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Cummings, S. N.: Preface. - S. 221 Cummings, S. N.: Introduction: 'Revolution' not revolution. - S. 223-228 Marat, E.: March and after: what has changed? What has stayed the same? - S. 229-240 Cummings, S. N.: Situating the 'Tulip Revolution'. - S. 241-252 Juraev, S.: Kyrgyz democracy? The Tulip Revolution and beyond. - S. 253-264 Lewis, D.: The dynamics of regime change: domestic and international factors in the 'Tulip Revolution'. - S. 265-277 Kupatadze, A.: Organized crime before and after the Tulip Revolution: the changing dynamics of upperworld-underworld networks. - S. 279-299 Ryabkov, M.: The north-south cleavage and political support in Kyrgyzstan. - S. 301-316 Temirkoulov, A.: Informal actors and institutions in mobilization: the periphery in the 'Tulip Revolution'. - S. 317-335 Kulov, E.: March 2005: parliamentary elections as a catalyst of prospects. - S. 337-347 Tursunkulova, B.: The power of precedent? - S. 349-362 Ortmann, S.: Diffusion as discourse of danger: Russian self-representations and the framing of the Tulip Revolution. - S. 363-378

Im Juni 2018 trat die Entscheidung der US-amerikanischen Federal Communications Commission (FCC) in Kraft, regulatorische Vorgaben der Obama-Administration zur Netzneutralität aufzuheben. Seitdem ist es Internetanbietern in den USA erlaubt, gegen gesonderte Zahlungen bestimmte Datenflüsse zu bevorzugen. Die Entscheidung hat in den USA und darüber hinaus für viel Aufsehen gesorgt. Vielen gilt das Prinzip der Netzneutralität als einer der Grundpfeiler des Internets, als wesentliche technische Voraussetzung für Meinungsfreiheit und fairen Wettbewerb. Doch ist die Entscheidung der FCC nur Vorbote für sehr viel weitreichendere Debatten, die im Zuge der geplanten Einführung des neuen Mobilfunkstandards 5G (»fifth generation mobile networks«) aufkommen werden. Deutschland sollte seinen Einfluss als Miteigentümer der Deutschen Telekom sowie als Mitglied der International Telecommunication Union nutzen, um das Prinzip der Netzneutralität auch mit Blick auf die Besonderheiten von 5G zu bewahren.

AbstractThe global community still lacks a regime for sovereign debt restructuring. There is increasing concern that international investment agreements may become a 'court' for sovereign workouts. Are international investment agreements the appropriate place for the global community to resolve sovereign debt restructuring in the event of a financial crisis? It has been often overlooked that the definition of a covered investment within international trade and investment agreements often includes sovereign debt. In lieu of this, this article analyses the extent to which investment provisions in various treaties may hinder the ability of nations and private creditors to comprehensively negotiate sovereign debt restructurings when a debtor nation has defaulted or is close to default on its government debt. It is found that the treatment of sovereign debt varies considerably in terms of strength and applicability across the spectrum of now thousands of trade and investment treaties in the world economy. It is also found that most treaties may restrict the ability to restructure debt in the wake of a financial crisis. These findings could undermine the ability of nations to recover from financial crises and could thus broaden the impact of such crises.Policy Implications
 Exclude sovereign debt from IIAs. The exclusion of sovereign debt from 'covered' investments under future treaties would relegate sovereign debt arbitration to national courts and to international financial bodies. Many IIAs already exclude sovereign debt, such as NAFTA and others.
 Clarify that the essential security exceptions cover financial crises and that sovereign debt restructuring taken by host nations is 'self‐judging' and of 'necessity'. Tribunals have recently acknowledged that nations acts to prevent and mitigate crises are acts of 'essential security', but need to make such decisions on their own (hence, 'self‐judging').
 Create safeguards for Sovereign Debt Restructuring (SDR). A handful of recent IIAs have included explicit provisions regarding SDR. While this is a positive development, such provisions may not prove to be fully adequate.
 State‐to‐state dispute resolution for SDR and crisis related instances may be more prudent given that governments need to weigh a host of issues in such circumstances. States attempt to examine the economy wide or public welfare effects of crises whereas individual firms rationally look out for their own bottom line. Investor‐state tips the cost‐benefit upside down, giving power to the 'losers' even when the gains to the winners of an orderly restructuring may far outweigh the costs to the losers.

This book contains some of the papers that were presented at the first meeting of the newly formed African Expert Study Group on International Criminal Law / Groupe des Experts Africaines en Droit Pénal International held in September 2011 in Brussels, Belgium. The group was established under the auspices of the Multinational Development Policy Dialogue (hereinafter 'MDPD') and the Rule of Law programme of the German Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung ('KAS') in 2010 modeled on the successful sister group in Latin America. This latter group was originally founded as an expert group to monitor the implementation of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court ('ICC') in Latin America within the framework of cooperation between KAS' regional Rule of Law Programme and the Department for Foreign and International Law of the Institute for Criminal Law and Criminal Justice of the Georg-August-Universität Göttingen in 2002. The newly formed African group consists of judicial experts with both academic and practical background from various parts of Sub-Saharan Africa. The importance of such a group for the African continent cannot be overestimated. Africa plays a vital role in international criminal law and justice, both as an active player at the ICC and at the regional and national level. As for the group's composition and outreach, the aim is to broaden regional representation and further consolidate membership. In 2012, the group will meet in Nairobi, Kenya to deal with topics surrounding the 'Potential for the domestic prosecution of international crimes in Africa.' Topics for future meetings abound given the multi-faceted African legal and political practice regarding international criminal justice in general and the ICC in particular. The group should in particular monitor the recent international or transnational criminal justice developments at the regional African level as well as relevant national developments. (Excerpt from the introduction by Kai Ambos) - This book contains some of the papers that were presented at the first meeting of the newly formed African Expert Study Group on International Criminal Law / Groupe des Experts Africaines en Droit Pénal International held in September 2011 in Brussels, Belgium. The group was established under the auspices of the Multinational Development Policy Dialogue (hereinafter 'MDPD') and the Rule of Law programme of the German Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung ('KAS') in 2010 modeled on the successful sister group in Latin America. This latter group was originally founded as an expert group to monitor the implementation of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court ('ICC') in Latin America within the framework of cooperation between KAS' regional Rule of Law Programme and the Department for Foreign and International Law of the Institute for Criminal Law and Criminal Justice of the Georg-August-Universität Göttingen in 2002. The newly formed African group consists of judicial experts with both academic and practical background from various parts of Sub-Saharan Africa. The importance of such a group for the African continent cannot be overestimated. Africa plays a vital role in international criminal law and justice, both as an active player at the ICC and at the regional and national level. As for the group's composition and outreach, the aim is to broaden regional representation and further consolidate membership. In 2012, the group will meet in Nairobi, Kenya to deal with topics surrounding the 'Potential for the domestic prosecution of international crimes in Africa.' Topics for future meetings abound given the multi-faceted African legal and political practice regarding international criminal justice in general and the ICC in particular. The group should in particular monitor the recent international or transnational criminal justice developments at the regional African level as well as relevant national developments. (Excerpt from the introduction by Kai Ambos)

On May 12, 2016, the United Nations (UN) Special Rapporteur on the rights of indigenous peoples, Victoria Tauli-Corpuz, and the Columbia Center on Sustainable Investment hosted a one-day workshop on international investment and the rights of indigenous peoples. This outcome document synthesizes the discussions that took place during the May 12 workshop. The workshop was part of a series of consultations undertaken to support the Special Rapporteur's second thematic analysis on the impact of international investment agreements on the rights of indigenous peoples (available here). Held at the Ford Foundation in New York, the workshop brought together 53 academics, practitioners, indigenous representatives, and civil society representatives to explore strategies for strengthening the rights and interests of indigenous peoples in the context of international investment. The workshop provided an opportunity for participants to share their diverse perspectives, experiences, and insights regarding the intersection of international investment and human rights, and to discuss creative and pragmatic approaches to short and long-term reform of both the investment and human rights regimes, with the ultimate goal of ensuring that indigenous rights are respected, protected, and fulfilled. The workshop also built on an earlier report by the Special Rapporteur setting out her concerns regarding the impact of investment and free trade agreements on the human rights of indigenous peoples. That report, which was presented to the 70th session of the UN General Assembly, outlined direct and systemic impacts of investment and free trade agreements on the rights of indigenous peoples, and called for a more thorough review of the implications of these agreements to develop and implement effective options for reform. This outcome document summarizes discussions that took place regarding: the interaction between investment and human rights law; the key challenges facing stakeholders seeking to improve the content of investor-state contracts; and options for strengthening the human rights regime to address the challenges posed by international investment. Workshop discussions on all three topics highlighted the challenges that remain, and the need for further solutions for strengthening the rights of indigenous peoples in the context of international investment.

The term "navigation" in the purely technical sense means no more than the movement of vessels; in this sense the term is used in regulations bearing on the technical conditions for the movement of ships. "Navigation", the freedom of which is established in international treaties, has a quite different meaning. Freedom of communications (including freedom of navigation on rivers) and freedom of commerce had already been conceived as correlative and complementary notions in natural law. Both the earliest and most recent treaties on inland navigation give conclusive evidence that dissociation of these two notions was never contemplated. It is true that freedom of navigation and freedom of commerce are, in principle, concerned with different matters. Navigation understood as the mere movement of vessels, may be exercised for scientific, philanthropic or recreational purposes. However, such movement of vessels for non-commercial purposes was never of such importance as to justify international regulation. Every international agreement in this field has envisaged granting freedom of navigation as an economic activity. Never, in international treaties, has navigation been treated exclusively as movement of vessels in the technical sense, viz. as an activity with an end in itself. On the contrary, for the purpose of international regulation, navigation has constantly been regarded as an economic activity, viz. as the operation of transport services for passengers and, in particular, goods. In other words, the international regulations have always regarded navigation as the exercise of the shipping trade.

Based on extensive archival research, this book provides a new and stimulating history of international relations (IR) as an academic discipline. Contrary to traditional accounts, it argues that IR was not invented by Anglo-American men after the First World War. Nor was it divided into neat theoretical camps. To appreciate the twists and turns of early IR scholarship, the book follows a diverse group of men and women from across Europe and beyond who pioneered the field since 1914. Like architects, they built a set of institutions (university departments, journals, libraries, etc.), but they also designed plans for a new world order (draft treaties, petitions, political commentary, etc.). To achieve these goals, they interacted closely with the League of Nations and its bodies for intellectual cooperation, until the Second World War put an end to their endeavour. Their story raises broader questions about the status of IR well beyond the inter-war period.

A reassessment and discussion of distance education (DE) in the higher education is crucial in a situation when many students over the world have become e-learners and several international exchange programs were suspended. Our study is related to international online collaboration in a sociology course where university students from four countries participated. We created an innovative design for an international online course and successfully ran it for about 15 years. The research addresses what the key factors are in order to make an international distance course a useful practice case, and how these factors contribute to the effectiveness of such a course and the level of students' satisfaction. On the basis of our long-term collaboration, we identified the key factors that stimulated the high level of student involvement in online dialogue and the high level of satisfaction. The article argues that online asynchronous technology and online dialogue in the form of student-led discussions (SLD) organized for regular interaction among students and between students and lecturers are key factors in the course's success. An additional factor is the regular motivation of the students by the teachers in the form of technical and pedagogical support. The model discussed in this article takes into account all these factors. Its effectiveness is confirmed by the students' level of satisfaction with our class and the high level of student engagement. It enables students from different countries to equally communicate online and freely exchange ideas among themselves and with the teachers. Student-oriented teaching methods and the careful design of the course were also significant for success. The article concludes that an asynchronous e-learning university course emphasizing students' regular participation in discussion forums can be a useful model for international collaboration where students from different countries are involved.

En 2006, en Équateur, arrive à la présidence de la République Rafael Correa et son mouvement politique Alianza Pais. Il se présente comme un président de gauche anti-impérialiste, écologiste et protecteur des droits des peuples autochtones. C'est dans ce contexte national bouleversé que ce mémoire propose de s'intéresser à la problématique environnementale selon trois acteurs : la coopération internationale, le mouvement autochtone équatorien et le secteur public équatorien, et ce, à différentes échelles d'analyse. Déconstruire les échelles et les acteurs permet de mettre en lumière les stratégies et les alliances des acteurs, variant selon l'échelle où l'on porte notre regard, mais également de montrer des logiques d'imposition et des rapports de force inégaux présents autour de la question environnementale, devenue prioritaire dans l'arène internationale.