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Pope Pablo IV said in 1971: "It is an error to say that the ecnomy and the ethics are different and strange one to the other". In 2000, Pope Juan Pablo II summoned to on "new and deeper reflection on the economy nature and its purpose". The same claim has arisen from the Canterbury Archbishop, George Carey; from the Directive Council of World Jewish Congress' president, Rabbi Israel Singer, and from outstanding world-wide spiritual personalities. What is the source of this new impulse? What can be expected of it? The work is based on the deep commitment that two of the most influential religions, Judaism and Christianity have towards development. The spiritual values are an essential component of the society's social capital and at the same time an aim in itself in a moment of globalization in which poverty is one of the reasons why 18 million people die prematurely every year. (Cuad CLAEH/GIGA)

Cover -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction: A New Theory of the Sacred -- 1 The Boiled-Over District: Effervescence and Adaptation during the Market Revolution -- 2 The Salvific Power of Affect: Sentimentalism in the Labor Fiction of Rebecca Harding Davis and Elizabeth Stuart Phelps -- 3 The American Fetish: Religious Economics in the Novels of William Dean Howells -- 4 Mistaking "Shadows for Gods": Class and the Christ Novel in the Progressive Era -- 5 "Christianity Incorporated": Sinclair Lewis and the Taylorization of American Protestantism -- 6 ­Gastonia Revisited: Religion, Literature, and the Loray Mill Strike of 1929 -- 7 "The Blackness of God": Race and Religion in the Literature of the Harlem Renaissance -- Works Cited -- Index.

This article aims to discuss the stereotyped view of other religious groups in al-Andalus during the Middle Ages based on literary texts. The study will focus on the image of the Christian and the Jew in the Andalusian culture through these texts, and will analyze how political disagreements, in particular, contributed to the emergence of negative stereotypes about these two groups without being the religious difference responsible for the intolerance or hate that appeared among the three monotheistic religions. The study will also reveal that once the political interest is absent, the vision of the other in religion becomes positive, since al-Andalus as a whole cannot be understood without its religious diversity, which is more important than any other cultural factor. ; El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo discutir la visión estereotipada del otro religioso en al-Ándalus durante la Edad Media basándose en los textos literarios. El estudio se centra en la imagen del cristiano y el judío en la cultura andalusí a través de dichos textos, y analiza cómo los desacuerdos políticos, sobre todo, contribuyeron al surgimiento de estereotipos negativos acerca de estos dos grupos sin que fuera la diferencia religiosa en sí misma la responsable de la intolerancia o el odio surgidos entre las tres religiones monoteístas. El estudio desvela igualmente que, una vez se ausenta el interés político, la visión del otro en religión se vuelve positiva, ya que al-Ándalus en su conjunto no se entiende fuera de su diversidad religiosa, por encima de cualquier otro factor cultural.

Der Autor zeigt empirische Zusammenhänge zwischen demokratischer Regierungsform und kulturell-religiöser Prägung von Staaten auf. Er markiert die Eckpunkte der historischen Entwicklung der Demokratie in christlich geprägten Ländern und argumentiert, dass die wachsende religiöse Pluralisierung in liberalen Demokratien die zentrale neue Herausforderung demokratischer Politik und Gesetzgebung der Gegenwart ist. In der Vergangenheit bestand eine große politisch-kulturelle Herausforderung in der westlichen Welt darin, die Religion, insbesondere die katholische Kirche, mit der Demokratie und dem liberalen Staat zu versöhnen. Heute dagegen besteht die große Herausforderung darin, die in dieser Versöhnung gefundenen Regelungen und die darauf aufbauende Demokratie mit dem neuen religiösen Pluralismus zu vereinbaren. Es sind nach der These des Autors folgende Problemzonen, die auf absehbare Zeit ein neues, religiös gefärbtes Konfliktpotenzial in westlichen Demokratien darstellen: (1) Die Frage der politischen Regulierung der multikulturellen Gesellschaft, insbesondere der an Umfang wachsenden nicht-christlichen Minderheiten; (2) die Frage der Aushandlungsprozesse zwischen Staat (als Vertreter der Mehrheit) und der jeweiligen Minderheiten; (3) die Frage ihrer Bedingtheit durch die dominanten nationalen und religiösen (christlichen) Traditionen sowie ihren institutionellen Regelungen; (4) die Frage des staatlichen und gesellschaftlichen Umgangs mit fremden- und islamfeindlichen Parteien, Bewegungen und ihren Unterstützern in der Gesellschaft. (ICI2)

In commemoration of Constantine's grant of freedom of religion to Christians, this wide-ranging volume examines the ambiguous legacy of this emperor in relation to the present world, discussing the perennial challenges of relations between religions and governments. The authors examine the new global ecumenical movement inspired by Pentecostals, the role of religion in the Irish Easter rebellion against the British, and the relation between religious freedom and government in the United States. Other essays debate the relation of Islam to the violence in Nigeria, the place of the family in church-state relations in the Philippines, the role of confessional identity in the political struggles in the Balkans, and the construction of Slavophile identity in nineteenth-century Russian Orthodox political theology. The volume also investigates the contrast between written constitutions and actual practice in the relations between governments and religions in Australia, Indonesia, and Egypt. The case studies and surveys illuminate both specific contexts and also widespread currents in religion-state relations across the world

From "Centre for Mediterranean Studies", published by the Joint Working Group of the Faculty of Economic and Administrative Sciences of Gazi University & the Faculty of Political Sciences of Ankara University. ; It is a well known fact that religion is one of the substantial and major determinants which shapes or at least influences human behaviour. As an institution religion is something intensely personal but also unavoidably social at the same time. In other words religion is one of the basic socialization institutions or agents that reflects people's patterned social experiences. Therefore religion or religiously patterned human behaviours, which are closely interwoven with other social phenomenas, are the important field of inquiry for social scientists, whether they are sociologists, anthropologists, economists or political scientists. ; N/A

Die gesellschaftliche Stellung der Religion hat sich im 20. Jahrhundert in den Niederlanden einschneidend verändert. Diese Veränderung lässt sich allerdings nicht schlicht wie eine fortschreitende Säkularisierung verstehen. Die Beiträge in diesem Band zeigen, dass religiöse Positionen und die gesellschaftliche Stellung der Religion ständig neu bestimmt werden: Unter Glaubenden und in Glaubensgemeinschaften, in der Zivilgesellschaft und in der Politik. So tritt Religion als Zündstoff hervor: als Inspiration für individuelles Engagement, als Orientierungspunkt für zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen und für die Politik, aber auch als Fokus für Konflikte und Ängste. Religion bleibt in diesen verschiedenen Erscheinungsformen ein ernst zu nehmender Faktor in der niederländischen Zeitgeschichte.

The Mediterranean has long been a space of encounter between different nations, religions, and cultures. The fusion of national and religious identity in the region has added complexity to current debates regarding the recognition and accommodation of religious minorities. In this introduction, we outline recent scholarship on religious nationalism and the governance of religious diversity in the Mediterranean. We draw upon the articles included in this special issue to highlight the distinctive modalities of the religion-national identity link that exist in the region, and the manner in which these modalities have influenced policies of religious accommodation and strategies of political mobilization among religious minorities. In concluding, we draw attention to the need for more studies that help to connect recent analyses of ethno-religious and political transformations in the Mediterranean with the work of historians and social scientists on the historical constitution and evolution of the region as an interconnected space in which core socio-political and cultural dynamics are shaped by cross-border flows, engagements, and exchanges.

Throughout human history, religion and politics have entertained the most intimate of connections as systems of authority regulating individuals and society. While the two have come apart through the process of secularization, secularism is challenged today by the return of public religion. This cogent analysis unravels the nature of the connection, disconnection, and attempted reconnection between religion and politics in the West.In a comparison of Western Europe and North America, Christianity and Islam, Joppke advances far-reaching theoretical, historical, and comparative-political argume

Why do conflicts between states and national movements continue to be "nationalist", concerned almost exclusively with self-determination and control over territory, rather than crusades on behalf of faith? Our basic claim is that the nature of the present international system bolsters the dominant position of nationalists in a given conflict with an opposing political entity, as well as within their own constituency. For this reason, the Palestinian leadership has never entered a power-sharing arrangement with the Islamists, and in Israel, the consociational arrangement with the national religious camp floundered when this internal arrangement threatened Israel's relationship with its key ally, the USA, and jeopardized its standing in the international community. Religion expresses, however, important primordial values, particularly in Palestinian society, and is often a crucial dimension of collective identity. It is only natural, then, that nationalists use religious groups and their symbols as a means in the struggle to achieve their national or state-centered goals.