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The purpose of this study was to determine the impact of democracy Education on efforts to handle, prevent, and recover from post-economic, political, and social conflicts in East Java, precisely in Kediri Regency. The research method used is qualitative. The research technique used is joint research that is the normative-empirical study and social science to know how the implementation of the democracy education of the people of Kediri Regency. The findings revealed that the application of democracy education had an impact on the economic, political, and social conflict management of the people of Kediri Regency. Especially from the life of the town during the General Election period, Regional Head Election, and Village Head Election, which seemed more peaceful than in the Era of Political Dynasty. The economic and social life of the community is much better now, especially during the social distancing policy, the town can survive economically and get involved in handling Covid-19. Kediri regency shows that social tolerance is extreme. This research contributes to the future of the legal and policy bodies of the local government of the Kediri regency in handling economic, political, and social conflicts that exist in the community. In the end, the law and the democratic system can minimize intolerance and lawless behavior that can hamper economic development.

Illicit substance misuse has become a serious problem in contemporary China. The number of officially registered illicit substance misusers totals close to 3 million, having increased every year since the government's first annual report on drug control in 1998. In recent years, synthetic drugs such as methamphetamine and ketamine, have become more popular than heroin which was previously dominant. However, illicit substance use continues to receive little  sympathy from the public, despite government's efforts to move towards treatment and rehabilitation. For many years, compulsory detoxification centers and "education-through-labor" camps were the only treatment options. More humane approaches are emerging, including methadone maintenance, therapeutic communities, and faith-based halfway houses. Government response to drug trafficking remains draconian. Drug distribution and trafficking are among the dwindling number of criminal offenses that qualify for the death penalty. For future drug control policy, China appears willing to accelerate its experiment with decriminalizing substance abuse and applying a public health approach to the treatment of substance misusers. Evidence-based treatment programs through scientific research and rigorous evaluation should be the norm, and harm reduction needs to be seriously explored as an alternative to the harsh criminal justice regime. More importantly, reliable and multi-faceted forecast systems need to be established to monitor and estimate the size of substance misuser population and trends in illicit drug consumption. Finally, China should continue to expand its international collaboration and insulate its counter-narcotic programs from global politics.

AbstractRussia is suffering from a serious and worsening challenge from narcotics, with 6% of the population using or addicted to drugs, which is also leading to a growing public health crisis. A particular problem is the growing availability of heroin from Afghanistan, with Russia an increasingly important transit country, as well as market. Efforts to control this have been severely limited by issues of resourcing, political will and turf wars between security agencies. Russia's growing economic problems have also led to a need for liquidity on the part of many financial institutions that leads them to turn a blind eye to dirty money. However, the fundamental issues are that the Kremlin regards this as a nationalist, securitized and moral problem. The influx of Afghan heroin reflects at best Western failure and at worse a malign attempt to damage Russia. This needs to be considered a security threat and is therefore best addressed through interdiction and punitive measures rather than harm reduction and civil outreach, especially because drug addiction is considered a moral rather than a medical issue. Thus, Russia needs to adopt a more inclusive and comprehensive strategy that balances policing with treatment, prevention and harm reduction methods, in partnership with local governments, communities and NGOs, as well as foreign partners. Not only must law enforcement cooperation not continue to be a hostage to geopolitical rivalries, but policy over Afghanistan needs to be about encouraging productive efforts to reduce production rather than using the issue as a means to asserting regional hegemony.

The government of the Chuvash Republic, an ethno-federal region of the Russian Federation, used a targeted and symbolic language policy in an attempt to stabilize the position of the republic's titular language while avoiding conflict with local Russophones and the Russian federal government. The resulting policy allowed the republic's government to frame the existence of an autonomous Chubash republic-as well as the local elite's form of governance-as being essential to the preservation of the Chuvash language and thus the Chuvash people. In this way, it used language politics to strengthen its position vis-à-vis both local constituents and the Russian federal government. However, the limited nature of the government's program has made its gains tenuous in the face of continuing Russian political and cultural recentralization. (Nationalities Papers)

This article considers how chauvinistic welfare policies operate as a bordering practice. Taking the UK as an example, it examines a process in which welfare provisions have increasingly been withdrawn from a group of people designated as undeserving. It points out a close link between chauvinism based on ethnicity and that based on class. This relation is explored in detail for the case of social housing culminating in today's 'social housing for local people' approach. A second case, access to social services for unaccompanied minors, is presented to illustrate bordering practices that operate in everyday services despite existing legal entitlements. The cases show that governments and service providers frequently act outside their legal remits to pursue this agenda, despite the UK's anti-discrimination legislation.

This article critically evaluates the Royal Decree-Law 16/2012, which regulates migrants' access to public healthcare services in Spain. In particular, it examines the political rationale behind the restriction of migrants' access to primary and specialised healthcare services. We depart from the right to health as it is defined in the Spanish and international legislations to deconstruct three arguments used by the Popular Party government – the administrative status, high health costs and possible pull effect of welfare policies – to legitimise irregular migrants' exclusion from full medical coverage. We contend that the Royal Decree-Law 16/2012 not only fails to meet the requirements of a human rights based approach but it may also be economically inefficient in the medium to long term.

In this commentary we focus upon resistance to the UK's Work Experience programme that aims to help the young unemployed secure paid employment. The programme hit the news headlines in February 2012 when the group, Right to Work, forced concessions from the UK's Coalition government that removed sanctions for Work Experience conscripts who left their placement after a week. The paper critically engages with the Right to Work's demand for 'real jobs', paying at least the minimum wage, suggesting that such demands are in danger of buttressing capitalist exploitation, rather than providing an alternative to it. The paper argues a more radical approach is required if the role of policies, such as Work Experience, in the societalization of capitalist accumulation is to be avoided.

As part of its welfare reform strategy, the government has made increasing use of the private and third sector in the provision of employment-related services. Ministers claim that this results in better service for users and better value for money for the taxpayer. This article examines these claims for third and private sector superiority in service provision and, using the government's own evaluative reports, challenges this view. The article contends that there is little evidence to support the government's case for the wholesale embrace of contracting out employment services. Based on reviewing experience of previous projects, it argues that given the same flexibilities and financing routinely offered to contractors, in-house provision would match or surpass contractor performance.

The Security Council has reviewed the report of 16 April 1998 from the Executive Chairman of the United Nations Special Commission (S/1998/332) and the report of 9 April 1998 from the Director General of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) (S/1998/312). The Council welcomes the improved access provided to the Special Commission and the IAEA by the Government of Iraq following the signature of the Memorandum of Understanding by the Deputy Prime Minister of Iraq and the Secretary-General on 23 February 1998 (S/1998/166) and the adoption of its resolution 1154 (1998) of 2 March 1998. The Council calls for continued implementation of the Memorandum of Understanding.

April the first, 1989, was an historic day in Scotland. Traditionally April Fool's Day has historically given rise to a wide-range of pracical jokes and stunts, a day for laughing as friends and enemies are caught unawares. But this year's April Fools Day was not a laughing matter for the vast majority of Scotland's population. As 25,000 demonstrators marched through Edinburgh in a protest against the Poll Tax, 3.9 million Scots started receiving their first Community Charge' bills, replacing the Domestic Rating System which was abolished under the Abolition of Domestic Rates etc (Scotland) Act, 1987 The Poll Tax legislation for England and Wales, contained in the Local Government Finance Act, 1988, will come into force on April 1, 1990.

This article considers the work of American think tanks in foreign policy-making immediately before and during World War ii. It argues that two well established organizations, the Council on Foreign Relations and the Institute of Pacific Relations, were particularly influential. Both became involved in government planning for future u.s. policy in East Asia through their wartime programs. They collaborated with official u.s. government planners through outsourcing projects, hosted official and unofficial discussion groups and conferences, supported networking, and funded policy-relevant research and publications. The activities of these two organizations helped to define the range of policy options planners and politicians considered, include the ideas of outside experts into the work of government, and facilitate cooperation between the United States and its allies on postwar planning. The interaction between the u.s. government and interwar think tanks had a lasting impact on American-East Asian relations.

It is often difficult for external agents understanding to what extent the preferences of a government are directed towards welfare enhancing policies and reforms. I develop a principal-agent model in which a domestic lobby attempts to in.uence the government.s policy choices by means of monetary transfers while the weight the government attaches to public welfare is private information. I observe that asymmetric information generally leads to a larger policy distortion in equilibrium. This simple setting serves as a benchmark for the comparison with a commom agency framework. An International Financial Institution giving policy conditional aid to the government is included as an additional principle in the analysis. Its policy objective is in conflict with the lobby's one. Whether the equilibrium distortion results lower or higher depends on the range of uncertainty over the government's preferences and on the degree of benevolence of the government.

It is often difficult for external agents understanding to what extent the preferences of a government are directed towards welfare enhancing policies and reforms. I develop a principal-agent model in which a domestic lobby attempts to in.uence the government.s policy choices by means of monetary transfers while the weight the government attaches to public welfare is private information. I observe that asymmetric information generally leads to a larger policy distortion in equilibrium. This simple setting serves as a benchmark for the comparison with a commom agency framework. An International Financial Institution giving policy conditional aid to the government is included as an additional principle in the analysis. Its policy objective is in conflict with the lobby's one. Whether the equilibrium distortion results lower or higher depends on the range of uncertainty over the government's preferences and on the degree of benevolence of the government.

En vista de la importancia que asume la electrificación rural para el mejoramiento de la calidad de vida y para el desarrollo económico, el propósito del trabajo es examinar las concepciones del peronismo histórico (Argentina, 1946- 1955) sobre la misma y su correlato en el diseño de políticas públicas. Para ello se tendrán en cuenta las iniciativas y los diagnósticos de la época expuestos por técnicos y expertos en la materia. En base a fuentes gubernamentales, prensa y bibliografía de época, se prestará particular atención a la provincia de Buenos Aires. ; Given the importance of rural electrification with respect to improvements to quality of life and economic development, the purpose of this work is to examine the conceptions of historical Peronism (Argentina 1946 – 1955) and its correlation to the design of public policy. Accordingly, initiatives and assessments of that time, revealed by technicians and experts in this field, will be considered. Specific focus will be placed on Buenos Aries based on government sources, press and literature of the period. ; Em vista da importância que assume a eletrificação rural para o melhoramento da qualidade de vida e para o desenvolvimento econômico, o propósito do trabalho é examinar as concepções do peronismo histórico (Argentina, 1946 - 1955) sobre a mesma e o seu correlato no desenho de políticas públicas. Para isto, se terão em conta as iniciativas e os diagnósticos da época expostos por técnicos e especialistas na matéria. Em base a fontes governamentais, imprensa e bibliografia da época, se prestará uma atenção particular na província de Buenos Aires. ; Fil: Salomón, Alejandra Laura. Universidad Nacional de Quilmes. Departamento de Ciencias Sociales. Centro de Estudios de la Argentina Rural; Argentina