Suchergebnisse

Bei den Wahlen zum 7. Parlament der Islamischen Republik Iran im Februar 2004 tragen die sogenannten pragmatischen Konservativen der Mitte den Sieg davon, nicht zuletzt aufgrund der massenhaften Zurückweisungen von Kandidaten der Reformbewegung durch den Wächterrat. Das Wahlergebnis wird im allgemeinen als das Ende der Reform-Ära in Iran bewertet. Vor diesem Hintergrund zeichnet die Studie ein zusammenhängendes Bild über die Wahlen und die Folgen für die iranische Politik. Dabei werden die folgenden Aspekte der inneren Dynamik Irans seit der Revolution vor 25 Jahren berücksichtigt: (1) Verlauf der Wahlen und Wahlergebnis, (2) die politische Bewegung der konservativen Mitte, (3) die innenpolitische und wirtschaftliche Entwicklung sowie die außenpolitische Entwicklung gegenüber den USA und Europa. Nach Einschätzung des Autors bedeutet das Abdrängen der führenden Reformpolitiker durch die konservativen Kräfte nicht den 'Tod' der Reformideen von Demokratisierung und Rechtsstaatlichkeit. Zunächst beendet sind jedoch die Versuche, bestehende Strukturen zu reformieren sowie konzeptionell und institutionell ein neues Verhältnis von Religion und Politik zu begründen. Es bleibt jedoch die Frage, wie sich die Europäer, die Fortschritte in den Reformprozessen zur Voraussetzung ihres Engagements in Iran machen, nun verhalten wollen. (ICG2)

'In den neunziger Jahren hat sich ein neuer Regionalterminus von geostrategischer Bedeutung eingebürgert, der allerdings noch seiner präzisen Abgrenzung und Gliederung bedarf: 'Kaspischer Raum'. Unter ihn werden die beiden Regionen Kaukasien und Zentralasien subsummiert, die ihrer historischen Entwicklung, ihren kulturellen Verhältnissen sowie ihren ethno- und geographischen Strukturen nach recht unterschiedlich sind, aber für etwa zwei Jahrhunderte die Südperipherie des zaristischen und sowjetischen Imperiums gebildet hatten. Auf der politischen Landkarte umfaßt dieser Raum acht Nachfolgestaaten der Sowjetunion und drei Sezessionsgebilde. Letztere werden völkerrechtlich zwar nicht anerkannt, haben aber in der mehrjährigen Dauer ihrer Abtrünnigkeit eigenmächtig staatliche Strukturen geschaffen, Dieser neue, über die unmittelbaren Anrainer des Kaspi-Sees weit hinausgreifende Raumbegriff wurde vor allem aufgrund der Exploration von Erdöl- und Ergasfeldern sowie internationalen Auseinandersetzungen über die Exportkanäle dieser strategischen Rohstoffe prominent. Für Rußland bedeutet 'Südpolitik' die Bewältigung seines strategischen Machtverlusts an dieser ehemaligen Reichsperipherie und das Verhalten gegenüber internationalen Akteuren in diesem Raum. Von dieser Perspektive aus gestaltet sich auch seine Politik gegenüber einem weiteren Süden und Osten (Türkei, Iran, China, Partner ehemaliger sowjetischer Drittweltpolitik im Mittleren Osten). Die in den letzten Jahren gewachsene Konkurrenz mit den USA im Kaspischen Raum hat Rußlands Forderung nach einer multipolaren Weltordnung bekräftigt, die gemeinsam mit Staaten wie Iran und China vorgetragen wird. Die 'kaspische Politik' der USA negiert die Abhängigkeit dieses Raums von einer regionalen Hegemonialmacht, fordert im Grunde genommen eben jene 'Multipolarität' für die internationalen Beziehungen in der Region. Dabei sind die USA dort selber aber zu einer relevanten Einflußmacht geworden. Im vorliegenden Bericht wird auch das Thema europäischer Politik im Kaspischen Raum berücksichtigt.' (Textauszug)

"The Rise of the Radical Right in the Global South is the first academic study-adopting an interdisciplinary and international perspective-to offer a comprehensive and groundbreaking framework for understanding the emergence and consolidation of different radical-right movements in Global South countries in the twenty-first century. From deforestation and the anti-vaccine movement in Bolsonaro's Brazil to the massacre of religious minorities in Modi's India, the rise of the radical right in the Global South is in the news every day. Not long ago, some of these countries were globally celebrated as emerging economies that consolidated vibrant democracies. Nonetheless, they never overcame structural problems including economic inequality, social violence, cultural conservatism, and political authoritarianism. Featuring case studies from Brazil, India, the Philippines, and South Africa, and more generally from Africa and Latin America, this book analyses future scenarios and current alternatives to this political movement to the radical right. It proposes a shift of focus in examining such a trend, adopting a view from the Global South; conventional theoretical tools developed around the experience in Global North countries are not enough. The authors show that the radical right in the Global South should be analysed through specific lenses, considering national historical patterns of political and economic development and instability. They also warn that researching these countries may differ from contexts where democratic institutions are more reliable. This does not mean abandoning a transnational understanding of the radical right; rather, it calls for the opposite: the chapters examine how the radical right is invented, adapted, modified, and resisted in specific regions of the globe. This volume will be of interest to all those researching the radical right and the politics of development and the Global South"--

Cover -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- List of Abbreviations -- Notes on Contributors -- Series Foreword -- Acknowledgements -- Chapter 1 Women and COVID-19: A Clinical and Applied Sociological Focus on Family, Work, and Community -- Part I Gender-Based Violence -- Chapter 2 Intimate Partner Violence in Pandemic Times: The Experiences of Pregnant Women in Ibadan North, Oyo State, Nigeria -- Chapter 3 COVID-19 and Gender-Based Violence: Experiences of Zimbabwean Flood Victims -- Part II Health -- Chapter 4 Autoethnography as a Lens to Understand Women and COVID-19 Care in South Africa -- Chapter 5 Community Health Workers - COVID-19 Lived Experiences: The Case of Jharkhand, India -- Chapter 6 The Association of People with Sickle Cell Disease (APEDFI) and Associated Black Women in Ilhéus-BA (Brazil) during the COVID-19 Pandemic: A Sociological Analysis -- Chapter 7 Filipina Caregivers and Mental Health under COVID-19: Impacts of Transnational Obligations and Precarious Work on Migrant Care Workers in the United States of America -- Part III Work -- Chapter 8 Supermarket Women Cashiers Closing Social Distancing Gaps: The Artificial World of Affective Labour? -- Chapter 9 Lest We Forget the Individual behind the Successful Woman: Chronicles of Indonesian Domestic Workers in Malaysian Households -- Chapter 10 Deaf Women in Malaysia: The Unspoken Truth about Their Experiences and Challenges Amidst COVID-19 Pandemic -- Part IV Education -- Chapter 11 Female Academics' Career Progression and Motivation during COVID-19: An African Perspective -- Chapter 12 The Impact of Japanese Schools' Policy Responses to COVID-19 on Filipino Women Assistant Language Teachers -- Chapter 13 The Educational Impact of COVID-19 on Lone Mothers in the Global South.

"The Rise of the Radical Right in the Global South is the first academic study-adopting an interdisciplinary and international perspective-to offer a comprehensive and groundbreaking framework for understanding the emergence and consolidation of different radical-right movements in Global South countries in the twenty-first century. From deforestation and the anti-vaccine movement in Bolsonaro's Brazil to the massacre of religious minorities in Modi's India, the rise of the radical right in the Global South is in the news every day. Not long ago, some of these countries were globally celebrated as emerging economies that consolidated vibrant democracies. Nonetheless, they never overcame structural problems including economic inequality, social violence, cultural conservatism, and political authoritarianism. Featuring case studies from Brazil, India, the Philippines, and South Africa, and more generally from Africa and Latin America, this book analyses future scenarios and current alternatives to this political movement to the radical right. It proposes a shift of focus in examining such a trend, adopting a view from the Global South; conventional theoretical tools developed around the experience in Global North countries are not enough. The authors show that the radical right in the Global South should be analysed through specific lenses, considering national historical patterns of political and economic development and instability. They also warn that researching these countries may differ from contexts where democratic institutions are more reliable. This does not mean abandoning a transnational understanding of the radical right; rather, it calls for the opposite: the chapters examine how the radical right is invented, adapted, modified, and resisted in specific regions of the globe. This volume will be of interest to all those researching the radical right and the politics of development and the Global South"--

Part 1: Historical and biogeographical aspects -- The Atlantic Forest: an introduction to the megadiverse forest of Southern America -- The Atlantic Forest Ecological History: from pre-history to the Anthropocene -- The North-eastern Atlantic Forest: biogeographical, historical and current aspects in the Sugarcane Zone -- The Hileia Baiana - an assessment of natural and historical aspects of the land use and degradation of the central corridor of the Brazilian Atlantic Forest -- The southern Atlantic Forest: Use, degradation, and perspectives for conservation -- Part II – Biodiversity -- Tree diversity in the Brazilian Atlantic Forest: biases and general patterns using different sources of information -- Vascular Epiphytes of the Atlantic Forest: diversity and community ecology -- Social Insects of the Atlantic Forest -- Tetrapod diversity in the Atlantic Forest: maps and gaps -- Freshwater Studies in Atlantic Forest: general overview and prospects -- Part III – Threats -- Land-cover changes and an uncertain future: will the Brazilian Atlantic Forest lose the chance to become a hopespot? -- Climate change and biodiversity in the Atlantic Forest: best climatic models, predicted changes and impacts, and adaptation options -- Non-native species introductions, invasions, and biotic homogenization in the Atlantic Forest -- Causes and consequences of large-scale defaunation in the Atlantic forest -- Pollination systems in the Atlantic Forest: characterization, threats, and opportunities -- IV - Opportunities -- Atlantic Forest: ecosystem services linking people and biodiversity -- Changing the agriculture paradigm in the Brazilian Atlantic Forest: the importance of agroforestry -- Engaging people for large-scale forest restoration: Governance lessons from the Atlantic Forest of Brazil -- The Atlantic Forest Trail: connecting people, biodiversity and protected areas -- Conservation initiatives in the Brazilian Atlantic forest -- Financing conservation in the Brazilian Atlantic Forest -- Integrating researchers for understanding the biodiversity in Atlantic Forest -- The future of the Atlantic Forest.

"Is heritage a given, or is it produced? Is it for all or only for some, recognized by many but defined and coveted by a few? In this important book, the authors unpack the theoretical and practical issues around the development of heritage sites, critically dissecting key conservation benchmarks such as the ICOMOS guidelines, BS 7913 and the RIBA Conservation Plan of Work to reveal the mechanics of heritage guidance, its advantages and conceptual limitations. Underpinned by an active understanding of the conservation philosophy of William Morris, the book presents five case studies from the UK, North and South America that speak about different facets of heritage value, such as urban identity, commodification, authenticity, materiality, and heritage as an intellectual and ethical framework. Heritage is never neutral, its definition is privileged yet its influence is political. Art, Landscape and Archaeology all offer examples of how the operational ideas of adjacent disciplines can influence an integrated idea of heritage conservation, and how this is communicated in order to determine significance and share in its custodianship. This book provides insights into how to identify and challenge these limitations, expanding inclusion by describing tactics for changing how people can relate to, and build on the past. Clearly written for all levels of readership within the conservation professions and community custodians of heritage buildings and places, the book provides strategies and tactics for understanding the heritage significance of materials, their fabrication, detail and use. The narratives that historic fabric contains can help shape the meaningful involvement of local people, providing a roadmap for those navigating the double-bind of using the past to underpin the future"--

Intro -- Contents -- Foreword, Linda Rae Murray -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Part I. A Divided City -- 1. Negro Mortality Rates in Chicago (1927) / H. L. Harris Jr. -- 2. Selections from Mental Disorders in Urban Areas: An Ecological Study of Schizophrenia and Other Psychoses (1939) / Robert E. L. Faris and H. Warren Dunham -- 3. Selection from Black Metropolis: A Study of Negro Life in a Northern City (1945) / St. Clair Drake and Horace R. Cayton -- 4. Selection from Mama Might Be Better Off Dead: The Failure of Health Care in Urban America (1993) / Laurie Kaye Abraham -- 5. Selections from Great American City: Chicago and the Enduring Neighborhood Effect (2012) / Robert J. Sampson -- Part II. The Health Gap -- 6. Cancer Profiles from Several High- Risk Chicago Communities (1987) / Clyde W. Phillips and Loretta F. Prat Lacey -- 7. Differing Birth Weight among Infants of U.S.-Born Blacks, African-Born Blacks, and U.S.-Born Whites (1997) / Richard J. David and James W. Collins Jr. -- 8. Variations in the Health Conditions of Six Chicago Community Areas: A Case for Local-Level Data (2006) / Ami M. Shah, Steven Whitman, and Abigail Silva -- 9. Demographic Characteristics and Survival with AIDS: Health Disparities in Chicago, 1993- 2001 (2009) / Girma Woldemichael, Demian Christiansen, Sandra Thomas, and Nanette Benbow -- 10. The Racial Disparity in Breast Cancer Mortality (2011) / Steven Whitman, David Ansell, Jennifer Orsi, and Teena Francois -- 11. Black Women's Awareness of Breast Cancer Disparity and Perceptions of the Causes of Disparity (2013) / Karen Kaiser, Kenzie A. Cameron, Gina Curry, and Melinda Stolley -- 12. Racial/Ethnic Disparities in Hypertension Prevalence: Reconsidering the Role of Chronic Stress (2014) / Margaret T. Hicken, Hedwig Lee, Jeffrey Morenoff, James S. House, and David R. Williams.

"Everyone knows the story of the murder of young Emmett Till. In August 1955, the fourteen-year-old Chicago boy was murdered in Mississippi for having--supposedly--flirted with a white woman named Carolyn Bryant, who was working behind the counter of a store. Emmett was taken from the home of a relative later that night by white men; three days later, his naked body was recovered in the Tallahatchie River, weighed down by a cotton-gin fan. Till's killers were acquitted, but details of what had happened to him became public; the story gripped the country and sparked outrage.It continues to turn. The murder has been the subject of books and documentaries, rising and falling in number with anniversaries and tie-ins, and shows no sign of letting up. The Till murder continues to haunt the American conscience. Fifty years later, in 2005, the FBI reopened the case. New papers and testimony have come to light, and several participants, including Till's mother, Mamie Till Mobley, have published autobiographies. Using this new evidence and a broadened historical context, Elliott Gorn delves into facets of the case never before studied and considers how and why the story of Emmett Till still resonates, and likely always will. Even as it marked a turning point, Gorn shows, hauntingly, it reveals how old patterns of thought and behavior linger in new faces, and how deeply embedded racism in America remains. Gorn does full justice to both Emmett and the Till Case--the boy and the symbol--and shows how and why their intersection illuminates a number of crossroads: of north and south, black and white, city and country, industrialization and agriculture, rich and poor, childhood and adulthood."--Provided by publisher

" In the Civil War, the United States and the Confederate States of America engaged in combat to defend distinct legal regimes and the social order they embodied and protected. Depending on which side has an argument that one accepted, the Constitution either demanded the Union's continuance or allowed for its dissolution. After the war began, rival legal concepts of insurrection (a civil war within a nation) and belligerency (war between sovereign enemies) vied for adherents in federal and Confederate councils. In a "nation of laws," such martial legalism was not surprising. Moreover, many of the political leaders of both the North and the South were lawyers themselves, including Abraham Lincoln. These lawyers now found themselves at the center of this violent maelstrom. For these men, as for their countrymen in the years following the conflict, the sacrifices of the war gave legitimacy to new kinds of laws defining citizenship and civil rights. Uncivil Warriors focuses on these lawyers' civil war: the legal professionals who plotted the course of the war from seats of power, the scenes of battle, and the home front. Both sides in the Civil War had their complement of lawyers, and eminent legal historian Peter Hoffer, provides coverage of both sides' leading lawyers. In positions of leadership, they struggled to make sense of the conflict and, in the course of that struggle, they began to glimpse into a new world of law. It was a law that empowered as well as limited government, a law that conferred personal dignity and rights on those who, at the war's beginning, could claim neither in law. Comprehensive in coverage, Uncivil Warriors focus on the legal side of America's worst conflict will reshape our understanding of the Civil War itself. "--

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Series Preface -- Introduction -- 1 Napoleon and the British Navy after Trafalgar -- 2 Tarry of a Threat to India, 1768-1774 -- 3 England vs Spain in America, 1739-1748: The Spanish Side of the Hill -- 4 The Defence of British Trade with the Baltic, 1808-1813 -- 5 Preparing for the Russian War: British Strategic Planning, March 1853-March 1854 -- 6 The Establishment of the Western Squadron as the Lynchpin of British Naval Strategy -- 7 Problems of an Amphibious Power: Britain against France, 1793-1815 -- 8 Sailors and Gentlemen of Parade: Some Professional and Technical Problems Concerning the Conduct of Combined Operations in the Eighteenth Century -- 9 Wars, Blockade, and Economic Change in Europe, 1792-1815 -- 10 The North Sea in Wartime, 1688-1713 -- 11 A Means to an End: Gunboats and Thomas Jefferson's Theory of Defense -- 12 The French Navy, 1748-1762: Problems and Perspectives -- 13 Bridge and Bulwark: The Swedish Navy and the Baltic, 1500-1809 -- 14 Selīm III and the Ottoman Navy -- 15 The Methodology of British Amphibious Operations during the Seven Years and American Wars -- 16 Image and Reality in Eighteenth-Century Naval Tactics -- 17 Responding to the Nineteenth Century: The Royal Navy and the Introduction of the Screw Propeller -- 18 Admiralty Relations with the Treasury, 1783-1806: The Preparation of Naval Estimates and the Beginnings of Treasury Control -- 19 The Earl of Egmont and the Navy, 1763-6 -- 20 Financing the French Navy in the Seven Years War: Beaujon, Goossens et Compagnie in 1759 -- 21 Efficiency in Dockyard Administration 1660-1800: A Reassessment -- 22 From Shipwright to Naval Constructor: The Professionalizaion of the 18th-Century French Naval Shipbuilders -- 23 Graving Docks in France and Spain before 1800.

"The 1959 Cuban Revolution remains one of the signal events of modern political history. A tiny island, once a de facto colony of the United States, declared its independence, not just from the imperial behemoth ninety miles to the north, but also from global capitalism itself. Cuba's many achievements--in education, health care, medical technology, direct local democracy, actions of international solidarity with the oppressed--are globally unprecedented. And the United States, in light of Cuba's humanitarian efforts, has waged a relentless campaign of terrorist attacks on the island and its leaders, while placing Cuba on its 'State Sponsors of Terrorism' list. In this updated edition of her classic, Cuba and the United States, Jane Franklin depicts the two countries' relationship from the time both were colonies to the present. We see the early connections between Cuba and the United States through slavery; through the sugar trade; Cuba's multiple wars for national liberation; the annexation of Cuba by the United States; the infamous Platt Amendment that entitled the United States to intervene directly in Cuban affairs; the gangster capitalism promoted by Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista; and the guerrilla war that brought the revolutionaries to power. A new chapter updating the fraught Cuban-U.S. nexus brings us well into the 21st century, with a look at the current status of Assata Shakur, the Cuban Five, and the post-9/11 years leading to the expansion of diplomatic relations. Offering a range of primary and secondary sources, the book is an outstanding scholarly work. Cuba and the U.S. Empire brings new meaning to Simón Bolívar's warning in 1829, that the United States 'appears destined by Providence to plague America with miseries in the name of Freedom.'"--Publisher's description

Chapter 1: Introduction; Beyond Ideology and Pragmatism; Notes; Bibliography; Chapter 2: How Latin America Met the Arab World: Toward a Political Economy of Arab-Latin American Relations; The Global North Discipline of IR and the Specter of South-South Relations; Immigration and Diaspora: The Making of a Political-Economic Elite; Foreign Policy and Commercial Relations; Toward a Political Economy of Arab-Latin American Relations; Notes; Bibliography Chapter 3: Brazil's Relations with Middle Eastern Countries: A Diplomacy in Search for Constancy (2003-2014)Persistent Motivations of Brazilian Diplomacy Toward the Middle East; The Worker's Party Palestinian Sensibility; Brazilian Global Aspirations Reloaded Through the Middle East; The Arab Diasporas Stimulus; The Gulf Attraction: Brazilian Economic Interests; Dilma's (In)-disposition and the Consequences for the Middle East; Leader Skepticism Enhanced by Presidential Regime; Dysfunctions in the Decision-Making Process, Uncertain Fate for the Middle East; Conclusion; Notes; Bibliography Chapter 4: Chilean Foreign Policy Toward Arab Countries: Between Trade Diplomacy and the Affirmation of PrinciplesIntroduction; Conquering New Markets; The Palestinian Diaspora and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict; A Decline in Enthusiasm?; Chile and the Arab Spring; An FTA with the GCC: A Deadlock; Conclusion; Notes; Bibliography; Chapter 5: Multipolarity Under Construction: New Paths and Difficult Balances in the Argentina-Middle East Relation During the Kirchner Governments; Introduction: A New International Integration Strategy Argentina, the Arab Middle East and the South American ContextArgentina Faces the Arab Uprisings; New Paths: Argentina and the GCC; The Great Juggler: Argentina and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict; Argentina and Iran: A Triangular Relationship; Conclusions; Notes; Bibliography; Chapter 6: Venezuela and the Middle East Under Hugo Chávez (1999-2013): Strategic Continuities and Ideological Preferences; Introduc

Since 2008, callers into the Rush Limbaugh radio program have been expressing a common despair about why the Republicans did not fight to protect individual freedoms from the socialist transformation of America, when the moment of battle with socialist tyranny arrived. This book explains why the Republican Party failed to defend freedom. Thomas Vass is a regional economist with a research interest in the relationship between free markets and free citizens. He is the author of books on economic growth and capital markets, including of Predicting Technology: Identifying Future Market Opportunities and Disruptive Technologies, which explains why technology innovation is so important to future economic growth. He also writes books about democratic political theory and American history, including Reclaiming The American Democratic Impulse, and The Republican Abdication of Freedom: The Causes and Consequences of the Republican Party Failure to Defend Individual Freedom. He is ranked in the top 1.8% of 245,000 economists, worldwide, for article downloads on the global platform Social Science Research Network (SSRN). He is a registered investment advisor, and his investment management work involves a commercial application of the Feser Technology Cluster methodology to selecting technology stocks for investment portfolios and identifying private capital investments in regional economies. He is the holder of a patent on technology stock selection. (Vass 7,251,627 July 31, 2007, Method of identifying a universe of stocks for inclusion into an investment portfolio), and the manager of a subscription based equity crowdfunding website, The Private Capital Market. He graduated with a BA in political science, from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and has a Masters of Regional Planning, also from UNC-CH.

"The police simply did not exist in early American life. Between 1840s and the end of 1880s, every major northern city built a substantial police force. Sam Mitrani examines the making of the police in Chicago, which rapidly grew into the most violent, turbulent city in America by the late 1800s. From the Lager Beer riot of 1855, through the Civil War, 1867's strikes for the eight-hour day, the 1871 fire, 1877 strike and riot, the May Day strikes and the May Day strikes and the Haymarket bombing, Chicago was roiling with political and economic conflict, much of it rooted in class tensions. Chicago's lawmakers overcame many obstacles to build a force that could impose order. Forming an adequately paid, professional department turned out rather expensive. The police's advocates responded by forging a concept of order into a central political ideology. This concept reinforced the police's legitimacy among the urban populace, defining the role of policemen in municipal affairs. First the police protected property and suppressed disturbances on the street. They also arrested thousands for drunk and disorderly behavior throughout the second half of the nineteenth century, and attempted to control the behavior of women in brothels. By the 1880s, this ideology of order shaped both the police's behavior and a large portion of municipal politics. Mitrani recasts late-nineteenth-century Chicago in terms of the struggle over order, emphasizing the role of public institutions in the development of capitalism. Businessmen shaped these state institutions to protect their economic interests, yet Chicago's police could not control daily life in the working class' neighborhoods. Thus, ordinary Chicagoans managed to limit the force of the municipal police"--