos y "expertos", las trayectorias profesionales del personal de las agencias y la presión de políticos que favorecen la minería, conducen a la adopción arbitraria de datos, información y conocimientos proporcionados por las mineras y/o las empresas consultoras empleadas por ellas. Al mismo tiempo, la información proveída por las personas afectadas y los ambientalistas queda al margen. De esta manera, los derechos básicos del ciudadano y del ambiente, así como los derechos a la información sobre el medio ambiente y a la participación en los procesos de concesión de licencias, garantizados en la Constitución y la legislación ambiental brasileñas, se vuelven ineficaces. ; Following large environmental conflicts and disasters, economic endeavors -particular large-scale investments in mining or hydropower- are nowadays subjected to rigorous environmental law and regulations. The application of rules and regulations takes place in environmental administration and courts and includes environmental impact assessments (EIAs), licensing processes and litigation in court. Within these contexts, decision making is supposed to be based on rational reasoning and purportedly impartial scientific knowledge and information. Thus, citizens' rights in resource conflicts and the effective enforcement of these rights in administrative, judicial, and political contestation become highly dependent on knowledge and information and the ways it is produced, interpreted, and valued in the interaction between people affected and investors, lays and experts, bureaucrats, legal practitioners and citizens. Political contestation becomes a seemingly technical dispute. This paper bases on a qualitative study of the conflicts surrounding the establishment of the large-scale iron-ore mining project Minas-Rio, in Conceição do Mato Dentro, Minas Gerais, Brazil, conducted in 2014-2015. It describes the problematic nature of the production of information and knowledge in a given political-economic context and the contestations surrounding the validity of apparently scientific results as they emerged alongside the environmental licensing process. Environmental studies and their technical evaluations are based on questionable assumptions and often lack accurate baseline data. The deficiency of public resources for independent investigation makes the environmental agencies dependent on services and information provided by mining companies. Apart from this form of collaboration, the prioritization of allegedly scientific "expert" knowledge, career trajectories of agencies' personnel, and pressure by pro-mining politicians lead to the uncritical adoption of data, information and knowledge provided by the company and/or the consultancy firms employed by them. At the same time, information given by the people affected and environmentalists becomes sidelined. Thereby, environmental and citizen rights, as the rights to information concerning the environment and to participation in licensing processes, guaranteed in the Brazilian constitution and environmental legislation, become ineffective.

Canadian economists, politicians and even environmentalists are lining up enthusiastically behind pricing carbon as the solution to controlling greenhouse gas emissions in this country. Pricing carbon (or, more accurately, pricing carbon dioxide) is not just a fashionable policy approach; it is the most efficient way we have to ration emissions, as it allows emitters — businesses and consumers — to make the most rational decisions about where it makes economic sense to curtail carbon and where it does not. Painfully costly command-and-control reductions make little sense in Canada, given our marginal contribution to global emissions. When practiced globally, a carbon price deals with Canadian emitters as fairly as it does others. However, a beneficial outcome is not guaranteed: certain rules must be observed in order for carbon pricing to have its intended effect of achieving the optimal balance between emission reduction and economic growth. First and foremost, carbon pricing only works in the absence of any other emission regulations. If pricing is layered on top of an emission-regulating regime already in place (such as emission caps or feed-in-tariff programs), it will not only fail to produce the desired effects in terms of emission rationing, it will have distortionary effects that cause disproportionate damage in the economy. Carbon taxes are meant to replace all other climate-related regulation, while the revenue from the taxes should not be funnelled into substitute goods, like renewable power (pricing lets the market decide which of those substitutes are worth funding) but returned directly to taxpayers. The price of carbon is set according to what is known as the "social cost of carbon" — the quantified value of the impact that an emitted tonne of carbon today will have on humans in the future (adjusted to present value). That cost is not limitless; there is a point at which the cost of abating a tonne of carbon outweighs the cost of the impact that same tonne will have in the future (and some of that impact may be positive, not necessarily negative). Therefore, another important rule for creating a proper carbon-pricing system is to be as careful as possible in estimating the social cost of carbon. Estimates are all we have, and they vary wildly, from negative — meaning any carbon price is too high — to hundreds of dollars per tonne. Minor adjustments to the calculation's inputs, such as the discount rate used and fluctuating estimates about climate sensitivity, produce dramatically different estimates. The social cost of carbon must be set with extreme prudence in order to set a reasonable carbon price. Whatever the carbon price, it will necessarily detract some degree from economic growth. But when a carbon tax is added in the presence of other taxes, such as income, sales and corporate taxes, its effect will be even more harmful, due to the compounded burden on economic activity. As a result, whatever the social cost of carbon is determined to be, the carbon price must be discounted below it by the marginal cost of public funds (MCPF) — that is, the economic cost of the government raising an additional dollar of tax, on top of what is already being raised. This varies by province, but estimates suggest that in Canada, the optimal carbon tax should be about half of the estimated social cost of carbon. Finally, it needs to be remembered that carbon pricing works because it is a marketbased policy: it works with market forces, not against them. But that means the policy maker needs to let the market play its role. Choosing the price means the market will set the quantity, and vice-versa. In response to a well-designed carbon price, the market may only reduce emissions a little, especially in the short term. Policy makers need to resist the temptation to reintroduce command-and-control rules and arbitrary quantity targets, which will simply unravel the gains from adopting the policy in the first place. There may be many reasons to recommend carbon pricing as climate policy, but if it is implemented without diligently abiding by the principles that make it work, it will not work as planned, and the harm to the Canadian economy could well outweigh the benefits created by reducing our country's already negligible level of global CO2 emissions.

The dissertation concerns the analysis of participatory practices in support of the decision-making processes. In particular, the research work is based on an important consideration, according to which, traditional participatory processes do not work in practical terms. Indeed, the evolution of the concept of participation reveals that although the implementation of the participatory processes arose from the necessity of strongly criticizing the contemporary society of the 1960's, nowadays they have been used to reinforce and legitimate the existing power relations. In this conceptual framework, participation is currently analysed and interpreted either as a democratic right or as an instrument to achieve specific goals. As a result, the dichotomy, between theory and practice, acquires an increasing importance within the international debate. Moreover, the dissertation intends to interpret the intrinsic ambivalence within the concept of participation through the analysis of a case study represented by the Sardinian Regional Landscape Plan (RLP). Sardinian regional government elaborated its RLP in 2006. However, different problems, such as the lack of implementation of the RLP at the local level, entailed the necessity for a revision. In particular, the Sardinian case study represents an emblematic case due to the implementation of two very different participatory processes. From this perspective, these approaches are studied in order to understand the difficulties to translate theoretical concepts about participation into practice. In addition, the research work is based on a qualitative strategy and on a case study design, where a triangulation of methods, which are traditionally related to either qualitative or quantitative research strategy, is used. In particular, the data were collected through semi-structured interviews and self-completion questionnaires that involved different categories of participants such as academicians, officials of the regional, provincial and local governments, technicians of building enterprises, member of environmentalist bodies and practitioners. Moreover, the data analysis highlights some important considerations. First of all, the political decisions influenced negatively the outcomes of the participatory processes. Indeed, during the elaboration phase, the specific purpose of the regional government was to legitimate its ruling role on the planning decisions at the local level, implying a lack of real involvement of participants. In the revision phase, despite the apparently good intentions, the regional government, which belongs to an opposite political alignment of the previous one, intended to represent itself as a forward-looking administration in order to increase consensus on behalf of citizens, local and provincial administrations, practitioners and the economic and productive sectors. Secondly, the lack of a solid awareness of the importance of participation makes the implementation of effective inclusive moments impossible without a methodological reference framework. From this conceptual perspective, the research work proposes a procedural protocol, whose aim is to define a methodological framework concerning the implementation of participatory practices in support of the planning processes at the regional scale. The procedural protocol focuses on four main issues: the interdependency of participatory and planning processes, the definition of specific responsibilities, the circularity of the processes, and their flexibility. First of all, the participatory processes should be parallel to the planning processes, becoming a necessary element of the procedures of elaboration and approval of plans. On the other hand, despite the complementary nature of the relation between participatory and planning processes, they should not lose their decisional autonomy and independence. Secondly, with respect to the impacts of the political decisions on participatory and planning processes, the authorities that implement participatory processes should be external bodies, composed by a multidisciplinary group of experts in political and social science, and in participatory practices. Thirdly, the circularity of the processes is based on considerations, according to which the relations between participatory and planning processes are not linear. In this way, it could be possible to take corrective measures in the most important phases. Finally, the fourth issue is related to specific economic, social and political contexts in which the participatory processes are implemented. Indeed, the research work tries to maintain a certain degree of flexibility in order to make it possible that suitable adjustments of the processes in relation to the reference context do occur.In conclusion, "learning from failing" represents an important lesson of the research work. Indeed, despite the undeniable failures that characterise the current participatory practices, participation remains a significant aspect that could give adecisive contribution to the effectiveness of planning decisions.

Italian government recently restated its achievement of following with the process of realizing the Messina Strait Bridge (Ponte sullo Stretto) within the investments program for stimulating new growth. Actually because of the economic and financial budget crisis the same Office cut all the national funds at least in the short run till the year 2013. At the same time EU deleted the project from TEN (Trans European Network) agenda. Despite of national government statements, the real destiny of the program is very uncertain. Even because critical studies and assessments strongly increased in the latest years. The essay recalls the history of the project: the first idea was born sat the beginning of Italian national State unity after 1861, but the Myth of rejoining Sicily and continental Italy became an achievable program only after second world war. In 1971 the State issued a national Act for promoting the agenda and the Agency in charge of projecting and building the Messina Strait Bridge. In 1981 the agency was completely organized and named as "Stretto di Messina" Society, that later became "Stretto di Messina Ltd". Several project proposals were advanced by engineers and corporations: eventually through an international technical selection the general shape of the bridge was designed. Over time the strong decrease of land traffic toward Sicily in front of dramatic increase of air passenger travels and sea good flows made the project of the bridge almost useless. Indeed at the middle of 1980's the Italian government was writing the project off. But the never ending story went on. Actually in the recent years, the right parties government reset the Big Works Growth Policies and issued the a national act for promoting and accelerating operations among which the Messina Strait Bridge Program was considered one of the most important. So, in 1992 the first edition of Preliminary Project was introduced: strong critics pushed the Agency to retire and fix the project production: because of that, there was a long debate that ended in 2002 with the new shape of the preliminary project. The final version of the preliminary project was defined in 2005, after further observations and critics by scientists, scholars, environmentalists and overall technicians offices of the several involved Italian Ministers. Today, at the end of 2011 the definitive not-operative project has been finally introduced. The article emphasizes the environmental and territorial impacts of the project and also it underlines its weakness in terms of economics, transportation and land planning, by asking the meaning of building a mega infrastructure for land linkages between Europe and Sicily today, in the age of beautiful landscape and hi-tech. ; Il governo ha ribadito la volontà di proseguire con il progetto del ponte sullo Stretto di Messina, all'interno del quadro di investimenti tesi ad accele­rare la ripresa economica; ha tuttavia azzerato le risorse disponibili per l'operazione, tradendo forse la vera natura dell'enunciazione suddetta: quella della reiterazione-sempre piùstanca e senza convinzione- di una declaratoria ormai rituale quanto improbabile. L'Unione Europea, dal canto suo, ha definitivamente cancellato l'opera dalla lista delle infrastrutture considerate prioritarie e quindi finanziabili con risorse comunitarie. Nonostante le posizioni governative ufficiali, vista anche la crescente opposizione e le critiche di diversi ambiti politici, sociali e scientifici, secondo cui l'attraversamento dello Stretto dovrebbe essere cancellato, l'operazione appare tuttora quanto mai incerta. L'articolo ricostruisce le vicende relative al progetto del ponte, dall'origi­nario dibattito post-unitario sulla necessità di un collegamento stabile tra la Sicilia ed il Continente, alla redazione delle prime ipotesi di piano nel secon­do dopoguerra, all'idea di "area metropolitana dello Stretto e conurbazione del ponte" contenuta nel progetto '80, alle posizioni critiche che, rispetto a tali concetti, sono maturate negli studi relativi alle più recenti versioni del progetto. Nella seconda parte si descrivono gli elementi principali del "progetto di attraversamento aereo dello Stretto di Messina" presentato dalla società dello Stretto al governo il 31/12/02 (progetto preliminare, che ha registrato il parere positivo con prescrizioni del CIPE nel 2005), di cui è stata di recente presentata la versione "definitiva"; e ancora note tratte dalle "Osservazioni sullo studio di impatto ambientale", avanzate per conto di Legambiente, WWF, Italia Nostra e di altre associazioni ambientaliste, da un gruppo di studio coordinato dall'autore delle note presenti, riassumendo anche recenti lavori di aggiornamento (Bettini, Guerzoni, Ziparo, 2002; Pieroni, 2000; Pieroni, Ziparo, 2010; Marino, 2011).

Italian government recently restated its achievement of following with the process of realizing the Messina Strait Bridge (Ponte sullo Stretto) within the investments program for stimulating new growth. Actually because of the economic and financial budget crisis the same Office cut all the national funds at least in the short run till the year 2013. At the same time EU deleted the project from TEN (Trans European Network) agenda. Despite of national government statements, the real destiny of the program is very uncertain. Even because critical studies and assessments strongly increased in the latest years. The essay recalls the history of the project: the first idea was born sat the beginning of Italian national State unity after 1861, but the Myth of rejoining Sicily and continental Italy became an achievable program only after second world war. In 1971 the State issued a national Act for promoting the agenda and the Agency in charge of projecting and building the Messina Strait Bridge. In 1981 the agency was completely organized and named as "Stretto di Messina" Society, that later became "Stretto di Messina Ltd". Several project proposals were advanced by engineers and corporations: eventually through an international technical selection the general shape of the bridge was designed. Over time the strong decrease of land traffic toward Sicily in front of dramatic increase of air passenger travels and sea good flows made the project of the bridge almost useless. Indeed at the middle of 1980's the Italian government was writing the project off. But the never ending story went on. Actually in the recent years, the right parties government reset the Big Works Growth Policies and issued the a national act for promoting and accelerating operations among which the Messina Strait Bridge Program was considered one of the most important. So, in 1992 the first edition of Preliminary Project was introduced: strong critics pushed the Agency to retire and fix the project production: because of that, there was a long debate that ended in 2002 with the new shape of the preliminary project. The final version of the preliminary project was defined in 2005, after further observations and critics by scientists, scholars, environmentalists and overall technicians offices of the several involved Italian Ministers. Today, at the end of 2011 the definitive not-operative project has been finally introduced. The article emphasizes the environmental and territorial impacts of the project and also it underlines its weakness in terms of economics, transportation and land planning, by asking the meaning of building a mega infrastructure for land linkages between Europe and Sicily today, in the age of beautiful landscape and hi-tech. ; Il governo ha ribadito la volontà di proseguire con il progetto del ponte sullo Stretto di Messina, all'interno del quadro di investimenti tesi ad accele­rare la ripresa economica; ha tuttavia azzerato le risorse disponibili per l'operazione, tradendo forse la vera natura dell'enunciazione suddetta: quella della reiterazione-sempre piùstanca e senza convinzione- di una declaratoria ormai rituale quanto improbabile. L'Unione Europea, dal canto suo, ha definitivamente cancellato l'opera dalla lista delle infrastrutture considerate prioritarie e quindi finanziabili con risorse comunitarie. Nonostante le posizioni governative ufficiali, vista anche la crescente opposizione e le critiche di diversi ambiti politici, sociali e scientifici, secondo cui l'attraversamento dello Stretto dovrebbe essere cancellato, l'operazione appare tuttora quanto mai incerta. L'articolo ricostruisce le vicende relative al progetto del ponte, dall'origi­nario dibattito post-unitario sulla necessità di un collegamento stabile tra la Sicilia ed il Continente, alla redazione delle prime ipotesi di piano nel secon­do dopoguerra, all'idea di "area metropolitana dello Stretto e conurbazione del ponte" contenuta nel progetto '80, alle posizioni critiche che, rispetto a tali concetti, sono maturate negli studi relativi alle più recenti versioni del progetto. Nella seconda parte si descrivono gli elementi principali del "progetto di attraversamento aereo dello Stretto di Messina" presentato dalla società dello Stretto al governo il 31/12/02 (progetto preliminare, che ha registrato il parere positivo con prescrizioni del CIPE nel 2005), di cui è stata di recente presentata la versione "definitiva"; e ancora note tratte dalle "Osservazioni sullo studio di impatto ambientale", avanzate per conto di Legambiente, WWF, Italia Nostra e di altre associazioni ambientaliste, da un gruppo di studio coordinato dall'autore delle note presenti, riassumendo anche recenti lavori di aggiornamento (Bettini, Guerzoni, Ziparo, 2002; Pieroni, 2000; Pieroni, Ziparo, 2010; Marino, 2011).

Recently, the issues of social responsibility of business in the US and EU states have been extensively addressed not only by researchers, but also by CEOs of enterprises, politicians, executive governmental authorities, trade unions, non-governmental organisations. This can be judged from the increasing number of publications on this issue as well as states' governmental acts passed to initiate and encourage corporate social responsibility initiatives. The article deals with the development of social responsibility of business in the context of the prevailing economic and manageral theoretical models. Although the concept of corporate social responsibility has been developed in the second half of the 20th century, the social role of business has been mentioned in the English classical political economy research studies. We can state that A. Smith and D. Richard essentially formulated the elements of the concept of corporate social responsibility in business operating within the free competition scheme. K. Marx's theoretical models provide a specific conception of social responsibility, which is actually radically different from that of the classical English political economy approach. Through imposing the value added production function to the capital and by giving its critical assessment, Marx presented his interpretation of social responsibility of both market economy and of alleged public limited company.An important stage in the corporate social responsibility study was the introduction and promotion of stakeholders theory which was reviewed in detail by R. Freeman in his monograph in 1984. He then modified a conventional corporation input-output model which accepted only four groups of players as directly linked to the firm's activity: shareholders, workers, suppliers and customers, by expanding the influences' list to governmental bodies, political groups, trade associations, trade unions, communities, associated corporations, environmentalists, human and customer rights' proponents and other vested parties whose interests are important to business and undertakings. Stakeholders theory admits the importance of corporate responsibility and the necessity of related costs. It maintains that the support of stakeholders adds to formation of a firm-friendly environment and positively affects a firm's operation results. Despite its popularity, stakeholders theory however failed the overall unconditional acclaim and has been subject to criticism both in the theoretical and empirical aspects.Corporate social responsibility analysis has been closely related to strategic corporate governance issues. This is obviously featured in a rather popular resource-based view model. The model maintains that every firm possesses a unique specific combination of resources and competences. Should these resources and capacities prove to show indeed valued, unique, rare and indispensable, they can actually make for the exclusive competitive advantage to the firm. Certainly, companies strive to identify, sustain and develop this advantage.Modem society shows an obvious growing influence of corporate social responsibility supporters. It shoved be noted that stakeholders, who a couple decades ago used to demand managerial social responsibility, sought arguments in the defence of their positions primarily in the ethics research works. Lately there has been a general tendency to justify the social responsibility of business on the account of financial benefit consideration. Also, an important thing is that even amongst the conventional neoclassical economic scholars increasing are studies that attempt to justify the costs of corporate social programmes through revealing their efficiency on a long-term scale. As a joint-point to enable incorporation of social expenses in the neoclassical profit maximisation model, the conception of strategic investment has been used lately. Classical enterprise theory makes impossible the maximization of the two values simultaneously - the profit and social benefit. Some researchers, however, through the use of traditional macroeconomic analysis instruments, seek to prove that corporate social programmes should be approached as strategic investment. In this respect, the dimensions of profit and social responsibility maximisation coincide.In Lithuania, corporate social responsibility has been mostly assessed in the context of human resource theory. Empiric analysis in the field remains in its initial stage. ; Straipsnyje nagrinėjama verslo socialinės atsakomybės sampratos ir įtakos kaita paplitusių ekonomikos ir vadybos teorijų kontekste. Analizuojami valstybės institucijų, piliečių ir jų organizacijų verslo santykiai, atskleidžiamos verslo socialinių funkcijų traktuotės evoliucionuojant rinkos ūkiui. Korporacijų socialinės atsakomybės koncepcija buvo išplėtota antrojoje XX amžiaus pusėje, tačiau verslo socialinių funkcijų klausimo ištakos - anglų klasikinės politinės ekonomijos atstovų darbai. Svarbiu įmonių socialinės atsakomybės tyrinėjimo etapu tapo suinteresuotųjų grupių teorijos plėtra ir raida. Įmonės išteklių požiūrio teorijoje išryškėjo tendencija verslo socialinį atsakingumą grįsti finansine nauda. Net tradicinės neoklasikinės ekonominės minties atstovų darbuose gausėja argumentų, pateisinančių įmonių socialinių programų kaštus ilgą laikotarpį. Lietuvoje socialinės atsakomybės tyrimai plėtojami žmoniškųjų išteklių teorijos kontekste.

The series of interviews presented in this book were originally conceived as a part of a wider project, investigating the ways in which Nordic people relate to nature. That project, entitled "Nature, National Identity and Environmental Policy in the Nordic Countries", was initiated in 1995 by Elfar Loftsson and Ulrik Lohm from the University of Linköping; Páll Skúlason and Þorvarður Árnason from the University of Iceland; and Lars Henrik Schmidt from the University of Århus. The project was intended from the outset to be interdisciplinary, with sociological, anthropological and philosophical methods to be applied in the investigation. Originally, the project involved three Nordic countries: Sweden, Denmark and Iceland. Parts of the project were undertaken in all three countries so that it would be possible to compare the results, whilst other parts were carried out separately in each country. The largest common sub-project was a questionnaire survey that was carried out in 1997 and investigated views of nature, and environmental concerns, amongst the general public in Sweden, Denmark and Iceland.In connection with the questionnaire survey, it was decided to invite an experienced journalist to join in the project and to ask him to interview people with various backgrounds, in order to elicit from them, in a personal manner, their ways of valuing and relating to nature. In addition to being of interest in themselves, the interviews were intended to complement the other parts of the project. Páll Skúlason had worked earlier with Jacques Gandebeuf when he came to Iceland in the wake of the volcanic eruption in the Westman Islands in 1972 to interview people about their experiences of living in a close Páll Skúlason and dangerous relationship with nature. Thus, Páll knew about Jacques´ skills as an interviewer, his great experience as an environmentalist, and his remarkable talent as a writer; and it was agreed to ask him to do the job. He accepted the assignment, and in this book the reader is presented with the results. Jacques Gandebeuf was born and brought up in Clermont-Ferrand, in the centre of France. He studied law and economic history before turning to journalism. From 1966 to 1992 he worked as a major reporter and editorialist in the great regional journal Républicain Lorrain, published in Metz in the north of France. During this period, he covered all the great events in the world, traveling to more than 80 countries. He also become an active member of the association of journalists and writers for ecology and wrote extensively on environmental issues. After retiring in 1992 he has written some ten books, among them My Father's Accent, which is a work of fiction on the linguistic problems of Lorraine, and three books on the experiences of people in that region during the two world wars. A specialist of European affairs, his personal interests bear particularly upon music and also upon sculpting, an art at which he himself excels. In connection with the Nordic project, Jacques conducted his first series of interviews in Iceland in 1996 and a second series in Sweden in 1997. For various reasons, he was unable to conduct any interviews in Denmark before the project came to an end. In the year 2000, however, the opportunity arose to survey Norwegian views of nature, thanks to the assistance of Gunnar Skirbekk at the University of Bergen, and the interviews contained in the present volume thus include the perspectives of three Nordic nations. These interviews were conducted in the period when environmental issues of all sorts were for the first time in history commanding public attention. Since then these issues have become progressively more and more the concern of public debates. In these debates what is most important are the various sentiments, feelings and worries that people have, and may share, all over the world. It is vital that politicians, scientists, entrepreneurs, and others engaged in decision-making that affects nature, take into account the ways in which people value and relating to nature. This book should be extremely useful for achieving an understanding of the attitudes and feelings that people have. Jacques was of course entirely free to conduct and present the interviews in whatever way he thought best. To my mind he has succeeded in revealing, in an exciting and interesting manner, how ordinary people in a certain part of the world felt and thought about nature at the end of the 20th century. It remains to be asked how people will feel and think about nature at the end of the current century, if we humans are still around and if there is still be a nature to which we can relate.

In recent years, there has been intense debate about the population size to which Australia should aim in the 21st century. Some argue for a much lower population than we have now. The environmentalist, Tim Flannery, for example, has suggested that Australians might opt for a future population of between 6 and 12 million people. Others argue for a considerably larger population. For example, former Prime Minister, Malcolm Fraser, would like to see a population of 45 to 50 million people in the next 50 years. This paper shows that the targets specified by both Flannery and Fraser are unattainable in the next 50 years because such targets can only be reached through levels of immigration which are impossibly negative on one side or impossibly large on the other side. The demographic reality is that the options for Australia's future population size are much more limited than the options that are considered in popular debate. The limiting factor is our low, and falling, level of fertility. The powerful demographic effects of low fertility have been little appreciated. One of the aims of this paper is to provide such an appreciation. We show that with zero net migration, Australia's projected levels of fertility and mortality would lead to the population rising initially to 20 million and then falling slowly in the first half of next century and rapidly in the second half. The population would age dramatically and the size of the labour force would fall markedly. We argue that these are not desirable outcomes and that, as a consequence, we should seek to have immigration levels which, at the least, lead to zero population growth. A level of net annual migration of around 80 000, in combination with our low fertility rate, would lead to zero population growth in about 25 years and a population size of about 24-25 million. Given current trends in fertility and mortality, annual net migration to Australia of at least 80 000 persons is necessary to avoid spiralling population decline and substantial falls in the size of the labour force. This level of annual net migration also makes a worthwhile and efficient contribution to the retardation of population ageing. Levels of annual net migration above 80 000 become increasingly ineffective and inefficient in the retardation of ageing. Those who wish to argue for a higher level of immigration must base their argument on the benefits of a larger population, not upon the illusory 'younging power' of high immigration. The level of about 80 000 is close to the average net migration of the past eight years and of the past 50 years. Thus, if present settings do not change, we are headed towards this outcome. There is an upper limit to annual net migration. We argue that there were difficulties in the late 1980s when net migration rose for just two years to over 150 000 per annum. While it is not possible to be prescriptive, a sustained net migration level of 120 000 per annum is at the high end of what Australia seems to be able to manage. Furthermore, it is little understood that the Australian Government has only a very limited degree of control over the final level of annual net migration. It has almost no control over movements out of the country and little control over long-term (as distinct from permanent) movement into the country. Even major components of permanent movement into the country (New Zealand citizens and spouses or children of Australian residents) are largely beyond the government's control. That is, it is not possible for any Australian government to precisely determine the level of annual net migration. For example, net migration was 72 000 in 1997 and 112 000 in 1998. The increase of 40 000 between these two years was not the outcome of deliberate government policy. If the desirable range of annual net migration is as narrow as 80 000 to 120 000 and if government is unable to determine this level with any degree of precision, heated debate about immigration levels seems pointless. In these circumstances, the major parties should reconsider the advantages of a bipartisan approach to immigration policy. Our analysis in the paper is based on the assumption that the fertility rate in Australia will not fall below 1.65 births per woman on average in the long term. In our view, population policy for Australia should revolve around ensuring that fertility does not fall below this level.