Suchergebnisse

The aim of the study is to present the changes in US merger control policy at different stages of development of competition theories and views on pro- and anti-competitive effects of mergers (especially Harvard, Chicago, and Post-Chicago Schools of Competition). The research methods used in the study include literature review as well as the in-depth analysis of US legislation, antitrust agencies' enforcement policy and federal courts' case-law with focus on changes in the economic analysis of mergers and their impact on market competition. The first part of the study covers the years 1890-1973. Apart from explaining some procedural issues it highlights the early days of merger control policy in the United States with an emphasis on the creation of antitrust legislation and institutional framework for its enforcement. In 1890-1950 the antitrust authorities' approach to mergers was generally friendly as large enterprises were supposed to play an important role contributing to the development and international expansion of the US economy. However, together with a surging increase in concentration in the US market and with the emergence of new competition theories that focused their research on market structure (Harvard School) this approach changed for the very interventionist (1950-1973). At that time the main purpose of merger control policy was to preserve competitors and small businesses rather than to improve consumer welfare, economic efficiencies or to protect competition process.

Soğuk Savaş sonrası uluslararası sistem dış politikada farklı amaçları olan ülkelerin işbirliği yaptıkları takdirde kazançlı çıkabilecekleri bir yapı ortaya çıkardı. Bazı ülkeler bu işbirliği olanaklarını değerlendirirken bazıları bunu hayata geçiremedi. Makalede Hazar bölgesinde yer alan ve enerji zengini olan Türkmenistan ve Azerbaycan ile NATO üyesi bir bölgesel güç olan Türkiye'nin işbirliği ve bunun olası etkileri analiz edilecektir. Türkmenistan, Azerbaycan ve Türkiye'nin enerji alanındaki işbirliğinin yanı sıra her üç ülkenin dışişleri bakanlarının bir araya gelerek bir vizyon ortaya koymaları entegrasyon yerine çatışmanın ön planda olduğu ve bir tarafın kazancının diğer tarafın mutlak kaybı olarak anlaşıldığı bir coğrafyada örnek bir işbirliği modeli oluşturmaktadır. ; The post-Cold War international system generated a structure in which cooperation among countries with different foreign policy objectives would be beneficial. While some countries have managed to take advantage of this, others have not been so successful in doing so. In this article, cooperation among the energy rich Caspian states of Turkmenistan and Azerbaijan and the NATO member and regional power of Turkey, and the possible impact of this cooperation will be analysed. Besides cooperation in the energy field among the three countries, foreign ministers of Turkmenistan, Azerbaijan and Turkey came together with a vision, which constitutes an important cooperation model, particularly, because the region is mainly dominated by conflict rather than integration and relations are conducted within the parameters of a zero-sum game in the region.

В статье анализируются меры советской власти и лично Сталина в первые послевоенные годы по восстановлению идеологического контроля в стране. В условиях холодной войны акцент был сделан на борьбу с антипатриотизмом и «преклонением» перед Западом. Одним из методов пропагандистской работы стали суды чести в министерствах и центральных ведомствах. Был использован опыт дореволюционной России по организации офицерских судов чести. Однако в СССР для усиления воспитательного эффекта объектами критики стали ученые, творческая интеллигенция, военные, руководство страны. Суды чести были созданы в 82 министерствах и ведомствах и стали начальным этапом борьбы с «космополитами» в СССР. Предпосылки, организационные мероприятия и результаты деятельности судов чести — предмет исследования автора данной статьи. The article reviews the measures of the Soviet government and of Stalin personally to restore the ideological control of the country in the early post-war. With the cold war the focus was on the fight against antipatriotism and «adoration» of the West. Among the methods of propaganda were the courts of honor in ministries and central agencies. The experience of pre-revolutionary Russian officers on the organization of courts of honor was employed. However, in the Soviet Union the object for criticism were scientists, intellectuals, military people, leaders of the country. Courts of honor were created in 82 ministries and departments and became the initial stage of the struggle against "cosmopolitanism" in the USSR. Background, organizational activities and performance of the courts of honor are the subject of research of the author.

In the neo-liberal climate of reduced responsibility for the state, alongside global platforms established to implement the Hyogo Framework for Action, a new arena opens for a multitude of stakeholders to engage in disaster risk reduction (DRR). The key role that the state can play in instituting effective DRR tends to receive little attention, yet in situations where the state apparatus is weak, such as in Nepal, it becomes evident that integrating DRR into development is a particularly challenging task. Due to the political situation in Nepal, progress has been stalled in providing a legislative context conducive to effective DRR. This paper traces the evolution of key DRR initiatives that have been developed in spite of the challenging governance context, such as the National Strategy for Disaster Risk Management and the Nepal Risk Reduction Consortium. Informed by in-depth interviews with key informants, the argument is made that the dedicated efforts of national and international non-governmental organisations, multilateral agencies and donors in mainstreaming DRR demonstrate that considerable progress can be made even where government departments are protective of their own interests and are slow to enact policies to support DRR. The paper suggests however, that without stronger engagement of key political actors the prospects for further progress in DRR may be limited. The findings have implications for other post-conflict countries or weak states engaging in DRR.

"Europe's contemporary security architecture owes its origins to the collapse of Cold War bipolarity in the annus mirabilis of 1989. Twenty-five years on, this post-Cold War security architecture is now exhibiting some serious structural weaknesses, as new risks and challenges emerge - both from within Europe and from without. Constructed around the twin pillars of the Euro-Atlantic community - NATO and the European Union - Europe's security architecture is under pressure from a number of underlying secular trends that are transforming the international political system: the US 'tilt' towards Asia; the unresolved question of Russia's relationship to its European neighbourhood ; the continuing upheaval and instability in the 'arc of crisis' to Europe's south and east; and the shifting global balance of power, epitomised by the rise of China and its fellow 'BRICs'. These developments are generating growing concerns that Europe's security architecture has been irreparably weakened, and is no longer fit for purpose. This chapter addresses the contemporary debate on Europe's security architecture, and reflects upon its likely evolution. It begins by defining the concept of 'security architecture' and explaining how and why a regional security architecture is important. It then identifies the central pillars and constituent elements of Europe's security architecture, and considers the primary challenges it faces in the early twenty-first century. Finally, it outlines a number of options for Europe's security architecture and assesses their strengths and weaknesses." (author's abstract)

There has been a gradual national shift toward rehabilitation within the justice system. This has been especially important for veterans who make up only 8% of the total population, but account for 10% of those with criminal records. Recognizing that the traditional justice system is not equipped to handle cases of individuals whose underlying cause of offense is combat trauma, there has been a call to expand the Veterans Treatment Court ("VTC") program as an alternative for offenders who are veterans of the armed forces. This issue has been compounded by over a decade of war in Iraq and Afghanistan, involving more than two million service members. Nearly one in five new veterans is diagnosed with a mental health condition, such as Post Traumatic Stress Disorder ("PTSD") or major depression, while many others suffer from severe combat-related stress. The rates of substance abuse among new veterans continues to rise, especially for younger veterans and those who serve in the National Guard and Reserve components. Research shows that veterans of the current wars who are dealing with PTSD and anger issues are more than twice as likely than veterans of earlier eras to be arrested for a crime with a direct link between learned military skills and the propensity to offend. For example, hyper-vigilance and a quick response necessary for combat can translate into aggressiveness and impulsivity.

Any credible claim to implement an agenda for global development – such as currently discussed in the post-2015 process – will require integrating the broader framework of international cooperation into this effort. A wide, but vague consensus that global framework conditions matter for development has already existed in past development debates. However, good resolutions such as MDG 8 for a global partnership have shown insufficient progress in practice. This paper reviews key aspects of the relationship between international cooperation and development at a conceptual level. Drawing on a distinction between domestic and global public goods as enablers and goals of development, the paper first illustrates the role of international cooperation and its interdependence with domestic action. The framework identifies contact points in the relationship between global and domestic action and goals with the categories of provision, support, access and preservation. The second part of the paper reviews key concepts of patterns of international cooperation that represent the elements of the global governance framework to which a broadening development agenda needs to link up more strongly. Overall, the conceptual review underlines that the question of how international cooperation works has moved to the centre of development studies. Yet, an even bigger challenge than achieving cooperation in the first place might be to steer the complex architecture and processes of international cooperation towards contributing to a global agenda for development.

The aim of the study is to present the changes in US merger control policy at different stages of development of competition theories and views on pro- and anti-competitive effects of mergers (especially Harvard, Chicago, and Post-Chicago Schools of Competition). The research methods used in the study include literature review as well as the in-depth analysis of US legislation, antitrust agencies' enforcement policy and federal courts' case-law with focus on changes in the economic analysis of mergers and their impact on market competition. The first part of the study covers the years 1890-1973. Apart from explaining some procedural issues it highlights the early days of merger control policy in the United States with an emphasis on the creation of antitrust legislation and institutional framework for its enforcement. In 1890-1950 the antitrust authorities' approach to mergers was generally friendly as large enterprises were supposed to play an important role contributing to the development and international expansion of the US economy. However, together with a surging increase in concentration in the US market and with the emergence of new competition theories that focused their research on market structure (Harvard School) this approach changed for the very interventionist (1950-1973). At that time the main purpose of merger control policy was to preserve competitors and small businesses rather than to improve consumer welfare, economic efficiencies or to protect competition process.

Pada tahun 2009 wacana konglomerat media yang terjun dalam dunia politik pernah diangkat oleh The Jakarta Post. Wacana tersebut menjadi perdebatan, antara siapa konglomerat media yang memang punya afiliasi politik, layak atau tidak mereka terjun ke dunia politik. Jelang Pemilu 2014, wacana ini kembali marak. Hary Tanoesodibjo menjadi salah satu tokoh yang menarik untuk diteliti dibandingkan dengan Aburizal Bakrie dan Surya Paloh. Hary Tanoesodibjo (HT) sebagai konglomerat MNC Group, kerajaan media terbesar di Indonesia, menjadi perbincangan setelah mengundurkan diri dari Partai NasDem. SINDO menampilkan berita utama dan mainpicture berjudul "HT All Out Besarkan Hanura" pada 18 Februari 2013 yang merupakan kulminasi dari berita-berita HT di Koran SINDO pasca keluar dari NasDem, serta menandai awal dari karir politik HT di tahun 2013 melalui Partai Hanura. Peneliti ingin menguak bagaimana wacana konglomerat media, Hary Tanoesodibjo, sebagai elite politik dalam berita tersebut. Metode yang digunakan adalah Analisis Wacana Fairclough yang melihat bahasa sebagai praktik kekuasaan, berdasarkan 3 dimensi yakni teks, discourse practice, dan sociocultural practice. Temuan peneliti yang pertama yakni wacana mengenai konglomerat media, HT, diperebutkan oleh parpol karena kekuatan finansial dan medianya. Kedua, HT yang masih terbilang tokoh muda di dunia politik diberi jabatan penting di dalam Hanura sebagai pendongkrak elektabilitas partai. Ketiga, HT cenderung untuk mencari otoritas politik yang lebih dari sekedar Hanura. Terakhir, HT menggunakan perusahaan medianya sebagai sarana politik, termasuk SINDO.

Anti-crisis financial stabilization mechanisms are mainly based on the method of analyzing the financial condition of the organization, enabling it to assess the financial activities only in the dynamics of the past and what was then that led to the insolvent status and do not predict the financial status of the organization in the future. In modern conditions it is necessary to form a model of financial analysis aimed at the development of a dynamic analysis of the financial condition of the organization's past, present and future.In this paper we consider a model of analysis of financial development organization aimed at adequate prediction of the state, taking into account the possibilities and limitations of the legislation on insolvency (bankruptcy), including a system of indicators to provide the financial condition of the debtor in the post-crisis development. ; Антикризисные механизмы финансовой стабилизации в основном основаны на методике анализа финансового состояния организации, позволяющей оценивать ее финансовую деятельность только в динамике прошлых лет и тогдашней деятельности, которая привела к неплатежеспособному состоянию, и не прогнозируют финансовое состояние организации в будущем. В современных условиях необходимо формирование модели анализа финансового развития, направленной на динамический анализ финансового состояния организации в прошлом, настоящем и будущем.В работе рассмотрена модель анализа финансового развития организации, направленная на адекватное прогнозирование ее состояния с учетом возможностей и ограничений законодательства о несостоятельности (банкротстве), включающая систему показателей, позволяющих представить финансовое состояние должника в посткризисном развитии.

The article considers the notion of postsocialism, which brought together many approaches to determine the causes and future development in the former socialist countries. There analyzed the basic central approaches to the conceptualization of the socialist legacy. The causes and course of democratic transit, which took place in the years 1989-1991 in the post-Soviet countries differed greatly from democratization process that took place in Southern Europe and Latin America. Criticism arising from the use of these approaches in the postsocialist region is also considered in this article as well as new attempts conceptualization of democratization in postsocialist regions of Europe. ; Рассматривается понятие постсоциализма, которое объединило много подходов к определению причин и будущих результатов развития бывших социалистических стран. Анализируются основные подходы к концептуализации социалистического наследства. Причины и ход демократического транзита, который проходил в 1989-1991 гг. в постсоветских странах, отличался от процесса демократизации в Южной Европе и Латинской Америке. Рассматривается также критика этих подходов в постсоциалистическом регионе, а также новые попытки концептуализации способов демократизации в этих странах. ; Розглядається поняття постсоціалізму, яке об'єднало багато підходів до визначення причин і майбутніх результатів розвитку колишніх соціалістичних країн. Аналізуються основні підходи до концептуалізації соціалістичного спадку. Причини та перебіг демократичного транзиту, що відбувався у 1989-1991 рр. у пострадянських країнах, відрізнявся від процесу демократизації в Південній Європі та Латинській Америці. Розглядається також критика відносно використання цих підходів у постсоціалістичному регіоні, а також нові спроби концептуалізації способів демократизації у постсоціалістичнихрегіонах Європи.

Статья посвящена 85-летнему юбилею выдающегося российского археолога Анатолия Николаевича Кирпичникова. Кратко рассказывается о его научном пути и ступенях творческого роста от аспиранта до профессора. Отмечаются его выдающиеся заслуги в изучении проблем истории оружия и военного искусства Руси X-XV вв., а также сделанное им важное открытие клейм на клинках мечей, их описание и систематизация. Подчеркивается вклад А.Н. Кирпичникова в разработку проблем истории становления городов и государства на Руси, роль в этих процессах Ладоги и скандинавов. Особо отмечается его вклад в научное обоснование 1000-летия Казани. Выражаются благодарности и наилучшие пожелания от имени казанских учеников и коллег юбиляра. ; Article is dedicated to the 85th anniversary of outstanding Russian archeologist Anatoly Nikolaevich Kirpichnikov. It is a brief report about his scientific way and steps of creative growth from the post-graduate student to the professor. His outstanding merits in studying the problems of the weapon and military art history of X-XV centuries Russia are marked. An important discovery of swords blades' stamps, their description and systematics, are also acknowledged. A.N. Kirpichnikov's contribution to the investigation of historical issues of formation towns and the state in Russia as well as role of the Ladoga and Scandinavians played in these processes is remarkable. His contribution to the scientific proof of Kazan being 1000 years old is especially emphasized. Many thanks and wishes expressed to A.N. Kirpichnikov by his students and colleges from Kazan.

This paper proposes empirical approaches to testing the reliability, validity, and organizational effectiveness of student evaluations of teaching (SET) as a performance measurement instrument in knowledge management at the institutional level of universities. Departing from Weber's concept of bureaucracy and critical responses to this concept, we discuss how contemporary SET are used as an instrument of organizational control at Danish universities. A discussion of the current state of performance measurement within the frame of new public management (NPM) and its impact on knowledge creation and legitimation forms the basis for proposing four steps of investigation. The suggested mixed-methods approach comprises the following: first, thematic analysis can serve as a tool to evaluate the legitimacy discourse as initiated by official SET affirmative documents by government, university, and students. Second, constructs for the SET questionnaire can be developed and compared to existing SET questionnaires in terms of reliability and validity. Third, data from SET can be used to corroborate the relationship between the qualitative (comments) and quantitative (scaled questionnaire) sections. Fourth, it can be investigated if SET actually contribute to teaching improvement by examining how the instrument is integrated into systematic ex-ante and ex-post organizational management. It is expected to find discrepancy between the proponents' intent to evaluate teaching and the way the performance measurement instrument is implemented.

El presente artículo analiza la figura de Vicente de la Fuente y Bueno, teólogo, apologista católico, catedrático, académico y uno de los principales historiadores españoles del siglo XIX, persona de enorme prestigio en los círculos académicos y universitarios de su época. Llegó a ser rector de la Universidad Central y miembro de dos Reales Academias, Historia y Ciencias Morales y Políticas. Fue historiador riguroso que sacó a la luz cientos de documentos para sus variados estudios, investigando en todo tipo de archivos. Sus trabajos se centran fundamentalmente en historia de Aragón e historia religiosa de España, si bien destacó en otra materia, el derecho eclesiástico, y como editor de diversas obras históricas. ; This paper analyses the character of Vicente de la Fuente y Bueno, theologian, Catholic apologist, University professor and academic, one of the leading of 19th century Spanish historians, and a person with a huge prestige within the academic and university environments of his age. He reached the post of Rector at Madrid Central University and was appointed as a member of two Royal Academies, History and Moral and Political Sciences. He was a deep and serious historian, who dug out hundreds of documents for his various works, searching in all kind of archives. His works deal mainly with history of Aragón and Spanish religious history, albeit he also stood out in another matter, Ecclesiastical law, and as the editor of several historical works.

Durante el período post-independiente, la provincia de Buenos Aires atravesó por un experimento republicano autoritario en el que las relaciones entre los sectores dominantes y los subalternos fueron alteradas y redefinidas. La llegada al poder de Juan Manuel de Rosas y los federales significó un incremento de la violencia de estado contra opositores políticos y militares. Por otra parte, la difusión de una economía de mercado creó las bases de relaciones contractualesen una variedad de campos e instituciones. Esto fue así en las relacionesentre amos y sirvientes en la casa, entre los oficiales y los soldados en los regimientos, entre los residentes rurales y los jueces de paz, entre los hacendados y los peones en las estancias. Aunque la coerción no desapareció, el poder para ejercerla encontró límites debido a la expansión de las relaciones de mercado. Para dar cuenta de estos cambios en su complejidad y diversidad, este artículo emplea el concepto de "repertorios de coerción". El concepto puede ser útil para analizar y comparar relaciones de poder en múltiples espacios sociales e institucionales. Además, el artículo plantea el problema de larelación entre coerción y cultura de mercado, sugiriendo que en una situación de escasez de fuerza de trabajo y con las clases subalternas movilizadas militarmente, el contractualismo tendió a penetrar las relaciones de poder, aún aquellas basadas previamente en la coerción.