Suchergebnisse

Problem setting. The rapid development of modern society requires the creation of new forms of cooperation and mutual understanding and requires new forms of communication, which will be characterized by even greater efficiency, openness, transparency, efficiency and quality. The total penetration of communication into all spheres of public life actualizes its significance and functional role. Modern transformational processes taking place in society necessitate the creation of responsible institutions of civil society, which include public organizations that act as a mediator between the community and the state. The level of public trust in them depends on the effectiveness of communicative activities of NGOs because successful communication is the basis of constructive dialogue between public organizations and society. Recent research and publications analysis. Ukrainian scientists study various aspects of the activity of NGOs, in particular, the development of mass and civil communication, public relations are studied in their works of such domestic scientists as: E. Afonin, V. Bebyk, M. Bilynska, O. Valevskyi, T.Vasilevskaya, N. Hrytsyak, N. Hudyma, V. Hurkovskyi, O. Dmytrenko, L.Klymanska, M. Lohunova, D. Nelipa, I. Panteleichuk, O. Petroye, G.Pocheptsov, O. Pukhkal, V. Rebkalo , V. Rizun, E. Romanenko, A. Savkov, S.Seryogin, G. Sytnyk, S. Teleshun, I. Chaplai and others. Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. Understanding the general features and trends of the development of public organizations, as well as the establishment of their effective internal and external communicative activity, require more detailed consideration and detailed study. The paper aims at theoretically substantiating the tools for ensuring the effectiveness of communicative activities of NGOs as a basis for open and rational dialogue in a consolidated society. Paper main body. The issue of improving the communicative interaction of public organizations with government bodies and the media does not disappear from the agenda of either government agencies or public associations. The effectiveness of communication of public organizations in Ukraine depends primarily on the literacy of their communication campaigns, which implies the presence in NGOs of communication strategies, which involve high-level professionals with many years of practical experience. Today, the participation of Ukrainians in the social movement and the trust in the institutions of the third sector and their influence on the development of society and community are growing. The results of the study showed that the efficiency of communicative activities of NGOs directly depends on public confidence in them. Social networks are a unique platform for consolidating different groups of actors based on the commonality of their interests, and as a result of communicative interaction, there is a large-scale synergetic effect. This way of showing civic activity can be considered the most efficient and widespread. The article considers the advantages and risks of the use of social networks by public organizations in the communicative activity of the public sector, outlines several rules of communication in social networks for public organizations. The article states that the effectiveness of communication of NGOs also depends on cooperation with journalists and the choice of audience. The quality of feedback and the level of public trust in NGOs depend on the ability to convey relevant information to the audience in a timely and high-quality manner. We should not underestimate the growing role of public organizations in the consolidation of society, a necessary condition for which is the creation of a single information space. National consolidation will be successful when the state policy in this area is complemented by the activities of civil society institutions, their effective internal and external communication activities. In our opinion, there is a necessity to establish consolidated communication as a process of multifaceted communication within society through various communication channels and tools to strengthen, unite, integrate and pull together society to form a common coherent approach to solving societal problems. Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. Effective NGOs, as an element of civil society, are the catalyst for its development. Every NGO, since its inception, seeks to plan its activities in such a way as to achieve its goals in the shortest possible time, to become known, to influence public opinion. This area is an important factor that affects the necessity for communicative interaction between the state and civil society. Among the tools for ensuring the efficiency of communicative activity of NGOs, we consider it appropriate to name: the presence of feedback and the level of public confidence in them; literacy of public communication campaigns; correct use of social networks in the communicative activity of the public sector; establishing active cooperation with journalists; definition of the target audience; use of modern communication formats; selection of communication channels that correspond to the target audience; establishing consolidated communication. Further research in this direction should be aimed, in particular, at an in-depth studying of consolidated communication as a major factor in the consolidation of Ukrainian society. ; Розглянуто особливості комунікативної діяльності громадських організацій у період суспільних трансформацій. Проаналізовано рівень довіри населення до громадських організацій як каталізатора розвитку громадянського суспільства. Встановлено, що ефективність комунікативної діяльності громадських організацій напряму залежить від довіри суспільства до них. Обґрунтовано інструменти забезпечення ефективності комунікативної діяльності громадських організацій як основи для відкритого та раціонального діалогу в консолідованому суспільстві. Зазначено, що важливою умовою національної консолідації має бути налагодження консолідованої комунікації з метою зміцнення, об'єднання, інтеграції та згуртування суспільства.

The purpose of this article is to understand how the blurry nature of hybrid warfare and hybrid peace influences the assessment of national security and the making of adequate foreign and security policy decisions, including, in particular, the prediction of the further course and resolution of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, which is not only a threat to Ukraine's existence but also to European security in general. In order to properly study this issue, the Russo-Ukrainian war on the Donbas was selected as an object. As the main method of the research of this problem was chosen the conflict analysis. The conclusions drawn from this analysis prompt us to differentiate the concepts of war, peace, and conflict and bring our perceptions of them to reality. When the idea of internal conflict replaces the real war, their sophisticated substitution will leave the problem of settlement of the conflict on the Donbas not solved, and the war between Ukraine and Russia is not completed. Achieving peace by "settlement the conflict on the Donbas" within the framework of a real war of Russia against Ukraine will not lead to its end and sustainable peace. In such a situation, only a temporary "cold peace" is possible. The implementation of the strategy of Ukraine and the international community should begin with the rejection of the "plot for settlement the internal conflict on the Donbas" and the recognition of the reality of the war, in which the belligerent and aggressor is Russia, but not Phantoms DPR/LPR. The study's objectives are based on identifying epistemological reasons that make it impossible to resolve the Russian-Ukrainian conflict in Donbas and clarify their national and international security consequences. The study results are based on an analysis of the course of the Russian-Ukrainian war and the process of settling the conflict in Donbas. The article analyzes the mechanism of interaction between hybrid war and hybrid peace in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict in Donbas, clarifies the essence of war and peace under existing realities, and identifies epistemological reasons that make it impossible to resolve the Russian-Ukrainian conflict in Donbas. The article also analyses the real and probable national and international consequences of the unresolved problem of war and peace in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict on Donbas. The article concludes with a proposal for a possible solution to war and peace on Donbas. Recommendations for resolving the Russian-Ukrainian conflict in Donbas are based on Ukraine and the international community's rejection of the "plot for settlement the internal conflict in Donbas" and recognition of the reality of a war in which the warring party and the aggressor are Russia, but not the phantom DNR/LNR. According to these recommendations, military force should become the main instrument for coercion of Russia for forcing peace and ending the war on acceptable terms for Ukraine. Ukrainian diplomacy must act under the task of war, but not only so much for the sake of "settlement internal conflict on the Donbas." ; Celem artykułu jest zrozumienie, jak rozmyty charakter wojny hybrydowej i pokoju hybrydowego wpływa na ocenę bezpieczeństwa narodowego i podejmowanie decyzji w polityce zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa, w szczególności prognozowanie i rozwiązywanie problemów. Konflikt ukraiński zagraża istnieniu Ukrainy oraz ogólnemu bezpieczeństwu Europy. Aby właściwie ująć ten problem, za przedmiot badawczy wybrano wojnę rosyjsko-ukraińską w Donbasie. Jako główną metodę badawczą wybrano analizę konfliktu. Wnioski wyciągnięte z analizy prowadzą do wyraźnego rozgraniczenia pojęć wojny, pokoju i konfliktu oraz zmieniają nasz sposób myślenia o tych kategoriach. Problem wojny i pokoju polega na wyrafinowanej substytucji wyobrażeń o stanie tych zjawisk na skutek zacierania się ich granic i interakcji, gdy prawdziwą wojnę zastępuje idea konfliktu wewnętrznego. W takim przypadku problem rozwiązania konfliktu rosyjsko-ukraińskiego w Donbasie nie zostanie rozwiązany, a wojna między Ukrainą a Rosją będzie niedokończona. Osiągnięcie pokoju poprzez "rozwiązanie konfliktu w Donbasie" w ramach rzeczywistej wojny Rosji z Ukrainą nie doprowadzi do jej zakończenia i trwałego pokoju. W takiej sytuacji możliwy jest tylko chwilowy "zimny spokój". Cele badania opierają się na zidentyfikowaniu przyczyn epistemologicznych uniemożliwiających rozwiązanie konfliktu rosyjsko-ukraińskiego w Donbasie oraz wyjaśnieniu ich konsekwencji dla bezpieczeństwa narodowego i międzynarodowego. Wyniki badania opierają się na analizie przebiegu wojny rosyjsko-ukraińskiej oraz rozwiązywania konfliktu w Donbasie. Artykuł analizuje mechanizm interakcji między wojną hybrydową a pokojem hybrydowym w konflikcie rosyjsko-ukraińskim w Donbasie, wyjaśnia istotę problemu wojny i pokoju zgodnie z istniejącymi realiami oraz identyfikuje epistemologiczne przyczyny uniemożliwiające rozwiązanie konfliktu. Artykuł analizuje również rzeczywiste i prawdopodobne konsekwencje narodowe i międzynarodowe nierozwiązanego problemu wojny i pokoju w konflikcie rosyjsko-ukraińskim w Donbasie. Artykuł kończy się propozycją możliwego rozwiązania problemu wojny i pokoju w Donbasie. Podaje zalecenia rozwiązania konfliktu rosyjsko-ukraińskiego w Donbasie, polegające na odrzuceniu przez Ukrainę i społeczność międzynarodową "spisku dotyczącego rozwiązania konfliktu wewnętrznego w Donbasie" i uznaniu realiów wojny, w której Rosja nie jest widmem DNR/LNR. Zgodnie z tymi zaleceniami siła zbrojna powinna stać się głównym narzędziem wymuszenia na Rosji zawarcia pokoju i zakończenia wojny na warunkach akceptowanych przez Ukrainę. Dyplomacja ukraińska musi działać zgodnie z wytyczonym zadaniem wojennym, a nie tylko i nie tyle na rzecz "uregulowania konfliktu wewnętrznego w Donbasie". ; 2 ; 21 ; 45 ; Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

International audience ; This article contrasts a policy of commemoration of slavery in post-revolutionary Tunisia with the gradual and very slow history of the demise of slavery in this country since the beginning of the 19th century. It explores the choice of the Tunisian state to commemorate the abolition of slavery in Tunisia with reference to the promulgation of a decree enacted in 1846, and the way in which the end of West and East African slavery became central to civic memory in Tunisia.The first part of the article is based on recent, innovative and stimulating scholarly research by Inès Mrad Dali, Séphanie Pouessel, Maha Abdelhamid and Marta Scaglioni on black communities in Tunisia. The second part relies on works on European captives and the Mamluks or Muslim slaves and servants of often Caucasian origin in the Maghreb.The first section places the issue of the commemoration of slavery in the context of the emergence of civic claims from black activists in Tunisia since the 2011 Revolution. The profound transformations that black communities have undergone since decolonization in the 1950s have shaped these claims. Indeed, the categories of national belonging to a Tunisian civic community, and therefore the debates on collective memory and the historical representations of the nation, have become more decisive for these anti-racist activists than the narratives of local origins which aimed to explain or even legitimize the subordinate positions of these communities, especially in the south of the country.The second section broadens the discussion to include Christian male and female captives and especially the cases of male and female slaves of Caucasian origin converted to Islam (Mamluks and Odalisques) in 19th-century Tunisia. This section shows that the descendants of European captives are less concerned with the commemoration of the abolition of slavery. Their role in the country's history is greater because of their contribution to the founding of the Tunisian nation and its state. The uneven integration of the descendants of slaves into Tunisian society, in addition to the separate relationship with the memory of slavery of these groups explain over a long period of time the presence today of the differential treatment of Tunisians on the basis of skin colour.The article concludes with two observations: Tunisian anti-racist activists wanted to fight against racist discourses and categories. From this point of view, they succeeded in advancing their cause by giving official status to the commemoration of the abolition of 1846. Henceforth, the fundamental and difficult question of the unequal distribution of resources in post-revolutionary Tunisia remains to be asked. ; Cet article confronte la politique de mémoire de l'esclavage dans la Tunisie post-révolutionnaire à une histoire graduelle, et très lente, de la fin des esclavages dans ce pays depuis le début du xixe siècle. Il explore le choix de l'État tunisien de commémorer l'abolition de l'esclavage en Tunisie en référence à la promulgation d'un décret de 1846, et montre comment la fin de l'esclavage des Africains de l'Ouest et de l'Est est devenue un élément central dans la construction d'une mémoire civique.Cet article s'appuie, dans une première partie, sur les travaux récents, novateurs et stimulants d'Inès Mrad Dali, Stéphanie Pouessel, Maha Abdelhamid et Marta Scaglioni sur les communautés noires de Tunisie. Il convoque, dans une seconde partie, d'autres travaux sur les captifs européens et sur les mamelouks ou esclaves et serviteurs musulmans au Maghreb, souvent d'origine caucasienne.La première partie resitue la commémoration de l'esclavage dans le contexte de revendications civiques portées par des militant⋅e⋅s noir⋅e⋅s en Tunisie depuis la révolution de 2011. Les transformations profondes qu'ont connues les communautés noires depuis la décolonisation des années 1950 ont façonné ces revendications. En effet, pour ces militant⋅e⋅s anti-racistes, ce qui est devenu déterminant, plus que les récits locaux qui visaient à expliquer voire à légitimer les positions subalternes de ces communautés – en particulier dans le sud du pays –, ce sont les catégories nationales d'appartenance à une communauté civique tunisienne et, en conséquence, les débats sur la mémoire collective et les représentations historiques de la nation.La seconde partie élargit la réflexion aux captives et captifs chrétiens et surtout aux esclaves, hommes et femmes, d'origine caucasienne convertis à l'islam (mamelouks et odalisques) dans la Tunisie du xixe siècle. Cette partie montre que les descendants de captifs européens sont moins concernés par la commémoration d'une abolition de l'esclavage. Ils s'intègrent davantage à l'histoire du pays en fonction de leur contribution à l'édification d'une nation tunisienne et de son État. L'intégration plus que contrastée des descendants d'esclaves à la société tunisienne, et plus encore le rapport distinct de ces groupes à la mémoire de l'esclavage, confirment sur le temps long, le constat dressé aujourd'hui d'un traitement différencié des Tunisiens en fonction de leur couleur de peau.L'article conclut sur deux constats : les militant⋅e⋅s anti-racistes tunisiens ont voulu lutter contre des discours et des catégorisations racistes. Ils ont réussi, de ce point de vue, à faire avancer leur cause en rendant officielle la commémoration de l'abolition de 1846. Ils ont désormais à poser la question fondamentale et ardue de la distribution inégalitaire des ressources dans la Tunisie post-révolutionnaire.

What is the nature of the EU's policies towards its eastern neighbours? Is it to create a 'ring of friends' or an imperial strategy? Ever since the establishment of the European project, this subject has been heavily debated. The EU might present similarities with an empire, through ever-changing borders, its multi-level governance system, its use of soft power instrument or that might present itself has characteristics of a hegemonic power. The 'conquest' through political and economic accommodation rather than military force or conflict. The Union is, thus, believed to be acquiring the characteristics of a predominant international actor: a common currency, a central governmental structure in Brussels, the reinforcement of external borders, and even an attempt at a European army. Enlargement has, over the years, become the most important tool in the 'imperial narrative'. The power variables that the enlargement process brings contribute to the byproduct that is the European integration process and the creation of a cultural, political and economic institutional diversity. Empires have also been characterized by a dichotomy, at a centre-periphery level through the disparities at an economic and political level. Meaning that they are, at times, accused in the international system, of unequal distributions of power or the attempt of trying to shape the international system according to its own personal preferences, but so do most hegemonic powers. The territorial fluctuations that the Union is constantly a part of due to its enlargement policy and due to the lack of an extensive array of military capabilities, since its military instruments mostly perform peacekeeping operations abroad, not a defence strategy. The civilian and normative power are preferred over the use of military instruments, maintaining the benign 'repertoire' of the union in the global stage. It is implicit, that the CFSP is not about deterring aggressors, but to understand and identify common problems that can lead to common denominators solutions. This does not mean that the EU does not hold a powerful representation amongst international actors, its 'soft power' instruments have many times worked in an assertive manner, the best example being the former eastern soviet republics to where the EU, instead of implementing a direct rule exported values and norms. There are no fixed borders in the EU, however, it is hard to imagine the staterelations to go back to what they were during the soviet regimes since the governance infrastructures have suffered tremendous changes. ; Qual é a natureza das políticas da UE perante os seus vizinhos orientais? É criar um "anel de amigos" ou uma estratégia imperial? Desde o estabelecimento do projeto europeu, esse assunto tem sido fortemente debatido. A UE pode apresentar semelhanças com um império através das constantes, e visíveis, mudanças perante as suas fronteiras, perante o seu sistema de governança multinível, o seu uso de instrumentos de soft power, ou apenas demonstrar as características de um poder hegemónico. Uma "conquista" por 'acomodação' política e económica, e não por conflito militar. Acredita-se que a União Europeia tem vindo, ao longo dos anos, a adquirir as características de um ator internacional predominante: uma moeda comum, uma estrutura governamental que apresenta o seu core em Bruxelas, o reforço das fronteiras externas e até uma tentativa de criação de um exército europeu. Ao longo dos anos, a sua política de alargamento tornouse a ferramenta mais importante na construção imperial. As variáveis de poder que traz consigo nesse mesmo processo, contribuem para o subproduto que é o processo de integração europeia e a criação de uma diversidade institucional cultural, política e económica. Os impérios são muitas vezes caracterizados por uma dicotomia, centro-periferia, onde existem claras disparidades a nível económico e político, o mesmo tem acontecido com os países centrais e periféricos da União. Sendo muitas vezes a acusados no sistema internacional, de desiguais distribuições de poder ou de tentativa de forma a tentar moldar o sistema internacional de acordo com suas próprias preferências pessoais. As 'flutuações' territoriais das quais a EU é constantemente alvo devido à sua política de alargamento e à falta de uma ampla gama de capacidades militares, uma vez que os seus instrumentos militares executam principalmente operações de manutenção da paz no exterior. O poder 'civil' e 'normativo' são instrumentos preferenciais sobre qualquer instrumento de carácter militar estando de acordo com aquilo que é a imagem de actor benigno num cenário global. Assim sendo, a PESC não se destina a dissuadir possíveis agressores, mas a compreender e identificar problemáticas comuns dos respetivos estados-membros, que podem levar a soluções de denominadores comuns. Isso não significa que a UE não possui uma representação internacionais enquanto actor global, com um determinado poderio; demonstrando que os instrumentos de soft power podem funcionar de forma assertiva, sendo o melhor exemplo disso, as antigas repúblicas soviéticas de Leste para onde a UE com os seus instrumentos exportou, com mérito, os seus valores e normas. Não há fronteiras fixas na UE, no entanto, torna-se difícil imaginar as relações estatais a retroceder ao que eram durante o regime soviético, uma vez que as infraestruturas de governança sofreram alterações tremendas.

بلغ عدد سكان إمارة شرق الأردن في العام 1921 ما مجموعه 230 ألف نسمة فقط، وكان لدى الدولة المولودة حديثًا القليل من الموارد الطبيعية وعدداً قليلاً من المراكز السكانية، وكان دخلها الحقيقي الوحيد هو من المساعدات الحكومة البريطانية، وتشير آخر الإحصاءات إلى أنَّ عدد سكان الأردن قد بلغ 10.96 مليون في آب / أغسطس من العام 2020، ممّا يعني أن عدد السكان قد زاد بأكثر من 46 ضعفًا خلال المئة عام الماضية، ووضعت هذه الزيادة الهائلة في عدد سكان المملكة تحت ضغوطًا هائلة على الموارد المحدودة المتاحة للقطاع الزراعي، وبالتالي عرضت حالة الأمن الغذائي للخطر ولاسيما في العقود القليلة الماضية. ويعد الأمن الغذائي في الأردن قضية معقدة تفاقمت أبعادها خلال وباء كوفيد -19 الأخير الذي تزامن مع أصعب أزمات اللاجئين والمستمرة منذ العام 1948. وتهدف هذه الورقة إلى استكشاف الاتجاهات الرئيسية للدور المتوقع للقطاع الزراعي وأثرها على الأمن الغذائي في الأردن في القرن المقبل، إذْ استخدم الباحث أداة التحليل الوصفي لتحليل نقاط القوة والضعف/الفرص والمخاطر للقطاع الزراعي الأردني (SWOT) لتحقيق الهدف من هذا البحث، وكانت الاستنتاجات الرئيسية المستخلصة من تحليل SWOT الذي تم إجراؤه في هذه الورقة: 1) إن تغير المناخ والانخفاض في الموارد المائية النادرة للغاية هو التحدي الرئيسي الذي يواجه حاليًا القطاع الزراعي، وسيستمر هذا التحدي في مواجهة القطاع الزراعي الذي سيعرض نظام الأمن الغذائي للخطر، 2) أما التحدي الآخر فهو معدلات النمو السكاني المرتفعة والعدد الكبير للاجئين في البلاد، 3) غياب سياسة الأمن الغذائي الواضحة والقوية. 4) الهدر الغذائي وخسائر ما بعد الحصاد التي تشكل تهديدًا رئيسيًا للأمن الغذائي. في الأردن. ولتقليل هذه التحديات، ويوصي الباحث بالتالي لمواجهة تحديات الأمن الغذائي في القرن القادم من حياة المملكة: 1) زيادة كفاءة استخدام المياه لأنظمة الإنتاج الزراعي الحالية من خلال تبني تقنيات ري جديدة مثل أنظمة الري بالتنقيط المحسنة ، 2) التوسع في أنظمة الإنتاج المائية التي توفر كميات هائلة من مياه الري التي يمكن أيضًا إنتاجها بالقرب من المراكز الحضرية لتوفير تكاليف النقل للإنتاج النهائي ، 3) إدخال الأصناف المقاومة للجفاف من المحاصيل الحقلية ومحاصيل الأعلاف والأشجار ، 4) تحسين أنظمة وتقنيات ما بعد الحصاد للمنتجات الزراعية القابلة للتلف لتقليل الخسائر عبر مختلف مراحل سلسلة القيمة، ومثال ذلك التوسع في مرافق التخزين البارد والشاحنات الباردة والتبريد السريع والتعبئة والتغليف المناسبين ، 5) تحسين مناهج التعليم الزراعي من خلال إنشاء برامج جديدة تلبي الطلب الحالي والمستقبلي في سوق الزراعة والغذاء ، و 6) تقديم الدعم والتشجيع للباحثين الشباب من خلال احتضان وتسريع أفكارهم الجديدة التي يمكن أن تضيف قيم كبيرة لنظام الأمن الزراعي والغذائي الحالي في الأردن. ; In 1921, the population of the Emirate of Transjordan was only 230,000. The newly born country had few natural resources and few settlements, and its only real revenue was British government aid. The latest statistics shows that Jordan population amounted to 10.96 million in August 2020 which means that the population has increased by more than 46 folds over the last 100 years. The huge increase in the kingdom's population has put huge pressures on the limited resources available to the agricultural sector and consequently jeopardize the food security situation especially in the last few decades. The food security in Jordan is a complex issue which exacerbated during the latest Covid-19 epidemic in addition to the ongoing refugee's crisis. The main objective of this paper is to explore the main directions of the expected role of the agricultural sector in the food security situation of Jordan in the next century. The researcher used a descriptive analysis tool that uses the S (strengths), W (weakness), O (opportunities) and T (threats) to achieve the objective of this research. The main conclusions drawn from the SWOT analysis conducted in this paper include: 1) climate change and the decline in the very scarce water resource is the major challenge that is currently facing and will continue to face the agricultural sector which will jeopardize the food security system in Jordan, 2) another major challenge is the high population growth rates and the large number of refugees in the country, 3) The absence of clear and robust food security policy, and 4) Food waste and post-harvest losses are another major threat of the food security in Jordan. To minimize these challenges, the researcher believes that: 1) Increase the water use efficiency of the current agricultural production systems through adopting new irrigation techniques such as improved drip irrigation systems, 2) expand in the hydroponic production systems that save huge amounts of irrigation water which could also be produced near urban centers to save transportation costs of final production, 3) introduce drought resistance varieties of field crops, forage crops and trees, 4) improve the post-harvest handling systems of perishable agricultural products to reduce losses across the different stages of the value chain such expanding with cold storage facilities, cold trucks, pre-cooling, and proper packing and packaging, 5) improve the agricultural education curricula through establishing new programs that meet the current and future food market demand, and 6) support and encourage young researchers through incubating and accelerating their new ideas which could add great values to the current agricultural and food security system in Jordan.

Costa Rica has intensified vegetable production by implementing monocultures managed with technological packages (synthetic fertilizers and pesticides). This model has sustained production in Zarcero, a municipality that supplies fresh vegetables to Costa Rica's capital and surroundings. However, investigations developed by the Regional Institute for Studies on Toxic Substances (IRET) have revealed concerning information on pesticide use regime in the area and associated adverse effects on the environment and health of inhabitants. In response to this problem, IRET, the School of Agricultural Sciences, and the Division of Rural Education launched a project in 2018. The project's primary aim was "to promote an alternative model for agricultural production through collaborative work, social sharing and construction of knowledge, in order to reduce the use of agrochemicals in Zarcero, Alajuela." The project included activities developed by academic groups, farmers and their families, and school children. The academic groups worked to carry out the following activities: a) a theoretical-political framework of common reference; b) an interdisciplinary perspective to design work strategies based on analysis to transform actual situations; and c) good collaborative relationships, and from there to pool goals. Achieving these activities needed executing other ones: a) study circles; b) fieldwork; c) knowledge exchange processes at the national and international level; d) the production of educational written materials for farmers; and e) articulation of the previous activities with teaching, research, and production activities. In addition, agroecology has been positioned in the institutional, local, regional, and national political agendas and in some international territories. From the academic work produced in the project, we have learned to be and do "Necessary University" since public universities need to legitimize themselves in the country. Therefore, we proposed to regain the trust of farmers and their families by creating spaces for rapprochement to contextualize and reflect on agricultural problems jointly, revitalize local knowledge, obtain inputs for the writing of educational documents with a socio-critical approach from popular education. As a result, it has been possible to "sow" the idea of change in some farmers; spaces for exchange between local farmers and farmers from other municipalities have been created. Small children are a driving force for change in homes; so, we have actively worked with them guided by critical pedagogy and carrying out collaborative school-family-community work. Moreover, it has been possible to politicize the national events, re-signifying the farmer's knowledge and diversifying the learning scenarios. In conclusion, we consider that academic work linked to real situations enables improvement processes in the productive agricultural life of the communities and enriches teaching, research, extension, and writing in the public university. All these activities stimulate the social sharing of knowledge that links local knowledge to the academic one generated in universities, promotes unlearning of the traditional manner of "building university," and contributes to reflection anchored to the biocentric approach. The present work provides ideas for the construction of a university extension policy. It contributes to developing a work process to understand better the link that university life should have with the daily needs of communities and the processes of improving farming-socio-community life. ; En Costa Rica, la producción de hortalizas se ha intensificado en las últimas décadas por el uso de paquetes tecnológicos (fertilizantes y plaguicidas sintéticos) en monocultivos. Este modelo ha sostenido la producción en Zarcero, cantón que provee productos vegetales al Valle Central. Sin embargo, estudios realizados por el Instituto Regional de Estudios en Sustancias Tóxicas (IRET) han revelado resultados preocupantes sobre el uso de plaguicidas y sus efectos negativos en el ambiente y en la salud de las personas. Como respuesta a esta problemática se inició en el 2018 un proyecto con la participación del IRET, de la Escuela de Ciencias Agrarias y de la División de Educación Rural, cuyo objetivo es "promover un modelo alternativo en la producción agrícola mediante trabajo colaborativo, diálogo de saberes y la construcción social del conocimiento para disminuir el uso de agroquímicos en Zarcero, Alajuela".En el proyecto se han desarrollado actividades con 1) equipo académico nacional e internacional, 2) personas agricultoras y sus familias, 3) escolares. El primer paso del proyecto ha consistido en la conformación de un equipo donde sus integrantes desarrollen: a) un marco teórico-político de referencia común, b) una mirada interdisciplinaria para analizar-trabajar-transformar la realidad y c) un tejido afectivo para favorecer entendimientos y desde ahí mancomunar metas. Para lograrlo, se han realizado: a) círculos de estudio, b) trabajo de campo, c) intercambio de saberes en el ámbito nacional e internacional, d) producción educativa agrícola modular y e) la articulación con la docencia, la investigación y la producción. Además, se ha posicionado la agroecología en las agendas políticas institucional, local, regional y nacional y en algunos territorios internacionales del continente.Desde el trabajo académico tejido en el proyecto se ha aprendido a ser y a hacer "universidad necesaria", ya que las universidades requieren legitimarse en el país, por lo que se ha propuesto, para recuperar la confianza de las personas agricultoras y sus familias, gestar espacios de acercamiento para contextualizar conjuntamente y reflexionar sobre la problemática agrícola, revitalizar saberes locales y obtener insumos para la escritura de documentos educativos con enfoque sociocrítico desde la educación popular.

The purpose of the study is to clarify the role of culture as a tool for nation branding development, as well as national brand's building and promoting within the global context of the national discourse. To reach the aim of the research, there was carried out the systematisation of the "nation branding" and "nation brand" concepts, as well as the analysis of theoretical and practical aspects of both nation and cultural brand and image of the country in the context of international cooperation. The research methodology consists in using general methods of empirical and theoretical research based on analysis, synthesis and concretisation. It is to analyse and summarise the results to reveal the "culture" factor's importance in the nation branding development as an externally oriented phenomenon, in the context of international interaction providing information about what the country is. The scientific novelty of the study is to clarify the cultural constituent's role in the process of the nation branding development in the context of the "State policy in the field of nation branding"; with the carrying out the analysis of the "culture and heritage" component as a criterion influencing the "Nation Brands" world reputation indexing; looked into the strategies for the Ukrainian culture development as an axis of building a nation brand and international image of Ukraine in the context of cultural diplomacy and intercultural dialogue; with paying attention to the content of the "Study of Ukraine's perception abroad" results as an indicator of the world awareness of Ukrainian culture in the nation branding context. The conclusions point out that today in the system of international cooperation, culture: cultural heritage, cultural diversity and cultural potential of the country — is gaining importance as a tool for building a national brand and is the most effective means of creating a country/state's positive international image in the long run. A successful nation branding allows increasing the level of the state's political influence in the international arena and strengthening international ties, etc. ; Цель исследования — определить роль культуры как инструмента построения национального брендинга, а также развития и продвижения национального бренда в глобальном контексте национального дискурса. Для достижения поставленной цели проведена систематизация понятий «национальный брендинг» и «национальный бренд», а также анализ теоретических и практических аспектов формирования как национального, так и культурного бренда и имиджа страны в контексте реализации международного взаимодействия. Методология исследования заключается в использовании общих методов эмпирических и теоретических исследований, которые базируются на анализе, синтезе и конкретизации, и содержатся в анализе и обобщении полученных результатов с целью раскрытия значения фактора «культура» в формировании национального брендинга государства как внешне ориентированного феномена, что в условиях международного взаимодействия предоставляет информацию о том, какой является страна. Научная новизна состоит в определении роли культурной компоненты формирования брендинга государства в контексте «Государственной политики в сфере национального брендинга», анализе составляющей «культура и наследие» как критерия, влияющего на формирование мирового репутационного рейтинга «Nation Brands», а также рассмотрении «Долгосрочной стратегии развития украинской культуры» как оси формирования национального бренда и международного имиджа Украины в контексте развития культурной дипломатии и реализации межкультурного диалога. Обращено внимание на результаты «Исследования восприятия Украины за рубежом» как показателя мировой осведомленности об украинской культуре в аспекте национального брендинга. В выводах отмечается, что сегодня в системе международного взаимодействия культура — культурное наследие, культурное многообразие и культурный потенциал страны, — приобретает всё большое значение, а именно становится инструментом формирования национального бренда и является наиболее эффективным средством создания положительного международного имиджа страны в долгосрочной перспективе. Успешное построение брендинга государства позволяет повысить уровень его политического влияния на международной арене, укрепить международные связи и т. п. ; Мета дослідження полягає у з'ясуванні ролі культури як інструменту побудування національного брендингу, а також розвитку та просування національного бренду в глобальному контексті національного дискурсу, задля чого проведено систематизацію понять «національний брендинг» і «національний бренд», а також аналіз теоретичних та практичних аспектів формування як національного, так і культурного бренду та іміджу країни в контексті реалізації міжнародної взаємодії. Методологія дослідження полягає у використанні загальних методів емпіричних і теоретичних досліджень, що базуються на аналізі, синтезі та конкретизації, і зводяться до розгляду та узагальнення отриманих результатів із метою розкриття значення фактора «культура» у формуванні національного брендингу держави як зовнішньо орієнтованого феномену, що в умовах міжнародної взаємодії надає інформацію про те, якою є країна. Наукова новизна дослідження полягає у з'ясуванні ролі культурної компоненти формування брендингу держави в контексті «Державної політики у сфері національного брендингу», аналізі складової «культура та спадщина» як критерію, що впливає на формування світового репутаційного рейтингу «Nation Brands», а також розгляді «Довгострокової стратегії розвитку української культури» як вісі побудування національного бренду та міжнародного іміджу України в контексті розвитку культурної дипломатії та реалізації міжкультурного діалогу. Звернено увагу на результати «Дослідження сприйняття України за кордоном» як показника світової обізнаності про українську культуру в аспекті національного брендування. У висновках зазначається, що сьогодні в системі міжнародної взаємодії культура — культурна спадщина, культурне різноманіття та культурний потенціал країни — набуває великого значення саме як інструмент формування національного бренду та є найбільш ефективним засобом створення позитивного міжнародного іміджу країни у довгостроковій перспективі. Успішний брендинг держави дозволяє підвищити рівень її політичного впливу на міжнародній арені, зміцнити міжнародні зв'язки тощо.

Studi ini bertujuan untuk menentukan efek struktur modal, likuidasi, dan pertumbuhan perusahaan terhadap nilai perusahaan yang bergerak disektor keuangan secara khusus perusahaan perbankan yang terdaftar oleh Bursa Efek Indonesia pada tahun 2017-2019. Dalam penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kuantitatif sedangkan jenis data yang digunakan oleh peneliti adalah data sekunder yang berasal dari laporan keuangan tahunan perusahaan. Sampel yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini diambil menggunakan metode purposive sampling yang terdiri dari beberapa kriteria. Penelitian ini menggunakan nilai perusahaan sebagai variabel dependen yang diproksikan dengan Price to Book Value ratio (PBV). Sedangkan variabel independen yang diproksikan dengan struktur modal (DER), likuidasi (CR), pertumbuhan perusahaan (Pertumbuhan Aset). Hasil dari penelitian ini, ditemukan bahwa ketiganya variabel independen, yaitu struktur modal, likuidasi, dan pertumbuhan perusahaan, memiliki efek positif pada nilai perusahaan, tetapi hanya pertumbuhan perusahaan yang memiliki efek signifikan pada perusahaan nilai, sementara struktur modal dan likuidasi tidak memiliki efek signifikan pada perusahaan nilai. REFERENCEAlvianto, A. (2018). Pengaruh Struktur Modal, Pertumbuhan Perusahaan, dan Profitabilitas Terhadap Nilai Perusahaan (Studi Empiris pada Perusahaan Manufaktur di Bursa Efek Indonesia Tahun 2013-2016). Yogyakarta. Universitas Sanata Dharma.Bestariningrum, N. (2015). Analyzing the Effect of Capital Structure and Firm Size on Firm Value (Case Study: Company That Listed in IQ-45 Index Period 2010-2014). Jurnal Berkala Ilmiah Efisiensi 15(4), 354-365.Fahmi, I. (2015). Analisis Laporan Keuangan . Bandung. Alfabeta. Fajriyati, M. (2019). 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42% of the urban population were found living in 300,000 slums counted throughout the world in 2018. 80% of these shanty towns are situated in the global South. Slums are located in abandoned spaces close to cities as such they raise questions both as an unavoidable urban fact and as areas with natural and man-made risks. In Haiti, a country of the South, the increase in the urban population is reflected above all in the growth of slums, with 17 counted in 1950 and around 400 in 2020. Notions of housing, land tenure, precariousness, and inhabitants are very recurrent in the work on the slums. However, few studies use them to tackle the progressive construction of slums. This thesis questions the modalities of land appropriation, self-construction and ways of living as well as the actions of the citizens implicated in the development of neighborhoods through "inhabitant tactics". The observations, the data collections carried out on the slum of Canaan, our field of study as well as the analysis of the slum development process of the RMP made it possible to highlight the modalities of what we call "making a city and/or a district a posteriori". Indeed, if the slums are self-building, we see that after a relatively long time, there is a form of "normalization", even a posteriori recognition of these slums by the public authorities. This is the case of the district of "Saint-Martin", created in 1925 and became the city of "Delmas" in 1982. On the contrary, planned cities are made from planning, land control, development of the space followed by servicing, construction programs before the public authorities finally consider settling the population. Inversely to this process, the creation of "a posteriori cities" is done from the spontaneous establishment of populations on often declassified land, the auto-organization, the auto-construction of temporary housing gradually consolidating itself through cash flow, etc. Small local shops and the deployment of urban technical networks are progressively developing before the public authorities intervene to formalize this de facto urban situation "a posteriori". Finally, we defend the thesis of the existence of an inversion of modality of "making the city" which we designate by "inverted urbanism" corresponding to what we have observed in Haiti as well as in Latin American countries, like Brazil and Peru. Indeed, slums in the latter countries become within 30 to 40 years either neighborhoods or "a posteriori cities" or even territories integrated into city policy in the same way as planned cities. ; En 2018, on estimait à 300 000 le nombre de bidonvilles existant dans le monde et à 42% la population qui y vivait. 80 % de l'effectif se trouvaient dans les pays du Sud. Situés dans des espaces délaissés proches des villes, les bidonvilles suscitent des interrogations tant comme fait urbain incontournable que comme des territoires à risques naturels et anthropiques. En Haïti comme dans les pays du Sud, l'augmentation de la population urbaine se traduit surtout par la croissance des bidonvilles : 17 en 1950 et environ 400 en 2020. Les travaux sur les bidonvilles sont très nombreux et investiguent surtout les questions de l'habitat, l'occupation foncière, la précarité, l'habitant. Mais peu de travaux et d'approches les mobilisent pour aborder la fabrication progressive des bidonvilles. Cette thèse interroge les modalités d'appropriation foncière, d'auto-fabrication et les modes d'habiter ainsi que le jeu d'acteurs dans l'évolution des bidonvilles par le biais des « tactiques habitantes ». Les observations, les collectes de données réalisées sur le quartier de Canaan, notre terrain d'étude, ainsi que l'analyse du processus de bidonvilisation de la RMP ont permis de mettre en évidence des modalités de ce que nous appelons « faire ville et/ou quartier a posteriori ». En effet, si les populations de ces territoires s'installent, auto-construisent leurs habitats ; on constate qu'au bout d'un temps relativement long, il y a une forme de « normalisation », voire de reconnaissance à postériori de ces quartiers par les pouvoirs publics. C'est le cas du quartier de « Saint-Martin », créé en 1925 et devenu la ville de « Delmas » en 1982. A contrario, les villes planifiées sont conçues à partir de la maitrise foncière, de l'aménagement de l'espace suivi par la viabilisation, des programmes de construction avant que les pouvoirs publics envisagent enfin d'installer la population. A l'inverse de ce processus, la création des « villes a posteriori » se fait à partir de l'établissement spontané des populations sur des terrains souvent déclassés, de l'auto-organisation, de l'auto-construction d'habitat provisoire se consolidant graduellement au fur et à mesure des rentrées d'argent, etc. Les petits commerces de proximité et le déploiement des réseaux techniques urbains se développent progressivement avant que les pouvoirs publics interviennent pour formaliser « a posteriori » cette situation urbaine de fait. In fine, nous défendons la thèse de l'existence d'une inversion de modalité de « faire la ville » que nous désignons par « l'urbanisme inversé » qui correspond à ce que nous avons observé tant en Haïti qu'au Brésil et au Pérou. En effet, certains bidonvilles deviennent au bout de 30 ans à 40 ans soit des territoires intégrés à la politique de la ville au même titre que les villes planifiées ou des quartiers ou des « villes a posteriori ».

The world food and non-food needs are expected to increase from 2005/2007 to 2050 by 60 percent, raising concerns on how this demand will be fulfilled sustainably (Le Mouël and Forslund, 2017). To cope with this increase in demand, the agricultural sector faces an essential decision between land sparing and land sharing, a debate particularly active in the last decade (Alexandratos et al., 2012; Harrison, 2002; Le Mouël and Forslund, 2017; TheRoyal Society (London), 2009). On the one hand, central elements of the debate concern the effects of agricultural intensity (or yield) on biodiversity, while land-sharing integrates nature conservation approaches into agricultural production across a region but characterized by low-yielding farmland with higher biodiversity, but with less land available for the sole purpose of nature conservation. The increase of agricultural land is of particular attention because it expands through the alteration of forests, swamplands, and other pristine habitats (Barbier, 2004). On the other hand, land-use change to expand agriculture increases Greenhouse Gas (GHG) emissions and is accountable for 12-17% of the total global GHG emissions, negatively impacting biodiversity and ecosystem services (Hamilton et al., 2015; Pradhan et al., 2015). On the other hand, an increase of yields requires an increase in production which will be constrained by the finite resources provided by Earth's land, oceans, and atmosphere (Godfray et al., 2010); therefore, producing more food from the same area of land while reducing negative environmental externalities, can be accomplished by the use of existing sustainable practices (FAO, 2011; Godfray et al., 2010; Jordan, 2015; Tubiello et al., 2014). Farmers' decisions regarding adopting agricultural practices are based on pre-existing networks, organizations, and other relationships among individuals (Ostrom and Ahn, 2003). Although adoption has been widely studied, it shows a disciplinary fragmentation (Pannell et al., 2006). Social capital is a concept that helps integrate with the economic analysis of communities' cultural, social, and institutional dynamics. Social capital is a mechanism that helps to overcome market imperfections and promotes collective action, generating positive externalities that facilitate cooperation to achieve goals. Still, it can also have a negative side (Ostrom, 2007). This dissertation aims to analyze the role of social capital through two case studies; one, which analyses how social capital and its interaction with psychological constructs affects the decision to adopt pressurized irrigation systems using a cross-sectional survey. The second case study focuses on social capital and incentives effects on pro-social behavior, especially looking at land allocated for the cultivation of rubber agroforestry in Indonesia under individual and collective Payment for Environmental Services (PES) schemes applying a framed-field experiment. Results show that social capital plays an important role in adopting sustainable practices in the agricultural sector. On the one hand, we provide empirical evidence about the significant and positive influence of social capital variables on the level of perceived control and intention to perform the adoption of pressurized irrigation. On the other, we show that social capital, in the form of a network, could negatively influence conservation behavior when the social norm is to cultivate the more profitable crop, as in Indonesia's oil palm under PES schemes. We find that individuals were more susceptible to social capital variables under collective schemes than in the individual scheme. Social capital in the form of a network shows a negative and significant influence on the share of land allocated to rubber agroforestry. In contrast, membership and environmental awareness of the network have a positive influence. Individual characteristics such as individual environmental perception, land tenure, and if the participant cultivates rubber agroforestry were more relevant in the individual scheme. When comparing both case studies, the differences in the sign of the effect of social capital, precisely the effect of a social network, reaffirm the need to design context-specific strategies and consider each site's social dynamics. In addition, the results show that land heterogeneity matters; collective schemes may be especially suitable to engage large landowners, who may feel the moral pressure to contribute their share under such institutional arrangements. In contrast, smaller farmers respond to individual and collective incentives. However, it should be kept in mind that the effectiveness of PES is highly place-specific and depends on the social norms prevalent in the communities. Our empirical results have important policy implications. In the case study from Chile, we identified that attitude campaigns are not enough to influence intentions. The government could target and change the norm of superficial irrigation by convincing people of core beliefs associated with water conservation awareness and boost farmers' trust in water organizations that could foster cooperation to adopt pressurized irrigation systems as a norm. In the case study in Indonesia regarding Payment for Environmental Services, our findings have important implications for REDD focus countries, which is the most crucial arena for collective PES nowadays. Policymakers can build upon existing social norms; provide economic incentives for conservation, and complement informal institutions. Future PES should focus and be tailored to the participants' characteristics in terms of endowment and should have a better understanding of the social norms of the context. ; 2021-07-09

The causes of different levels of political and economic inequalities and related public policies under autocratic regimes are diverse. Existing works are mainly concerned with questions such as how political institutions matter for policy outcomes under authoritarianism and how citizens under autocratic rule adopt political and economic preferences conditioned by the nature of the regime environment. However, the literature still lacks a framework that systematically theorizes and empirically compares the effects of different institutional designs of dictatorships on policies that affect economic and political inequalities, such as redistribution and women's political inclusion. In addition, the consequences of political and economic inequality under authoritarianism for ordinary citizens are particularly important but are still understudied. The present dissertation seeks to answer whether and how the institutional foundations of autocracies determine economic and political inequalities and whether and how these inequalities affect ordinary citizens in the short and long term. The main argument at the heart of this dissertation is that autocratic institutions, and especially the strength of an incumbent's party, matter for redistributive policies and inequalities and their consequences for ordinary citizens. The four research papers that form the core of this dissertation employ quantitative methods with cross-national data on redistribution and women's political inclusion and individual-level data across countries on political participation and redistributive preferences. A crucial goal of this doctoral thesis is to propose a theoretical framework explaining public policies that address political and economic inequalities and the attitudinal effects of those policies and inequalities on ordinary citizens. The focus of my first dissertation paper is on theorizing and empirically examining variation in income redistribution across autocracies. It argues that the degree of electoral uncertainty affects two mechanisms that shape the redistributive nature of autocratic regimes. The inclusion and exclusion from political power on the grounds of socioeconomic and social attributes and the institutionalization of political parties determine autocrats' incentive and capacity for redistributing income and economic benefits. First, the empirical analysis suggests that more inclusionary ruling coalitions correspond with higher levels of income redistribution compared to more exclusionary regimes. Second, regimes with higher levels of party institutionalization redistribute more than regimes in which authoritarian parties are less institutionalized. However, third, the effects are largely conditional on electoral uncertainty. The second paper of this dissertation examines the association between women's political inclusion and incumbent party strength in authoritarian regimes and thereby investigates policies that autocratic regimes implemented to reduce this form of horizontal inequality. This article argues that the degree of party institutionalization is the main determinant of women's political inclusion under authoritarian rule. Similar to the first paper, it argues that institutionalized party rule determines authoritarian parties' incentive and capacity for introducing more gender-equal political processes and political outputs. Although previous research stressed the link between authoritarian regime types and gender equality, this study finds regime types explain little of the variation in gender equality. In contrast, regimes with higher levels of party institutionalization provide more gender-equal politics and policies than regimes in which authoritarian parties are less institutionalized. The third paper focuses on individuals living in autocratic regimes and their political participation. Thus, similar to the fourth paper, it shifts the level of inquiry to the individual level. The third paper investigates the following questions. What effect does economic inequality in authoritarian regimes have on the political participation of their citizens? Do individual income and repression each have a greater effect than economic inequality? The paper benefits from three prominent theories, namely the Conflict, Relative Power, and Resource Theories that address the inequality-participation puzzle in democracies. However, theoretical arguments and empirical evidence regarding non-democratic regimes are scarce. Thus, the third paper argues that it is individual income and the level of repression rather than economic inequality that explain political participation in autocracies. The paper demonstrates that higher levels of economic inequality hardly suppress political participation among citizens in general. However, individual income has a more powerful effect on civil society participation, while the level of repression decreases the likelihood of voting more strongly than income. The fourth paper sheds light on how authoritarian regimes have a lasting imprint on their citizens' ideas and values in the long term and on which mechanisms determine the redistributive preferences of their former citizens. It is widely established that autocracies attempt to indoctrinate their citizens to have compliant subjects. However, the long-term consequences of socialization under authoritarian rule are weakly conceptualized, and empirical evidence is rare, especially regarding citizens' economic preferences. The fourth paper proposes a distinction between three different mechanisms: state repression, political indoctrination, and exposure to autocracies during citizens' lifetimes. It finds that socialization under a highly indoctrinating regime leaves a strong pro-redistributive legacy, while highly repressive regimes also leave a pro-redistributive legacy. This study contributes to our understanding of how state repression and indoctrination affect ordinary citizens in the long term. This dissertation underlines the finding that highly institutionalized dictatorships provide public policies that address political and economic inequalities, while ordinary citizens are also affected by economic and political inequalities under autocratic rule. This doctoral thesis complements existing research on the causes and consequences of inequality under autocracy, socialization under authoritarianism, and citizens' preference formation in autocratic environments.

Biopolitics—the maneuvers and stratagems employed to regulate, manage and govern people—is one of the most contested theoretical paradigms, which deals with the relation between state politics and human lives. While Foucault links the biopolitical nomos with the oppressive practices which render the human body docile, Giorgio Agamben sheds light on the new biopolitical nomos, which applying the most draconian means, subdue people within the law. According to Agamben, the arbitrary use of such sovereign power not only robs of the constitutional rights of the individuals but also denies their rights to live. Agamben observes that under the new biopolitical nomos each individual is exposed to the threat of being treated as a Homo Sacer, whose life can be taken with impunity. Focusing on Foucault's concept of biopolitics and applying Agamben's concepts like "state of exception" and Homo Sacer, the present paper investigates into Arundhati Roy's The God of Small Things and The Ministry of Utmost Happiness to argue that in present-day India; the enactment of juridico-discursive power (communal riots, lynching, and violence to the lower caste) is not only denying the human rights of the minority groups but also exposing them to a "bare life." ; ashraf.2205@nstu.edu.bd ; Dr. Khandakar Ashraful Islam is an Assistant Professor of English at Noakhali Science and Technology University, Bangladesh. He has obtained his PhD degree from Osmania University, Hyderabad, India in 2021. His major areas of academic interest comprise postcolonial and cultural studies with a focus on narratives of resistance. ; Noakhali Science and Technology University, Bangladesh ; Acocella, Joan. 2017, June 5 & 12. Arundhati Roy returns to fiction, in fury. The New Yorker. https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2017/06/05/arundhati-roy-returns-to-fiction-in-fury. ; Agamben, G. 1998. Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life. USA: Stanford University Press. ; Bose, B. 2017, July–September. A fearless antinovel. Review Biblio. ; Das, S. 2001. The Nehru years in Indian politics: From a historical hindsight. Edinburgh Papers South Asian Studies 16:1, 2-35. ; Foucault, M. 1979. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. New York: Vintage Books. ; Foucault, M. 2003. Society Must Be Defended: Lectures at the College De France 1975-76. London: Picador. ; Ghosh, J. 2016. Indira Gandhi's call of emergency and press censorship in India: The ethical parameters revisited. Global Media Journal– Indian Edition 7:2, 1-15. ; Ghoshal, S. 2017, June 6. The Ministry of Utmost Happiness by Arundhati Roy: A Far Cry from the Writer's Brilliant First—The God of Small Things. Huffington Post India. https://www.huffingtonpost.in/2017/06/01/book-review-the-ministry-of-utmosthappiness- by-arundhati-roy_a_22121017/ ; Lemke, T. 2005. A zone of indistinction–A critique of Giorgio Agamben's concept of biopolitics. Outlines: Critical Social Studies 7:1, 3-13. ; Manoj, S. 2017. Historicizing fiction: Critiquing contemporary India in Arundhati Roy's The Ministry of Utmost Happiness. Journal of Literature & Aesthetics 17:1, 111-120. ; Mandal, S. 2018. A postcolonial overview of Arundhati Roy's The Ministry of Utmost Happiness. Postcolonial English Literature: Theory and Practice. India: Authorpress. ; Michael, H. & Antonio, N. 2000. Empire. United States: Harvard University. ; Minca, C. 2006. Giorgio Agamben and the new biopolitical nomos. Geografiska Annaler: Series B, Human Geography 88:4: 387-403, DOI:10.1111/j.0435- 3684.2006.00229.x. ; Mishra, P. 2001, Feb. 11. There'll always be an England in India. The New York Times Company. https://www.nytimes.com/2001/02/11/books/there-ll-always-be-an-england-in-india.html. ; Nazari, F. & Hossein, P. 2013. Revisiting colonial legacy in Arundhati Roy's The God of Small Things. Journal of Educational and Social Research 3:1, 199-210, DOI:10.5901/jesr.2013.v3n1p199. ; Parfitt, T. 2009. Are the third world poor Homines Sacri? Biopolitics, sovereignty, and development. Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 34:1, 41–58. ; Passos, V. 2003. Micro-Universes and Situated Critical Theory: Postcolonial and Feminist Dialogues in a Comparative Study of Indo-English and Lusophone Women Writers. Diss. Utrecht. ; Rabinow, P. & Nikolas, R. 2006. Biopower today. Biosocieties 1:2, 195-217. ; Ram, K. 2017. Entropic fiction and its narrative strategy: A perspective on The Ministry of Utmost Happiness. Journal of Literature & Aesthetics, 17:1, 91-99. ; Roy, A. 1997. The God of Small Things. India: IndiaInk. ; Roy, A. 2002, January 31. Shall we leave it to the experts. The Nation, https://www.thenation.com/article/archive/shall-we-leave-it-experts/ ; Roy, A. 2002, April 28. Democracy: Who is she when she's at home? Outlook (India), http://www.sacw.net/Gujarat2002/arundhatiroyAug2002.html ; Roy, A. 2010, September 11. Trickledown revolution, Dawn, https://www.dawn.com/news/562271/the-trickledown-revolution-2 ; Roy, A. 2017. The Ministry of Utmost Happiness. India: Penguin Random House. ; Sahadevan, P. 2013. Managing Internal Conflicts in India, Nepal, Sri Lanka and Myanmar: Strategies and Outcomes. Policy Choices in Internal Conflicts: Governing Systems and Outcomes. New Delhi. ; Sumrain, M. & Shadi N. 2016. Postcolonial places as reconstructs of colonial culture: A reading of Arundhati Roy's The God of Small Things. International Review of Social Sciences and Humanities 12:1, 58-70. ; 34 (3/2021) ; 16 ; 26

Problem setting. The article establishes that the objective impossibility of rapid integration of Ukraine into the European European community turns it into a platform for the constant relations clarification between the West and the East. The uncertain situation of our country due to this fact dictates specific rules, according to which Ukraine should pursue an inconsistent policy related to the political and economic conjuncture, and this increases the likelihood of possible security challenges to Ukraine in the context of destabilization of the international security space. In such a situation, the adoption by a state of relevant regulations of a profile nature, which would completely meet all the challenges of our time, comprises a very important fact. Recent research and publications analysis. Many works consider general issues of national security in Ukraine, a fundamental place among which belongs to H. Sytnyk, the co-author of the National Security Strategy of Ukraine, many bills, conceptual scientific strategies and political programs in the sphere of national security of Ukraine, as well as the works by V. Abramov, N. Nyzhnyk, V. Oluyko, V. Pasichnyk et аl. The assessment of real threats and challenges to national security, as well as their geopolitical context, was conducted by S. Bielay, V. Hulay, K. Kononenko, M. Malsky, L. Novoskoltseva et al. Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. To analyse the prerequisites, main provisions, security risks, challenges and tasks of the 2020 National Security Strategy, find out its novelties in comparison with previous strategies, as well as to determine its significance for the current situation in Ukraine. Paper main body. It has been established that since 2014, full-scale aggression of the Russian Federation has continued in Ukraine, which has all the typical features of so-called "hybrid war", and is implemented in the forms of military and other illegal actions, reflected in almost all key spheres of life of the Ukrainian state and society in general, including information, economic and diplomatic space. So, on September 14, 2020, the President of Ukraine signed the Decree "On the National Security Strategy of Ukraine". The content and structure of the Strategy is quite different from its previous versions adopted in 2007, 2012 and 2015. The adoption of this document was really expected, because it should have shown the authorities' vision of threats, risks and challenges to Ukraine's national security and determination of the ways to neutralize such threats. The new Strategy replaced one dated 2015. 2020 Strategy makes the appropriate accents and articulates problems that clarify the view of security component and this is important from the point of view of the activities of state bodies, because this is what they will rely on in the coming years when forming their action plans, primarily in the security sector. For the first time, the new Strategy is based on the following basic principles: 1) deterrence; 2) resilience; 3) interaction. This document focuses not only on military issues, but also on areas related to the security sector, information, diplomatic and economic spheres. The Strategy focuses on the fact that the Russian Federation, while continuing military actions against Ukraine, systematically uses economic, political, military, information and psychological, as well as cyber means. In addition, the Strategy takes into account the latest changes related to the crisis in global economy, the spread of the COVID-19 disease caused by coronavirus, as well as the increased risk of natural and man-made emergency situations. With the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic, there were also critical problems in the health and social protection systems, in the information sphere, and this in turn led to an increase in unemployment, destruction of established lifestyles and, in general, it threatens food development, hinders free movement of capital, goods and labour force, damaging the service sector. There is also an intensification of rivalry between key world players in the geopolitical position, in particular, between the United States of America and the People's Republic of China for world leadership. The document stipulates that acquisition of full membership of Ukraine in the EU and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization is the strategic course of the state. Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies.The 2020 National Security Strategy meets the challenges of our time and is more narrative than similar documents of previous years. Its basic principles such as deterrence, resilience and interaction provide more opportunities for updating the security sector and responding quickly and flexibly to new challenges and threats facing Ukraine. At the same time, the implementation of ideas set out in the Strategy will depend on those sub-strategic documents (strategies and programs) that are to be adopted within six months according to the new Strategy. If these documents manage to offer effective means of counteracting hostile activity, the newly adopted Strategy will become an effective planning tool, rather than another bureaucratic pro forma. Research and analysis of other new regulations defining security challenges and threats for Ukraine can be a prospect for further scientific research. ; Розкрито передумови прийняття Стратегії національної безпеки України. Проведено порівняльний аналіз із аналогічними попередніми документами. Проаналізовано основні виклики та загрози національній безпеці в умовах сьогодення, серед яких зміни клімату, російська агресія проти України, загострення геополітичного суперництва, поширення коронавірусної хвороби та інші безпекові загрози. Розглянуто основні пріоритетні напрямки розвитку системи безпеки та оборони згідно із Стратегією.

Problem setting. The active development of the service sector contributes to the growth of scientists' attention to the concept of marketing relations, the center of which is a customer-oriented approach. This concept is especially relevant for the field of medical services, as the quality of these services not only forms aspects of patient satisfaction, but also determines their quality of life and longevity. The Ukrainian model of health care and the provision of medical services has recently been in the process of reform. The changes affect key elements of the functioning of the medical sector: transformation of the structure of the medical services market, aimed at increasing the share of the private sector, changing the principles and conditions of financing, improving the system of medical education and quality of health care. The insurance mechanism in the system of medical services is being reformed and the system of legal regulation of state medical institutions is being changed. One of the key tasks of the reform is to ensure the orientation of the health care system to meet the needs of patients in treatment. This necessitates scientific research in the interaction of two key aspects of medical service – the patient (recipient of medical services) and the medical worker (institution of medical services). Recent research and publications analysis. Ukrainian researchers have devoted their work to analyzing the needs of patients in the system of patient-medical institution and finding effective mechanisms for managing medical institutions to meet these needs. The analysis of patients' opinions on the availability, satisfaction with the provision of medical services and health care reform was conducted by scientists Shkrobanets, V. Galkin researched the issue of improving outpatient therapeutic care as an urgent task of health care. English scientists S. Cavanagh and K. Chadwick identified the basic needs of public health. They analyzed the needs, aspirations and goals: welfare, quality of life and public policy in the field of medicine, and conducted applied research on the quality of life. However, given the realities of the development of the medical services market in Ukraine, patient orientation issues need to be explored in more depth. Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. Ukrainian patients face significant difficulties in obtaining medical services. In addition to physiological problems, there are psychological problems associated with the implementation of the choice among the complex processes of diagnosis and treatment. The greatest responsibility for health care processes lies with physicians, heads of health care facilities, and other health care providers who are aware of patients' needs and are responsible for the functioning of the system. Their ability to identify problems and respond appropriately to public demand is fundamental to working in terms of their competencies. Thus, the competence of health professionals is a systemic factor that contributes to the patient's receipt of high-level medical services. Paper main body. Modern market relations are subject to economic laws that are specific to management and are in conflict with the methods of administration. Medical care within market relations is a specific type of intangible production, filled with economic characteristics. In recent years, Ukraine's medical sector has achieved significant results in overcoming the crisis that arose during the establishment of independence in all spheres of society, and, as a result of global social, political and economic changes, continues to be reformed. The essence of the current stage of health care reform in Ukraine is characterized by objective conditions under which medical services become a commodity, and the relationship between doctor and patient in its content begins to be defined as marketing with the predominant role of the patient. The introduction of economic criteria in the activities of the medical sector in modern market relations is determined by the need to develop the health care system. At the same time, the reform of health care delivery is being transformed into a system that regulates supply and demand in the health care market. Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. According to the results of the research, it is established that Ukrainian consumers average the patient's focus on medical services. Among the key, unresolved issues that hinder the introduction of patient orientation are the insufficiently comfortable conditions of patients' stay in inpatient facilities and treatment, insufficient effectiveness of treatment in general and the results obtained. Weaknesses include low awareness of health services in public health facilities, lack of focus on patient health, lack of psychological support for patients during treatment and rehabilitation, late delivery of services, and problems with non-compliance. This creates a field for new research to address the identified problems. ; Зазначено, що реалії сьогодення вказують на те, що підвищення показників здоров'я населення можливо досягнути, якщо приділяти належну увагу пацієнту. Зауважено, що лікар і пацієнт є основними суб'єктами надання та отримання медичних послуг. Доведено, що основною сутністю їх взаємовідносин стає надання та отримання медичної допомоги, а також задоволення цільових потреб як надавача, так і споживача медичних послуг. Вказано, що орієнтованість медичного сектора на пацієнта як основного отримувача медичних послуг – це важливий показник оцінки якості роботи медичних закладів, а задоволеність пацієнта роботою медичного сектора є показником рівня її якості. Проведено аналіз задоволеності пацієнтами медичними послугами. Проаналізовано основні засади і принципи системи надання медичних послуг пацієнту.

Rubus L. (brambles, blackberries, raspberries, or dewberries) are a globally recognised genus due to the edible fruit and negative impacts they can have as invasive species. There are at least 23 species of Rubus subgenus Rubus in South Africa. These include native, alien, naturalised alien, and invasive alien species. The invasive Rubus species are becoming an increasing problem in South Africa with experts in invasion biology urging caution regarding the genus (Henderson, 2011). The taxonomy of indigenous, alien and alien invasive species of Rubus are poorly understood and therefore efforts to understand the genus, the impacts and solutions to those impacts have been very limited (Stirton, 1981; Henderson, 2011; Sochor et al., 2018a). There has also been little research conducted on the economic or ecological impacts on the species or genus of species in South Africa (du Plessis et al., 1984; Botha, 2005), and yet species in the genus have been earmarked for prioritization by invasive species legislation. The potential value of certain species as well as the cost associated with their impacts could potentially create a complex conflict of interest scenario which has not been investigated. This study is an effort to inform future policy decisions regarding this suite of species by investigating the economic impacts of the invasive Rubus species. A method was developed unique to the study that incorporated research tools from environmental economics and geography to identify the nature of interactions between economic agents, experts, and alien and invasive Rubus species in South Africa. Two questionnaires were developed to generate economic data and ground proofing was used to develop geographic data. One questionnaire was directed specifically at researchers and academics that attended the 46th National Symposium on Biological Invasions that took place between 15–17 May 2019, at Waterval Country Lodge, Tulbagh and the other an economic agent questionnaire for economic agents that met strict and selective criteria relating to the impact of the six invasive Rubus species on their economic activity. Both questionnaires were designed with a mixed methods approach in mind. The ground proofing was aimed at understanding the composition and distribution of Rubus species at the selected sites: Cathcart and Hogsback (The Eastern Cape Province), Clarens (Free State Province), and Underberg (KwaZulu-Natal Province). The study established that all economic impacts of invasive Rubus species at selected sites are externalities. Invasive Rubus species in South Africa can be attributed as (i) harbouring vermin, (ii) impeding human and animal livestock, (iii) reducing crop yields, (iv) encroaching on grazing land, (v) presenting fire hazards, and (vi) negatively impacting fire regimes. These species also (i) provide berries that are retailed on a commercial level, or have been, (ii) that are utilized for personal consumption, (iii) provide an ingredient for alcohol brewing processes, and (iv) could potentially facilitate forest regeneration. The invasive species are infrequently browsed by certain livestock and far as we could ascertain do not provide ingredients for anti-inflammatory drugs or modern cosmetics in South Africa, as they do in other regions of the globe. The costs associated with the invasive species can be presented dichotomously; the estimated private cost-benefit ratio, for costs and benefits incurred or enjoyed by 18 private economic agents, stands at 0.33:1. A private-public benefit-cost ratio, that incorporates both private and public costs and benefits, stands at 13,5:1. The private-public benefit-cost includes public expenditure, or government control measures, directed at invasive Rubus and shifts the benefit-cost ratio so that costs now markedly dominate the estimated benefits. The benefits per hectare uncovered in this study stand at R13.14/ha. The private costs stand at R4.32/ha and a holistic cost, including both private and public expenditure, stands at R177,43/ha. The monetary values, when expressed per hectare, are misleading. This is due to a large standard deviation in the spread of benefits received. The benefits are enjoyed by a small number of the already small sample of respondents. The costs and benefits are not uniformly distributed across regions assessed. All benefits in this study accrue to economic agents in the Free State Province, whilst most of the costs accrued to economic agents in KwaZulu-Natal Province. The benefits appear to be primarily derived from an alien species, Rubus sect. Arguti. Management of the 6 species of invasive Rubus could be optimised by the prioritisation of those regions that incur the highest cost and derive the lowest benefit, in this case KwaZulu-Natal Province. Likewise, those regions with the highest benefits and lowest costs, the Free State Province, could provide sites for increased use and beneficiation of berries from invasive species. Management of individual species may prove difficult, given the similar morphologies, and thus, (i) either specialised training for those engaged in control must be instituted, (ii) all species of alien Rubus should be earmarked for management, or (iii) highly specific biocontrol agents for the most problematic species must be found. ; Thesis (MEcon) -- Faculty of Commerce, Economics and Economic History, 2021