Search results

Locates the women's movement politically and examines relationships with psychoanalysis, and how feminism changed the French Left after the post-'68 euphoria dissipated. Looks at syndicalist and egalitarian feminism and the Mouvement pour la Liberation de l'avortement et contraception. Addresses means of feminist advance given the new Centrist politics of both the state and the P.S. (SJK)

Dr. Zuhair Hatab, author of this study of 288 largesized pages, holds a doctorate in sociology. In handling his topic, he uses the sociological approach based on objectivity and extensive research . He studies the roots of the Arab family from early pre·islamic days and tries to show that its evolution through the ages has resulted from definite struc'tures developed by society throughout a long march. In other words, "the author places the problems of the family at the center of the socio-historical evolutionary process experienced by the Arab world."

While many accounts have focused on the victims of state repression, this unique volume documents the often contradictory and confusing stories of those who acknowledge having committed some dreadful deeds. Individuals on various sides of the apartheid divide, from state security structures to the ANC, PAC and grassroots, activists, tell their own stories. The central focus is to give an account of the actions of the perpetrators, here depicted as competing protagonists in an arena of violence. It examines the violence forensically, through its public and popular representations, academically and, finally, through the narrative approach, drawing on a rich analysis of stories from different sides. The authors also offer the first critical examination of the TRC's amnesty process, show how media representations of perpetrators inform public perceptions, and scrutinise international scholarly writings on the issue of political violence. Suggestive and intriguing, The Theatre of Violence opens a fresh examination of the erstwhile taken-for-granted understandings and attempts to address a range of questions that are often not considered, and perhaps cannot be considered, in a dispassionate way. It is in many ways an optimistic study, holding out the possibility of a society that can understand and take steps to minimise the perpetration of gross violations of human rights.

AbstractThe ECB's secondary mandate requires it to support broader economic policies by and in the EU. How should the ECB deal with its many, potentially conflicting, objectives? To answer that question, this article combines normative and legal analysis with new archival sources, as well as analysis of ECB speeches and documents. A more important role for its secondary mandate fits well with the new, more political role of the ECB. However, the requirements that the legal text imposes on the ECB are paradoxical. While strictly binding, the secondary mandate is also highly indeterminate, and the ECB lacks the democratic legitimacy and legal competence to develop its own policies for pursuing the secondary objectives. To resolve this paradoxical situation, we propose that the specification of the ECB's secondary objectives should take place via high‐level coordination with the political institutions of the EU.

The importance of the division of labour and the law of comparative advantage to the operation of modern economies are well known, but many of the implications of these phenomena are less widely appreciated. This article examines the implications of the division of labour and the law of comparative advantage for the ownership and exercise of property rights and the creation and distribution of wealth. It is argued that a fuller appreciation of these phenomena leads to the conclusion that restraints on trade and redistributory measures infringe private property rights and reduce wealth.

<b><i>Introduction:</i></b> The growth of global sequencing initiatives and commercial genomic test offerings suggests the public will increasingly be confronted with decisions about sequencing. Understanding public attitudes can assist efforts to integrate sequencing into care and inform the development of public education and outreach strategies. <b><i>Methods:</i></b> A 48-item online survey was advertised on Facebook in Eastern Canada and hosted on SurveyMonkey in late 2018. The survey measured public interest in whole genome sequencing and attitudes toward various aspects of sequencing using vignettes, scaled, and open-ended items. <b><i>Results:</i></b> While interest in sequencing was high, critical attitudes were observed. In particular, items measuring features of patient control and choice regarding genomic data were strongly endorsed by respondents. Majority wanted to specify upfront how their data could be used, retain the ability to withdraw their sample at a later date, sign a written consent form, and speak to a genetic counselor prior to sequencing. Concerns about privacy and unauthorized access to data were frequently observed. Education level was the sociodemographic variable most often related to attitude statements such that those with higher levels of education generally displayed more critical attitudes. <b><i>Conclusions:</i></b> Attitudes identified here could be used to inform the development of implementation strategies for genomic medicine. Findings suggest health systems must address patient concerns about privacy, consent practices, and the strong desire to control what happens to their genomic data through public outreach and education. Specific oversight procedures and policies that are clearly communicated to the public will be required.

Globalization has a dual effect on the world financial system, contributing to its development and simultaneous occurrence of potential threats to financial security of states. Despite their rapid escalation to the real ones, most countries in the world do not perceive these threats as serious. Enhancement of the latter necessitates studying the problems of providing for the budget safety under conditions of world globalization, redefining directions when forming effective budgetary system in terms of secure development, strengthening the fiscal security of state. It is necessary to explore in detail the drivers that influence the level of budget safety and its interrelations with other components of economic security. The aim of present work is to examine relationships of budget safety taking into account effect of the process of financial globalization and to assess its level by the principles of retrospective analysis. We proposed our own interpretation of the concept of budget safety as the level of capability of a budgetary system to ensure solvency and financial stability of the state, effective use of budget funds taking into account strategic development priorities of budgetary relations and potential capability to resist and predict the threats of internal and external origin. Results of analysis of economic security indicate the highest rate of decline in financial security in 2015 by 14.1 percentage points to the level of 36.7 % among all the components of economic security. It was established that this situation is due to a decrease in revenues from basic budget-forming taxes with strengthening fiscal pressure on the economy, a sharp devaluation of the national currency, a significant growth of the state and the state-guaranteed debt with increased risk of default, illiquidity and insolvency of financial institutions, shrinking resource base of banks, problems with their capitalization. This determined critical and close to critical state of almost all the components of financial security. We ...

In 2016 the democratic world experienced two major shocks. Although support for illiberal nationalism has been on the rise for at least a decade, the events of that year, starting with the narrow victory of the Leave campaign in the United Kingdom's 23 June referendum on its membership in the European Union (EU), followed less than six months later by Donald J. Trump's election as president of the United States on 8 November, constituted a clear break. In contrast to the postwar liberal democratic order, which legitimized itself through the provision of welfare benefits and effective management of competing interests, these two developments seemingly signaled a return to the more rough-and-tumble, unstable politics of the interwar period.

Traditionally, city classification studies have been considered descriptive. Empirical results have typically not been applied to explain or predict other urban characteristics. This pattern was reversed in the 1980s by the application of the results of two well-known classification studies as independent variables in a regression analysis. However, in performing statistical inference, it was implicitly assumed that the classifications provide measures of unobservable theoretical constructs. In this paper, it is argued that knowledge of a classification's validity is required prior to performing such inference. An example of a construct validation is provided by proposing that the physical and spatial characteristics of urban areas may in part be described by four independent dimensions and an attempt is made to operationalise and validate appropriate measures.

This research aims to examine primordialism and voting behavior of Malay ethnic during the 2005-2015 Riau Islands governor election (Pemilihan Gubernur or Pilgub). The political phenomenon in Riau Islands seems to be different from other areas where other Malays dominate since non-Malay ethnic candidates won the governor election. This research used a qualitative method with a descriptive technique. The data were collected using in-depth interviews and direct observation. Informants were selected using a purposive sampling technique. The result found that people of Malay ethnic are open-minded. The candidates elected also can prove qualified personal and successfully leading the Malay ethnic people in moving ahead. Non-Malay ethnic won the Riau Islands (known as Kepri (Kepulauan Riau)) governor election determined by 1) The political identity of Malay ethnic people is open-minded, coexisting Islamic identity, speaking Malay language, practicing Malay culture, and committing to build and develop Malay ethnic people, so the candidates identified as part of Malay ethnic people and considered by the Malay ethnic people as a candidate for leader of the Malay people in a broadening sense; 2) the figure of candidates can socialize with people of Malay ethnic; 3) other minority ethnics and political parties supported the candidates. Native Malay candidates were failed due to the lack of contribution to the people of Malay ethnic in particular and the Riau Islands in general. ; Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui primordialisme dan perilaku memilih etnis Melayu pada Pemilihan Gubernur (Pilgub) Kepulauan Riau 2005-2015. Fenomena politik di Kepulauan Riau tampak berbeda dengan daerah lain yang didominasi etnis Melayu sejak kandidat dari etnis non-Melayu memenangkan pemilihan gubernur. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan teknik deskriptif. Pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan wawancara mendalam dan observasi langsung. Informan dipilih dengan menggunakan teknik purposive sampling. Hasil penelitian menemukan bahwa masyarakat etnis melayu berpikiran terbuka. Kandidat yang terpilih juga dapat membuktikan personal yang berkualitas dan berhasil memimpin etnis melayu untuk maju. Etnis non-Melayu memenangkan Pemilihan Gubernur Kepulauan Riau (Kepri) ditentukan oleh 1) Politik indentitas masyarakat etnis melayu adalah berpikiran terbuka, berdampingan dengan identitas Islam, berbicara bahasa Melayu, mengamalkan budaya Melayu, dan berkomitmen untuk membangun dan mengembangkan masyarakat Melayu, sehingga kandidat teridentifikasi sebagai bagian dari etnik Melayu dan dianggap oleh masyarakat Melayu sebagai kandidat pemimpin masyarakat Melayu dalam arti yang luas; 2) figur kandidat mampu bersosialisasi dengan masyarakat etnis Melayu; 3) etnis minoritas lainnya dan partai politik mendukung kandidat. Kandidat dari etnis Melayu gagal karena minimnya kontribusinya kepada masyarakat Melayu pada khususnya dan Kepulauan Riau pada umumnya.