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Challenges of deploying wind farms on land are often associated with the notion of local acceptance. For developers, however, the socio-material practicalities of identifying appropriate sites and gaining access to land for building large wind farms has become an increasingly challenging endeavour. This paper illustrates how the commodification of wind energy cannot happen without the assetisation of land. Dis-assembling the valuation processes around the entangled wind-and-land assemblage, the paper casts a critical light on how calculative devices have helped to make land and wind into discrete, marketable, assets, accelerating a "landrush" for access to scarce land. The landrush, in turn, has co-produced opaque and clandestine developer practices of acquiring access to privately-owned land to secure a viable investment. The paper argues that these developer practices result in an erosion of the participatory merits of planning and marginalise the role of local host communities, while elevating the significance of private landowners. Based on an assemblage lens founded in Science & Technology Studies (STS) and interviews conducted with a variety of stakeholders in Denmark, the paper concludes by discussing the implications of narrowed public participation in the entangled wind-land assemblage for energy justice. We argue for further inquiries into the assetisation of land for renewables and the associated "sterilisation" of resources in this process, while pointing to the potential for cross-fertilising critical perspectives from human geography with analytical tools from STS for future research.

By the promulgation of Regional Government Law (no. 23/2014), there has been a shift in the institutional design of the Regional House of Representatives (DPRD in Bahasa Indonesia), especially in the aspects of the legislative function and its authority, and there is an affirmation of the understanding of the DPRD as an element of regional government administration. In this context, the House of Representatives (DPR in Bahasa Indonesia) and the President deliberately combine the two types of power functions, the legislative and the executive, into one institution called the DPRD in the local government system in Indonesia. Shifting of institutional design above indicates that Regional Government Law is principally no longer categorizes the DPRD as a legislative agency, but rather as an executive institution playing a role in supervising the implementation of Regional Government. Based on this Regulation, the theoretical interpretation of DPRD's existence is interpreted as an executive institution running the legislative function.

This paper examines the effect of the anti-corruption campaign on the investment behavior of Chinese politically connected firms between 2007and 2016. The results indicate that the campaign impacts on the investment expenditures and investment efficiency of Chinese listed firms. Compared with the pre-campaign period, all types of politically connected firms experience an obvious reduction in investment expenditures and SOEs controlled by local governments and Non-SOEs face enhanced investment efficiency after the campaign. Further analysis shows that it is mainly due to the mitigation of underinvestment for SOEs controlled by local governments and the alleviation of both over-investment and underinvestment for Non-SOEs.

В статье рассмотрены когнитивно-дискурсивные практики построения и восприятия креолизованного текста политической рекламы.

The town meeting.--The federal union.--"Manifest destiny." ; Mode of access: Internet.

Preface.--The town meeting.--The federal union.--"Manifest destiny." ; Mode of access: Internet.

C. S. Lewis claimed that he was a democrat because he believed in the fall of man. He went on to suggest that it was not that some men did not deserve to be slaves, but that none deserved to be masters. While not exactly the sort of uplifting proclamation that many partisans of democracy would hope to rally their followers around, it does provide those among us who are persuaded that human beings are limited in their capacities to reject vice and sin with an avenue and persuasive rationale to join their ranks. It is with this sort of view in mind that H. Lee Cheek, Jr.'s provocative and cogently argued book on the political thought of John C. Calhoun ought to be read.

The Syrian war has played a major role in current international political affairs since 2011. What started as a peaceful revolution soon turned into a civil war: the escalation of violence, the rise of the death toll and the displacement of millions of people within and outside the country triggered the intervention of external state and non-state actors. Given their significant contribution to decision-making and policymaking in Syria, this dissertation aims to investigate how the involvement of the United States, Russia, Iran and Turkey impacted the developments of the Syrian war. Based on the core principles and theoretical tools of realism, neorealism and neoclassical realism and on the different perceptions of security in the defensive and offensive realism(s), we aim to explore how the interests and goals of each state can particularly explain their participation and contribution to the complexification of the Syrian war between 2011 and 2018. We conclude that the development of the events in the Syrian civil war triggered the involvement of each state, which, in turn, made a possible resolution of the conflict increasingly more difficult due to the distinct interests and goals of each state's political agenda. ; A Guerra na Síria é, desde 2011, um dos assuntos mais prementes da atualidade. A rápida transformação de uma revolução pacífica numa guerra civil traduziu-se numa situação de violência cada vez mais acentuada, conduzindo a um elevado número de mortes e milhões de deslocados tanto dentro como para fora do país, motivando a intervenção de forças externas, quer de Estados quer de atores não-estatais. Dado o significativo contributo dos Estados Unidos da América, da Rússia, do Irão e da Turquia em matéria de formulação e decisão política, esta dissertação visa analisar de que maneira a participação destes atores estatais influenciou o desenrolar dos acontecimentos no conflito. Com base nos princípios teóricos propostos pelo realismo, neorrealismo, realismo neoclássico e pelo realismo defensivo e ofensivo, enquanto modelos de análise que se distinguem na avaliação de perceções de segurança, visamos explorar o impacto dos interesses e objetivos de cada Estado na complexificação da guerra entre 2011 e 2018. Concluimos que o desenvolvimento dos acontecimentos na guerra civil síria motivou o diferente envolvimento de cada um dos Estados indicados, e que ao apresentarem uma agenda política com interesses e objetivos distintos, tais atores apenas tornaram uma possível resolução do conflito ainda mais difícil de ser alcançada.

Based on an overview of the ways in which politics and the political have been thought in critical discourse analysis (CDA), the author calls for a focus on the metapolitical dimension of discourse. The author develops his notion of metapolitics on the basis of post-foundational insights into politics, the political and processes of (de-) politicization. Metapolitics refers to projects and struggles where conflicting modes and models of politics clash. Metapolitical debates potentially reshape the structure of the public realm as well as the entities, borders and processes that constitute it. The author differentiates his descriptive and analytic use of the term from the way this signifier has been used programmatically by the anti-democratic New Right and its heirs. He demonstrates that metapolitical projects can be democratic as well as anti-democratic. In order to facilitate discourse analyses of metapolitical projects, debates and struggles, the author suggests that the metapolitical dimension of contemporary debates can be explored further by integrating insights from governmentality studies, studies of political rationality and the discourse theoretical logics approach with CDA. Moreover, a further exploration of the linguistic and textual underpinnings of metapolitics constitutes a promising pathway for future investigation. The study of metapolitics should be part and parcel of the transdisciplinary domain of critical discourse studies so that our understanding of the linguistic and non-linguistic features of metapolitical projects can be developed in equal measure at multiple levels of abstraction. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

In the article, the authors consider the important influence of the mass media (mass media) on the formation of public opinion in those countries where fundamental changes occur in the context of integration processes. Therefore, the problem of media influence on the formation of public opinion can be successfully analyzed on the example of the Visegrad countries that have recently been at the center of the integration processes, which have become members of the European Union and NATO. This problem is especially relevant for Ukraine, as the foreign policy course of the state, determined in the direction of the European and Euro-Atlantic integration. ; У статті автори розглядають важливий вплив засобівмасової інформації (ЗМІ) на формування громадської думки в тихкраїнах, де відбуваються фундаментальні зміни в контекстіінтеграційних процесів. Проблему впливу ЗМІ на формуваннягромадської думки розкрито на прикладі країн Вишеградськоїчетвірки, які не так давно були в центрі інтеграційних процесів,внаслідок яких стали членами Європейського Союзу та НАТО.Особливо актуальною ця проблема є для України, оскількизовнішньополітичний курс держави визначено саме за напрямомєвропейської та євроатлантичної інтеграції.

BACKGROUND: Parental nurturing expressed through love and affection is a broad concept that entails caring for children and their activities, encouraging them and praising their achievements. Lack of love and affection makes children more susceptible to psychological problems such as stress, anxiety and depression across their life time. This study aims to evaluate parental nurturing and associated social, economic, and political factors among Palestinian children living in the West Bank (WB). METHODS: Secondary data representative of the Palestinian children living in the WB was used to estimate parental nurturing for children aged 0–12 years as reported by their mothers. Univariate and bivariate analyses were conducted, followed by multivariate analysis for all predictors found significant in the bivariate analysis using SPSS® version 20. RESULTS: 19.90% (231/1162) of children experienced low levels of parental nurturing. No statistically significant differences were detected by the child's gender. Children with high levels of parental nurturing were those aged 0–6 years, children who were last in the family index, children with no disability, children exposed to low to medium levels of disciplinary methods, children from urban areas, children living in North WB, and children whose families were not subjected to political violence. CONCLUSIONS: Overall, Palestinian mothers reported high levels of parental nurturing towards their children. However, about one-fifth of Palestinian children are at risk of experiencing low levels of parental nurturing. Efforts should be placed in addressing the health and welfare needs of these high-risk children's groups.