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The author explores the changing institutional landscape of English cities. Manchester is used to illustrate how a particular local settlement' was forged between institutions and actors in the city: a combination of national policy diktat and guidelines and local political negotiation. Marketing Manchester is analysed to assess how the arrival of new (national) institutions and the growth of the (local) partnership model of development affected local policy, and to examine how a consensus emerged around the need for a marketing organisation to promote and sell the city. On one hand, the formation and practices of Marketing Manchester are located within the local politics of Manchester. On the other hand, the author explains the failure of Marketing Manchester as a result of tensions and change in the local and the national political terrain. The election of New Labour in the General Election of 1 May 1997 in part shaped local responses to the slogans and campaigns of Marketing Manchester. The cultural élite that formed in opposition to Marketing Manchester took part both in the 'high politics' of 'rebranding' Manchester and in the low politics' of political hedging, as leading actors in Marketing Manchester became cast, within local political circles, as politically obsolete because of the change in national politics. The author argues that there is a complex relationship between how national political change structures local political actors and how local regeneration experiments shape national policy.

This paper is an examination of how state policies have influenced the spatial distribution of industry in Greece throughout the period after World War 2. The focus is only on those aspects of state policy that directly influence the spatial distribution of industry, that is regional policy, which was always orientated, in theory at least, towards the vague notion of the 'more even' regional development of the country. It is argued that state regional policies were not on the whole successful. The regional incentives system for industry in particular, which was the most important instrument of state regional policy, was quite inadequate, and, moreover, its cost to society increased steadily while its contribution towards a more even spatial distribution of industry was marginal. That is, the incentives system does not seem to have facilitated the regional reorganisation of industry in the sense of diminishing the spatial inequalities in the distribution of industrial activities. It was not 'accidental' that the regional incentives system, with its innate weaknesses and increasing cost, survived for so long, despite the fact that it was ineffective. Its survival can be explained in terms of the particular characteristics of Greek society, such as the predominance of the political over the economic sphere and the prevalence of clientelism in politics. In such a context the innate weaknesses of the incentives system allowed certain groups of people to enjoy economic benefits with noneconomic means.

Adam Graycar is Professor of Public Policy at the Australian National University (ANU), where he is also Director of the Transnational Research Institute on Corruption. He joined ANU in 2010 when he became the Foundation Dean of the Australian National Institute for Public Policy for two years. He recently stepped down after four years as Director of the Research School of Social Sciences at ANU. Graycar acquired extensive policy experience over 22 years in the senior posts he held in Australian government at state and federal levels. He has had long experience in both academia and in government. His most recent government position was Head of the Cabinet Office of the Government of South Australia. Previously, Graycar was Dean of the School of Criminal Justice at Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey. His latest book "Understanding and Preventing Corruption," coauthored with Tim Prenzler, was published in 2013.

Introduction : governing with feeling / Jessica Pykett, Eleanor Jupp and Fiona M. Smith -- Rationality, responsibility and rage : the contested politics of emotion governance / Janet Newman -- Reframing co-production : gender, relational academic labour and the university / Bryony Enright, Keri Facer and Wendy Larner -- Choice architecture as new governance : the case of the Dutch housing market / Kayleigh van Oorschot, Menno Fenger and Mark van Twist -- Governing mindfully : shaping policy makers' emotional engagements with behaviour change / Jessica Pykett, Rachel Howell, Rachel Lilley, Rhys Jones and Mark Whitehead -- The sentimental civil servant / Rosie Anderson -- Behaviourally, emotionally and socially "problematic" students : interrogating emotional governance as a form of exclusionary practice / Jennifer Lea, Louise Holt and Sophie Bowlby -- Supporting people : regulation, welfare practice and emotions / Rachel Dobson -- Fearful asymmetry : circuits of paranoia in governing through school inspection / John Clarke -- Troubling feelings in family policy and interventions / Eleanor Jupp -- The role of multicultural fantasies in the enactment of the state : the English National Health Service (NHS) as an affective formation / Shona Hunter -- Whose feelings count? : performance politics, emotion and government immigration control / Kirsten Forkert, Emma Jackson and Hannah Jones -- Governing through civic pride : pride and policy in local government / Tom Collins -- An affective journey to active citizenship / Mark Griffiths -- The relational spaces of mentoring with young people "at risk" / Fiona M. Smith, Matej Blazek, Donna Marie Brown and Lorraine van Blerk -- Afterword : looking beyond our emotional present / Elizabeth A. Gagen

Political aims and economic measures, specifically, why Israel reached a rate of inflation of 373.8% in 8 years of the Likud government.

© IWA Publishing 2019. The definitive peer-reviewed and edited version of this article is published in Water Policy 21 (2): 382-393. DOI 10.2166/wp.2019.081 and is available at www.iwapublishing.com." ; This paper focuses on the fact that the water–energy nexus remains an irrelevant issue on the energy policy agenda and on the priorities of the energy leaders in Spain. This is a striking fact given that this takes place in the most arid country in Europe, where almost two-thirds of electricity generation would have to be halted in the absence of an adequate water supply. We contend that part of the explanation may lie in the lack of official statistics and inconsistent sources of information on the water–energy nexus in Spain. To illustrate this point, we provide examples of the uneven data available for one of the most intensive freshwater users in the thermoelectric sector in Spain: nuclear power plants. Our research demonstrates the need for improved indicators as policy instruments in the water–energy nexus in Spain since it is impossible to improve what cannot be measured. ; This work was supported by the Spanish Government through the MINECO research projects reference HAR2014-53825-R and HAR2017-86086-R. The first author also benefits from a research contract with the Spanish Government through the MINECO reference BES-2015-074128. We appreciate the helpful comments and suggestions received by the three anonymous reviewers.

This book examines how efforts to exert accountability in crises affect public trust in governing institutions. Using Sweden as the case study, this book provides a framework to analyse accountability in crises and looks at how this affects trust in government.Crises test the fabric of governing institutions. Threatening core societal values, they force elected officials and public servants to make consequential decisions under pressure and uncertainty. Public trust in governing institutions is intrinsically linked to the ability to hold decision-makers accountable for the crucial de.

"Hope" and "change" were the keywords of President Barack Obama's 2008 campaign, and in his farewell address on January 10, 2017, he cited the evidence that he'd delivered--from reversing the Great Recession, rebooting the auto industry, and unleashing the longest stretch of job creation in the nation's history to winning marriage equality and securing the right to health insurance for another 20 million citizens. At the same time, and with a view to the country's divisive polarization, he made a plea for "the decency of our people" and "the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now." In hindsight, it is increasingly possible to understand whether and how Obama's legacy matched his rhetoric as well as to evaluate from various angles what his presidency accomplished and what this has meant for US politics, public policy, and civic life going forward. In The Obama Legacy some of the leading observers and scholars of US politics take up this challenge. In twelve essays these writers examine Obama's choices, operating style, and opportunities taken and missed as well as the institutional and political constraints on the president's policy agenda. What were Obama's personal characteristics as a leader? What were the policy aspirations, output, and strategy of his presidency? What was his role as a political and public leader to the various constituencies needed to generate presidential power? And how did his presidency interact with other political forces? Addressing these questions and others, the authors analyze Obama's preferences, tactics, successes, and shortcomings with an eye toward balancing the personal and institutional factors that underlie each--all the while considering how resilient or fragile Obama's legacy will be in the face of the Trump administration's eager efforts to dismantle it."--

ABSTRACT: Increased attention to the problem of efficiency and equity in the provision of medical equipment and limited people's choice to make health care reform the health sector become an important agenda in many countries. Although health policy implications into the discourse of prominent intensity in the academic literature, however, health policy implications are not commonly found in developing countries. It is difficult because of the exchange balance (trade off) between on the one hand the efficiency and equity on the other side. Decentralization became a kind of necessity, the sine qua non, in connection with the idea of democratization in the administration of state power. Decentralization is one of the pillars of constitutionalism is the idea of power sharing in a vertical / spatial, but on the other hand, decentralization / autonomy turns out to complicate the implementation of the functions and duties of government in general and specifically in health problems (if not based on an institutional Virtue) for the government and the regions. Policy and Health Issues in the Context of Regional Autonomy

AbstractWhy do some governments manage to curb protest while others cannot and turmoil escalates to a social outbreak? This study proposes a theoretical argument that specifies how discretionary spending reduces conflict, highlighting the role of social movements in managing protests. It examines this and alternative arguments in Argentina, a country with strong social movements and historically large mobilizations, using statistical analysis with an original database on protests and a population of 364 national government programs between 2008 and 2019. The article makes a contribution by finding a differential effect between specific types of social spending, programmatic and discretional, and protests. It also specifies the linkage between the main variables using qualitative evidence during two presidencies. The goal of discretionary distribution is not to win an election but to ensure governance. The article finally raises some comparative implications on the role of social movements and welfare spending in Latin America.

AbstractCommunity contributions are often required as part of community‐driven development programs, with contributions encouraged through matching grants. However, little remains known about the impact of matching grants or the implications of requiring community contributions—also known as informal taxation. We explore this research gap through a randomized control trial of a matching grant program in Gedo region in south‐central Somalia. We find that matching grants can increase informal taxation and serve as an effective means of delivering public goods. Moreover, we find that the program strengthened local government legitimacy, despite the local government playing no direct role in the program. These findings deepen our understanding of how matching grants may contribute to community‐driven development in a context of weak institutional capacity, while pointing to potential complementarities between state and non‐state actors in governance and service provision, formal and informal institutions, and formal and informal taxation.

AbstractThis article investigates the effect of ministerial rotations on legislative output. We leverage a novel dataset on "significant" legislation in Lebanon, defined as those texts that introduce changes in the legislative environment and are potentially relevant for legal appeals. We associate the legislative output of nine key ministries in all governments between 2005 and 2020 to 72 ministerial changes in this period. We find that rotation decreases the output of significant legislation by almost a fourth of average productivity—or more than 0.75 texts—per ministry and term, a result that is robust to various model specifications and fixed effects. Leveraging 35 expert interviews with senior government officials and (ex‐)ministers, we provide a theory in which rotations give rise to "memory losses" within ministries depending on the strategies of political parties to penetrate institutions with loyalists. Our findings have important implications for priorities to reform public administrations.

AbstractDo foreign aid projects undermine citizens' trust in local and national political institutions? Drawing on institutional theories of political trust, I hypothesize that foreign aid projects reduce trust in political institutions by lowering citizens' perceptions of government performance and raising perceptions of corruption. To analyze the impact of aid projects on trust, this article utilizes geolocated survey data on citizens' trust in political institutions from Afrobarometer Rounds 2–5 (2003–2012) and data on the location of foreign aid projects from AidData's Aid Information Management Systems datasets for Nigeria, Senegal, and Uganda. Using a spatial difference‐in‐difference strategy, the empirical results find that active aid projects are on average associated with decreased trust in the president, parliament, and local government council. An exploratory sectoral analysis suggests that the negative average treatment effect is driven by projects in the transportation, agriculture, education, and civil society sectors.

AbstractWhy do some firms pay more bribes than others? We extend the literature by examining the role of one crucial, but overlooked industry characteristic—fixed‐asset intensity—in shaping firms' bribe payments. High fixed‐asset intensity creates natural entry barriers, thereby resulting in market concentration and opportunities for monopoly rent extraction. High rents, in turn, increase the value of government officials' "control rights" and thus their incentive to engage in predatory behavior. Firms in fixed‐asset intensive industries therefore have strong incentives to pay bribes in exchange for de facto property rights. We further posit that strong enforcement of the law weakens this quid pro quo by providing security for property rights and increasing the risk for government officials' behaving corruptly. We find empirical support for our arguments based on data from a large firm survey in China. Our findings have important implications for governance and industrial regulations in developing countries.