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After September 11th the discourse of the "clash of civilizations" has played a key role in global issues. Besides, as a consequence of this discourse, Islam has been catalogued as the negation of secular modernity and liberal democracy. In this context, several solutions have been sought in order to fight against global terrorism: either "exporting democracy through war and occupation", on the one hand, or claiming for a "global democratic governance" as the foundation for the coexistence among different cultures and civilizations, on the other. This article follows this last option and presents Turkey as a paradigmatic example of an "alternative modernity" which has experienced, even if with historical difficulties, the coexistence of Islam with democracy and modernity. ; Desde el 11-S el discurso del "choque de civilizaciones" ha jugado un papel importante en la conformación de los asuntos mundiales, y ha llevado a una codificación del islam como negación de la modernidad secular y de la democracia liberal. En este contexto, han sido varias las respuestas a la urgente necesidad de luchar contra el terrorismo: "la exportación de la democracia mediante la guerra y la ocupación", para unos, y el llamamiento a una "gobernanza democrática global" como base para la coexistencia entre diferentes culturas y civilizaciones, para otros. El presente artículo se orienta hacia esta última opción proponiendo el caso de Turquía como ejemplo paradigmático de una "modernidad alternativa" que ha experimentado, aunque no sin dificultades, la coexistencia del islam con la modernidad y la democracia.

opular hostility and official ambivalence in Indonesia to the United States-led 'War on Terror' seem easily understandable in in the world's largest Muslim country. But this kind of analysis misses the complexity of Indonesia and the host of internal differences behind this opposition. Military and bureaucratic elites since independence have worked to create a more secular nationalist Indonesian identity out of a multi-ethnic/religious mix, often provoking religious opposition. This dynamic (found also in Turkey, for instance) has especially shaped Indonesia's encounter with and view of the outside world – and not least its reaction to events affecting the Muslim world. In this study, the author explores Islam as a domestic political variable in Indonesia's foreign policy since independence. Here, Anak Agung Banyu Perwita argues that increasingly Indonesia's foreign policy toward the Muslim world has become based on domestic political struggles. In support of his argument, the author mainly draws on material from the period when President Soeharto's New Order regime ruled Indonesia but brings in more recent material from the post-Soeharto era to demonstate how Indonesian foreign policy is still shaped by the same forces today. Containing a wealth of information on the role of Islam in Indonesia's foreign policy, this book is essential reading for anyone seeking to understand how the world's largest Muslim country is reacting to the international challenges of the modern world.

World War I is an episode that illuminates the long-term change in definitions of women's authority from the nineteenth-century hegemonic concept of female moral authority to a latter-twentieth-century at least partial acceptance of women's professional and official authority on the basis of competence and rights. Historians of women have not examined often how gender has operated in the construction of authority in specific historical contexts, how gendered definitions of authority have changed, or how women have understood authority they have exercised. This article examines particular definitions of authority women adopted in three career fields during World War I: Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA) social workers, women police officers and patrols, and women industrial welfare supervisors. The central narrative focuses on the dramatic war's-end upheaval within the YWCA, which reveals a telling shift toward secularism in social workers' understanding of the mandate for their work. Calls for "modern," young YWCA workers were linked directly to notions that YWCA social work had become a paid career for trained women. Furthermore, for middle-class women seeking to prove their abilities and further their career possibilities, their relationships with working-class women formed an important basis for their self-justification. Studied together, these three expanding careers demonstrate women's blending of older and newer bases for their authority. While YWCA social workers increasingly introduced qualifications and methods of secular professionalism into an evangelical enterprise, women police and welfare supervisors drew upon older, religiously-based definitions of women's special nature to stake their claims in masculinist organizations.

William of Ockham was a Franciscan friar, a theologian and a very singular philosopher. He lived at a time of crisis and during the transition of philosophy and theology. His secularism is manifested in the defense of a radical separation between the religious and secular powers. Assigned to the philosophical current of nominalism, he dealt a severe blow to the metaphysical realism of Aristotle and Thomas Aquinas and he advocated the separation of reason and faith, between philosophy and theology and thus he undermined the ideological foundations of the church of his time. He was accused of heresy because of his nominalism, although he himself condemned Pope John XXII as heretical for his conception of poverty, a concept far removed from evangelical principles and especially from the notion of the Franciscan order. He defended the separation of church and state and he denied the Pope's authority in secular matters. He flatly asserted freedom of conscience and Luther took him as a teacher. ; Guillermo de Ockham fue un fraile franciscano, un teólogo y un filósofo de una enorme singularidad. Vive una época de crisis y de transición de la filosofía y la teología. Su laicismo se manif iesta en la defensa de una radical separación entre el poder religioso y el poder secular. Adscrito a la corriente filosófica del nominalismo, asestó un duro golpe al realismo metafísico de Aristóteles y Tomás de Aquino, propugnó la separación entre razón y fe, entre filosofía y teología y de esta manera minó las bases ideológicas de la iglesia de su tiempo. Fue acusado de hereje por su nominalismo, aunque él mismo condenó al papa Juan XXII como herético por su concepción de la pobreza, una concepción alejada de los principios evangélicos y sobre todo de la concepción de la orden franciscana. Defendió la separación entre iglesia y estado y negó la autoridad del Papa en asuntos seculares. Afirmaba rotundamente la libertad de conciencia y Lutero lo tuvo como maestro.

The article deals with the work of one of the most outstanding representative of modern Muslim reformation but still has not been thoroughly studied in our country, Egyptian sheikh Ali Abdarraziq (1888-1966), the author of a famous book "Islam and the Foundations of Political Power" (1925). He was the fi rst Muslim theologian who evoked the idea of desacralization of caliphate and argumented the statement that Divine Law, in its essence, has nothing to do with the organization of political power.In the first part the personality of Ali Abdarraziq is presented in the historical context, with a focus on a pressing struggle for the restauration of Caliphate abolishedin 1924 due to Kemalist reforms. Against this restauration, namely, Abdarraziq directed his book. Here is analyzed the sharp discussion raised by the book in wide circles of Egyptian society, its critics and court trial organized by the ulemas of al-Azhar.The work of Abdarraziq is to become the most disputable since the times of book-printing in the Arab countries. It infl uenced greatly the following Muslim thought and till now acts a so-called guiding star for the modernists-secularists in all the Islamic world. ; Данная статья посвящена одной из наиболее ярких, но мало изученных в нашей стране фигур современного мусульманского модернизма — египетскому шейху Али Абдарразику (1888–1966), автору книги «Ислам и принципы правления» (1925). Он первым из мусульманских богословов выступил за десакрализацию халифата, обосновав положение о том, что по своей сущности Божественный закон/шариат не имеет отношения к организации политической власти.В первой части статьи освещаются исторические события, послужившие причиной появления на свет книга Абдарразика. Главным образом это движение за реставрацию халифата, которое возникло после его отмены в 1924 г. в Турции в результате кемалистских реформ и против которого, собственно, и была направлена книга богослова. Исследуются дискуссия вокруг книги, ее критика и судебный процесс над автором, организованный улемами ал-Азхара.Сочинению Абдарразика суждено было стать самым дискутируемым со времен книгопечатания в арабских странах. Оно оказало мощное влияние на последующую мусульманскую мысль, выступая в качестве своего рода путеводной звезды для модернистов-секуляристов во всем исламском мире.

Drawing on discourse analyses of 36 in-depth interviews with elite business people from Turkey, the study identifies the networking patterns of new and established business elites in the context of economic liberalization and socioreligious transformation of the country. Through a comparative analysis of the so-called secular and religious elite networks, we demonstrate the role of institutional actors such as the government, and identity networks, based on religion and place of birth in shaping the form and content of social networks among business elites in Turkey. In order to achieve this, we operationalize Bourdieu's notion of theory of practice and Granovetter's theory of social networks, illustrating the utility of combining these approaches in explicating the form and content of social networks in their situated contexts, in which power and divergent interests are negotiated.