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This study investigated the third-person effect of pornography on the Internet. The study was conducted in Singapore, a conservative nation that looks askance at sexuality in media. Congruent with the third-person effect, respondents judged pornographic material on the Internet to have a greater impact on others than on themselves. This "perceptual bias" predicted support for censorship. In addition to general tests of the third-person effects of perceptual and behavioral components, the study also examined factors that may enhance or mitigate the third-person effect. Findings revealed evidence for a perceived social distance corollary with children to be more influenced by pornography. The perceived greater effect on children, however, did not increase the likelihood of support for censorship on children. This finding supports McLeod, Eveland, and Nathanson's assertion that perceived likelihood of exposure to content may affect third-person perception.

Citizen participation is essential for democracies to be viable, sustainable and healthy. But it is necessary to establish the appropriate channels for exercising it; and we can not fail to consider the fact that people live in an increasingly interconnected society, where the mass media are a key social resource and can play an important role in fostering critical thinking and active citizenship (Livingstone, 2004; Buckingham, 2007). We understand that to achieve this, from the field of civic education, digital spaces should be considered as privileged spaces for participation. In this paper we show the initiatives undertaken by the «Civic Parliament» project to provide online teaching materials to the teachers so they can raise in their students certain social virtues. The challenges in this order are diverse, we could highlight two: to promote participatory awareness in students, and to combine the technical, pedagogical and ethical-civic aspects of media use (Gonzálvez, 2012)./n ; La participación es esencial para que las democracias sean viables, sostenibles y saludables. Pero es preciso establecer los cauces para ejercerla. No se puede obviar el hecho de que vivimos en una sociedad cada vez más interconectada, en la que los mass media son un recurso social fundamental y pueden contribuir al fomento del sentido crítico y de la ciudadanía activa (Livingstone, 2004; Buckingham, 2007). Entendemos que para lograrlo, desde el ámbito de la educación cívica, se deberían considerar los espacios digitales como espacios privilegiados de participación. En este trabajo mostramos las iniciativas llevadas a cabo desde el proyecto «Parlamento Cívico» para proporcionar al profesorado material didáctico online para poder inculcar en sus alumnos determinadas virtudes sociales. Los retos que se plantean en este orden son diversos, podríamos destacar dos: acertar a suscitar conciencia participativa y compaginar los aspectos técnicos, pedagógicos y los ético-cívicos del uso de los medios (Gonzálvez, 2012). ; La participation citoyenne est essentielle pour que les démocraties soient viables, durables et saines. Mais il est indispensable d'établir de bonnes façons de l'éxercer; et on ne peut pas négliger le fait qu'en tant que citoyens, nous vivons dans une société de plus en plus interconnectée, dans laquelle les médias de masse sont une ressource sociale fondamentale et peuvent jouer un rôle important dans le développement du sens critique et de la citoyenneté active (Livingstone, 2004; Buckingham, 2007). Nous comprenons que pour y parvenir, du point de vue de l'éducation civique, il faudrait considérer les espaces numériques comme des médias privilégiés de participation. Dans ce travail, nous montrons les initiatives menées à bien à partir du projet «Parlement Civique» pour fournir aux professeurs du matériel didactique en version on line afin qu'ils puissent inculquer certaines vertus sociales à leurs élèves. Les défis envisagés dans cet ordre sont divers, nous pourrions en distinguer deux: réussir à susciter une prise de conscience participative chez les élèves et allier les aspects techniques, pédagogiques et les aspects éthico-civiques de l'utilisation des médias (González, 2012).

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Introduction -- 1. Negative Campaigning is Effective -- 2. Despite the Bluster, Negative Campaign Ads Ineffective -- 3. Negative Campaigning Undermines American Democracy -- 4. Negative Campaigning is Essential to Winning Elections -- 5. Political Mudslinging: does it Work? -- 6. Fact-Checking Does not Stop Negative Campaigning -- 7. Social Media Does not Act as a Check on Negative Campaigning -- 8. The Citizens United Decision will Increase Negative Political Ads -- 9. Why Citizens United Has Nothing to Do with What Ails American Politics -- 10. Super PACs Spur Negative Political Advertising and Distort American Politics -- 11. Super PACs Benefit Politics and do not Lead to Nastier Campaigns -- Organizations to Contact -- Bibliography -- Index -- Back Cover

In 2004 female candidates won a relatively large proportion of Slovenian MEP seats due to effective institutional engineering and despite the: a)persistent dominating political culture (unfavourable to women in politics);b)predominant party-centric electoral system and election campaign; and c) further marginalisation of female candidates compared to male candidates in the printed media during the party-centric election campaign. Research findings support the thesis found in political party literature asserting political parties adapt to new electoral rules without radically changing how they function and without them struggling to change the dominant political culture and media reporting that is unfriendly to gender equality.

In politischen Diskursen auf Microblogs stehen einzelne Beiträge zunächst einmal für sich. Erst die Kontextualisierung einer Äußerung ermöglicht adäquate Schlussprozesse. Hashtags erfüllen hierbei eine wesentliche Funktion: In Twitter können sie als Kontextualisierungshinweise verwendet werden, um Wörter zu markieren und Zusammenhänge herzustellen. Hashtags bieten den NutzerInnen von Microblogs die Möglichkeit, Diskurse zu verfolgen, an ihnen teilzunehmen, sie zu gestalten, sie umzudeuten, neue Diskurse zu kreieren, aber auch sie zu ignorieren oder sie zu umgehen. In der politischen Twitterkommunikation erhalten Wörter durch Hashtags ein neues Gewicht: Diskurse werden über sie identifiziert und strukturiert und erst durch sie ist es möglich, thematische Kohärenz, Sequentialität, Intertextualität und damit Diskursivität zu erzeugen.
Die Beispiele aus der Twitterpraxis zeigen, dass die Veränderung der Akteurskonstellationen weitgehende Folgen für die öffentliche Kommunikation haben kann. Nicht nur die professionell Beteiligten wie JournalistInnen und PolitikerInnen, sondern auch interessierte BürgerInnen können an Diskursen teilnehmen und diese aktiv gestalten. Öffentliche Wörter, wie im beschriebenen Fall das Hashtag "#aufschrei", machen den Diskurs zugänglich und sichtbar zugleich. Darüber hinaus symbolisieren sie das Diskursthema – hier: Alltagssexismus – und ermöglichen einen gesellschaftlichen Diskurs über massenmediale Themensetzungen hinaus. Interessanterweise nehmen Massenmedien diese Diskurse wiederum auf, so dass Twitter sowohl ein Medium ist, in dem Anschlusskommunikation zu diskutierten Themen einer massenmedialen Öffentlichkeit betrieben wird, als auch ein eigenständiges Diskursmedium, dessen Agenda seinerseits von den Traditionsmedien aufgriffen wird.

Talking White Trashdocuments the complex and interwoven relationship between mediated representations and lived experiences of white working-class people--a task inspired by the author's experiences growing up in a white working-class family and neighborhood and how she came to understand herself through watching films and television shows. The increasing presence of white working-class people in media, particularly within the genre of reality television, and their role in fueling the unprecedented rise of Donald Trump, has made this population a central subject of U.S. cultural discourse. Rather than relying solely on analyses of mediated portrayals, Dunn makes use of personal narratives, interviews, focus groups, textual analysis, and critical autoethnography to specifically analyze how popular media articulates certain ideas about white working-class people, and how those who identify as members of this population, including herself, negotiate such articulations. Dunn's work provides alternative stories that are rarely, if ever, found in popular media--stories that feature the varied reactions and lived experiences of white working-class people; stories that talk to, talk with, and talk back to mediated representations and dominant cultural ideas; stories that illuminate the multidimensionality of a population that is often portrayed in one-dimensional ways; stories that move inside and outside the white working-class to better understand their role within, and influence upon, U.S. culture.

A radical process of standardization of tourist destinations around the globe, particularly in urban contexts, has been described by numerous scholars during the last decades. Indeed, the reinvention of many cities as tourist destinations has made evident 'an odd paradox: whereas the appeal of tourism is the opportunity to see something different, cities that are remade to attract tourists seem more and more alike'. In such a context, both scholars and practitioners point to abstract elements such as images, identities, flairs, and experiences, as the main elements defining destinations' profiles. The American historian Catherine Cocks argued that the attribution of a 'personality' to the city was a key aspect in the transformation of American cities into tourist destinations. Urban personalities made the city easily available, readable and intelligible, transformed it into a salable commodity, and offered a compelling reason to visit it and to come back. Similarly, contemporary European cities can be seen as bearers of specific local urban identities that remain relatively fixed even when information, stereotypes and attributes may prove to be inaccurate or simply false. Wolfgang Kaschuba has in this sense described the production of urban identities as a cultural technique that is predominantly performed in certain societal spaces such as literature, tourism, mass media, pop culture, and history marketing. This article focuses on one of such spaces, tourism, and explores how tourist communication transforms Berlin into a distinct and unique destination. It asks how the city is enacted by tourism as a singular and bounded entity, to which multiple orderings of identity are attributed.

This article examines the unfolding re-institutionalisation of audience measurement as the streaming culture reshapes the television industry in China. Following a brief introduction of the institutionalisation of the ratings culture, I examine how streaming platforms are reconfiguring audience measurement by tracing how various metrics are defined, used and valued by different platforms, in different contexts and across time. The analysis reveals continuing and new forms of informalities despite signs of convergence towards the use of algorithmic metrics, which are closely connected to streaming service providers' self-serving interest in a multi-sided market. Next, I discuss how the disruption of the state's near-monopoly in audience measurement in the traditional television industry breaks the regulatory inertia. I explain the dual-approach to institutional intervention by the state – the regulation of metric commodities through mandated calibration, and the launch of an official system as market alternative and policy instrument. I argue that the state intervention – through governance of and with algorithms – constitutes adaptive cultural governance serving 'mass' audience construction, and the regulation doubles up as a market response to serve the state's intention to reclaim power in and over the market.

Tez (Yüksek Lisans) -- İstanbul Ticaret Üniversitesi Kaynakça var. ; Bugün sosyal medya denilen bu mecralar kullanımın kolaylığı, maliyetinin düşüklüğü, erişimde sağladığı hız ve geribildirim avantajı, karşılıklı iletişimi desteklemesi gibi özellikleriyle birçok saha tarafından en çok tercih edilen iletişim vasıtası haline gelmiştir. Sosyal medyanın toplumsal yaşamda giderek önem kazanması sivil toplum örgütleri bünyesinde de daha fazla öneme sahip olmaya başlamıştır. Sivil toplum örgütleri sosyal medya mecralarını stratejik iletişim amaçlı kullanmakta, sosyal medya aracılığıyla örgütün siyasal, sosyal faaliyetlerini, kültürel etkinliklerini hedef kitlelere sunabilmekte ve kitlelerle kolayca iletişim kurabilmektedir. Bu çalışma sivil toplum örgütü ve sosyal medyanın kavramsal çerçevesinden yola çıkarak sivil toplum örgütlerinin kurumsal hedef çerçevesinde sosyal medyayı, özellikle Facebook'u nasıl kullandığını belirlemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Bu amaçla 2004 yılında Almanya'da kurulan uluslararası sivil toplum örgütü olan World Uyghur Congress' in Facebook sayfası örnek olay incelemesi olarak ele alınmıştır. Çalışma sırasında örgütün hedef kitleleri ile karşılıklı iletişim kurmak için Facebook'u stratejik iletişim kapsamında kullandığı, Facebook sayfası ile kurumsal kimlik oluşturmaya özen gösterdiği, yaptığı paylaşımlarında insan haklarına yönelik içeriklere öncelik verdiği ve Facebook sayfası üzerinden hedef kitleyi bilgilendirici paylaşımlar yapmaktadır varsayımları sınanmıştır. Varsayımlar doğrultusunda World Uyghur Congress'in Facebook sayfasında yer alan içerikler nitel ve nicel içerik analizi tekniğiyle incelenmiştir. Yapılan çalışma sonucu ilk varsayımı geçersiz kılmakla beraber diğer üç varsayımı doğrulamıştır. ; These media, which are called social media, have become the most preferred communication tool by many fields with their features such as ease of use, low cost, speed and feedback advantage they provide, and support mutual communication. The increasing importance of social media in social life has also become more important within nongovernmental organizations. Non-governmental organizations use social media channels for strategic communication, can present the political, social activities and cultural activities of the organization to the target audiences through social media and easily communicate with the masses. This study aims to determine how non-governmental organizations use social media, especially Facebook, within the framework of corporate goal, based on the conceptual framework of non-governmental organization and social media. For this purpose, the Facebook page of the World Uyghur Congress, an international non-governmental organization founded in Germany in 2004, was handled as a case study. During the study, the assumptions have been tested that the organization uses Facebook in the context of strategic communication to establish mutual communication with its target audiences, pays attention to creating a corporate identity with its Facebook page, prioritizes the content regarding human rights in its posts, and informs the target audience through its Facebook page. In line with the assumptions, the contents of the World Uyghur Congress's Facebook page were analyzed with the qualitative and quantitative content analysis technique. As a result of the study, it overrides the first assumption, but confirmed the other three assumptions. ; İÇİNDEKİLER ÖZET . İ ABSTRACT . İİİ İÇİNDEKİLER . iv TABLOLAR LİSTESİ . vii ŞEKİLLER LİSTESİ . viii KISALTMALAR LİSTESİ . ix GİRİŞ . 1 I. SİVİL TOPLUM VE SİVİL TOPLUM ÖRGÜTLERİ . 3 1.2. Sivil Toplum Kavramı . 3 1.2. Sivil Toplumun Tarihsel Gelişimi . 5 1.2.1. Sanayi Devrimi Öncesi Sivil Toplum . 6 1.2.2. Sanayileşme Döneminde Sivil Toplum . 7 1.2.3. Sanayi Devrimi Sorası Sivil Toplum . 8 1.3. Sivil Toplumun Modern İçeriği . 10 1.4. Sivil Toplum Aktörleri . 11 1.5. Sivil Toplumun Özellikleri . 12 1.6. Sivil Toplum Örgütleri . 13 1.7. STÖ'lerin Sınıflandırılmaları . 14 1.7.1. Ekonomik Alanda STÖ'ler . 15 1.7.2. Siyasal Alanda STÖ'ler . 15 1.7.3. Kültürel Alanda STÖ'ler . 16 1.7.4. Dinî Alanda STÖ'ler . 16 1.8. STÖ'lerin Yapısal Özelliklerine Göre Sınıflandırılması . 17 1.8.1. Uluslararsı STÖ'ler . 17 1.8.2. Ulusal STÖ'ler . 18 1.8.3. Yerel STÖ'ler . 18 1.8.4. Yabancı STÖ'ler . 18 1.9. STÖ'lerin Özellikleri . 18 v 1.10. STÖ'lerin İşlevleri . 20 1.10.1. Uluslararası Düzeydeki İşlevleri . 20 1.10.2. Ulusal Düzeydeki İşlevleri . 21 1.11. Küresellşme Sürecinde Sivil Toplum . 22 1.11.1. Sivil Toplum ve Devlet . 22 1.11.2. Sivil Toplum ve Demokrasi . 25 II. SOSYAL MEDYA . 27 2.1. Sosyal Medya Kavramı . 27 2.1.1. Web 2,0 ve Sosyal Medya . 28 2.2. Sosyal Medyanın Özellikleri . 30 2.3. Sosyal Medyanın Geleneksel Medyadan Farkı . 31 2.4. Sosyal Medyanın Etkileri . 32 2.4.1. Sosyal Medyanın Bireyler Üzerindeki Etkisi . 32 2.4.2. Sosyal Medyanın Toplum Üzerindeki Etkisi . 34 2.4.3. Sosyal Medyanın Siyaset Üzerindeki Etkisi . 35 2.5. Sosyal Medyanın Türleri . 36 2.6. Sosyal Medya Platformlarından Bazı Örnekler . 37 2.6.1. Sosyal Ağlar . 37 2.6.1.1. Facebook . 38 2.6.1.2. Myspace . 39 2.6.1.3. LinkedIn . 39 2.6.1.4. QQ . 39 2.6.1.5. Wechat . 40 2.6.2. Bloglar . 40 2.6.2.1. WordPress . 41 2.6.2.2. Blogger . 42 2.6.3. Mikro Bloglar . 42 2.6.3.1. Twitter . 42 2.6.3.2. Weibo . 43 2.6.4. İçerik Paylaşım Siteleri: Flickr ve Youtube . 43 2.6.4.1. Flickr . 43 2.6.4.2. Youtube . 44 2.7. Türkiye'de Sivil Toplum Örgütlerinin Sosyal Medya Kullanımı Hakkında Yapılan Çalışmalar . 45 III. SİVİL TOPLUM ÖRGÜTLERİNİN SOSYAL MEDYA KULLANIMI: WORLD UYGHUR CONGRESS FACEBOOK SAYFASI ÖRNEĞİNİN İÇERİKSEL ANALİZİ . 49 3.1. Sosyal Medya ve STÖ'ler . 49 vi 3.2. Sosyal Medya ve Kurumsal İletişim . 52 3.3. Araştırmanın Amacı . 55 3.4. Araştırmanın Önemi . 55 3.5. Araştırmanın Varsayımları . 56 3.6. Araştırmanın Kapsamı . 56 3.7. Araştırmanın Yöntemi . 56 3.8. Bulgular ve Değerlendirme . 57 3.8.1. WUC'nin Facebook Sayfasında Yer Alan İçeriksel ve Biçimsel Bilgiler . 58 3.8.2. WUC'nin Facebook Sayfasında Yer Alan Konuların Dağılımı . 63 3.8.3. WUC'nin Facebook Sayfasında Yapılan Gönderilerin Gündemle İlişkisi . 66 3.8.4. WUC'nin Facebook Sayfasında Değindiği Konular ile Resmi İnternet Sitesinde Yer Alan Konu Başlıkları Uyumlu Mudur? . 68 SONUÇ VE ÖNERİLER . 70 KAYNAKÇA . 74

From the "thunderous denunciations" of mass culture by the Frankfurt School to the ambivalence of Habermas towards mass media, it has been argued that we have moved from culture-debating to culture-consuming publics (Peters, 1993). We have abandoned the coffee house in favour of grumpy cats and lulz. Furthermore, our societal damnation has only been reaffirmed and deepened by a move towards a form of cognitive capitalism. Berardi (2011) and Marazzi (1994), in their respective work on the politics of the language economy, have suggested that cognitive capitalism has given life to a new form of crisis; the crisis of capital today is not merely economic, it also a crisis of the social imagination, and language and discourse is political. It can be enclosed by capital. However, to stop our analysis there is not only pessimistic but also fails to see the emancipatory potential within language and our media systems. Although language and discourse can be enclosed by capital, I would argue it can never fully be co-opted. While media, especially the online sphere, are full of obfuscating pomp and trolling harangues, there remains a potential critical spark in the culture and poetry of everyday language. Echoing Stuart Hall, it is the extent to which popular culture and technology are sites of contestation and the degree to which they can be mobilized to destabilize systems of domination that they matter: "Otherwise, to tell you the truth, I don't give a damn about it" (Hall, 1998). This paper will investigate the critical spark that language and popular culture can offer in an era of cognitive-capitalism—and who knows, maybe we'll have a few lulz along the way.

En croisant plusieurs textes sur le montage et la juxtaposition d'images hétérogènes de l'essayiste et théoricien des médias allemand Hans Magnus Enzensberger, cet article met à jour un lien d'ordre esthétique entre divers dispositifs médiatiques passés et contemporains. L'identification de ce lien permet d'affranchir la critique théorique du paradigme évolutionniste de l'échec et du progrès (technologique et politique), pour l'ouvrir à un ensemble d'éclairages réciproques et non linéaires. Dans ce cadre, l'usage des textes d'Enzensberger dépasse, lui aussi, toute forme de périodisation. En faisant dialoguer son « Jeu de construction pour une théorie des médias » (1970), plusieurs essais rassemblés dans Médiocrité et folie (1988), ainsi que son récent entretien autobiographique Erinnerungen an einen Tumult (2014), ce texte montre comment la critique de l'auteur allemand, certes constamment redynamisée par l'apparition de « nouveaux » objets (presse tabloïd, vidéo portable, télévision, internet, smartphones), nous invite à dépasser tout déterminisme technologique pour penser en un même geste le potentiel politique des premiers groupes de vidéo engagée et des plateformes dominant internet aujourd'hui. ; By interrelating several texts on the editing and juxtaposition of heterogeneous images by the German essayist and media theorist Hans Magnus Enzensberger, this article brings up to date an aesthetic link between various past and contemporary media devices. The identification of this link makes it possible to free theoretical critique of the evolutionary paradigm of failure and progress (technological and political), opening it up to a set of reciprocal and non-linear insights. In this context, the use of Enzensberger texts also goes beyond any form of periodisation. By engaging a dialogue with his "Jeu de construction pour une théorie des medias" / Constituents of a Theory of the Media (1970), several essays gathered in Médiocrité et folie / Mediocrity and Madness (1988), as well as his recent autobiographical interview Erinnerungen an einen Tumult (2014), this text shows how criticism by the German writer, while constantly revitalised by the emergence of "new" objects (tabloid press, mobile video, television, Internet, smartphones), invites us to overcome any technological determinism to simultaneously consider the political potential of the first activist video groups and platforms dominating the Internet today. ; Peer reviewed

La democracia es una moda discursiva y una débil práctica cultural en América Latina. Hemos creado una democracia a "nuestro gusto y estilo" o tal vez al capricho de los líderes mediáticos y misionales que hemos tenido. En este ensayo se problematiza la democracia que venimos siendo en América Latina desde las perspectiva de los populismos y los poderes de los medios de comunicación. Este mapa de la situación democrático-mediática documenta cómo los medios de comunicación son actores que luchan por el control del espacio público para beneficio de un proyecto político específico. A modo de conclusión, se presenta una propuesta de reinvención de los medios y de la democracia, delineando posibles caminos hacia lo que podríamos denominar "criterios político-mediáticos de calidad democrática" y "principios político-mediáticos de gobernabilidad democrática". ; Democracy is a mode of discourse and cultural practice weak in Latin America. We have created a democracy with "our style and taste" or maybe a caprice of the mediatic and missionary leaders we have had. This essay problematizes the kind of democracy that we been in Latin America from the perspective of populism and media´s power. This map of the democratic state media documents how the mass media fight for the control of the public space for the benefit a specific political project. As a conclusion, it presents a proposal for a reinvention of media and democracy, delineating possible ways towards what we might name "political-media criteria of democratic quality" and "political-media beginning of gobernabilidad democratic". ; Facultad de Periodismo y Comunicación Social

The role of the Internet and the foundation of a virtual picture of the world, and its influence has been described. The problems associated with the phenomenon of virtual communication have been looked out. The notions of virtuality and virtual reality have been explained. Specific influence of modern technologies on the structure of communication, which sets a new level and type of interaction have been observed. Socio-cultural transformations of the modern society and its communication has been observed. It was pointed out that the increasing attention is paid to the components of the pragmatic situation that affect the formation of different types of text, the author's intention and the communicative-pragmatic effect. Media information is activity carried out by the subjects of mass communication, and motivated by a specific goal, depending on which it acquires pragmatic meaning. The role of media linguistics is an integral part of general linguistics has been distinguished. Language manipulation is used in especially actively in the virtual campaigns, ideological propaganda, print and television media. Linguists take interest in the phenomenon of manipulation is due to the fact, that its influence is carried out by means of a natural language. Contemporary understanding of the word manipulation has been given. The role of extralinguistic factors in manipulation has been stressed. The role of stereotypes in political speech and advertisements has been shown. The peculiarities of gender stereotyping have been analyzed. Some techniques of manipulation were distinguished. The role of emotional factor has been underlined. The steps for further research have been advised. ; У статті було описано роль Інтернету та його впливу на фундаментальну віртуальну картину світу. Виявлено проблеми, пов'язані з явищем віртуального спілкування. Пояснено поняття віртуальності та віртуальної реальності. Спостерігається специфічний вплив сучасних технологій на структуру спілкування, яка задає новий рівень та тип взаємодії. Розглянуто соціокультурні трансформації сучасного суспільства та особливості медійного спілкування. Було зазначено, що все більше уваги приділяється компонентам прагматичної ситуації, які впливають на формування різних типів тексту, авторський задум та комунікативно-прагматичну сферу спілкування. Інформація в ЗМІ – це діяльність, що здійснюється суб'єктами масової комунікації та мотивована конкретною метою, залежно від якої вона набуває прагматичного значення. Виділено роль медіалінгвістики як складової частини загальної лінгвістики. Маніпуляції з використання мови особливо активно використовуються у виборчих кампаніях, ідеологічній пропаганді, друкованих та телевізійних ЗМІ. Мовознавці цікавляться явищем маніпуляції завдяки тому, що її вплив може бути здійснено за допомогою природної мови. Дано сучасне розуміння слова маніпуляція. Наголошено на ролі екстралінгвістичних факторів у маніпуляціях. Показано роль стереотипів у політичній промові та рекламі. Проаналізовано особливості гендерних стереотипів. Виділено деякі прийоми маніпуляцій. Підкреслено роль емоційного фактора у маніпулюванні. Рекомендовано кроки для подальших досліджень.

The exercise of freedom of expression has been subject to criticisim during the latest years in latinamerica. These critics have been promoted by the so called 21st century socialist governments of the region and is mainly founded on the predominance of private economic interests inside the legitimate defense of a human right. In this sense, an ambibalence between the importance of freedom of expression and the finnancial interests of large mass media enterprises will be analyzed in the present paper. Moreover, we will adress the new challenges of this human right facing new structures of censorship that, currently, does not necessarily comes from the State. ; En los últimos años, se han acentuado las críticas al ejercicio de la libertad de expresión. Esto ha ocurrido especialmente en Latinoamérica con el surgimiento de los denominados regímenes políticos del socialismo del siglo XXI. En este artículo se trata la ambivalencia entre la importancia de la libertad de expresión como derecho humano -reconocido en los distintos instrumentos internacionales- y la prevalencia de grandes grupos económicos concentradores de medios de comunicación. A la luz de este análisis, se abordarán los retos de la libertad de expresión, en particular el concepto de censura previa estructural.

"At the turn of the twenty-first century, American media abound with images and narratives of bodily transformations. Transforming Bodies investigates how these representations have become key sites for the negotiation of power. Focusing on the representations of 'extreme' forms of somatic transformations, particularly cosmetic surgery, this book examines iconic popular cultural texts from diverse media and genres. The reality TV show The Swan, the TV drama series Nip/Tuck, Chuck Palaniuk's (post- )postmodern novels Invisible Monsters and Invisible Monsters Remix, and Scott Westerfeld's young adult fiction series Uglies are read as expressions of the heterogeneous biopolitical discourses that are articulated in the American mediascape. In contemporary American culture, representations of body transformations are often part of a makeover paradigm that presents bodies as 'beautiful, ' 'individual' and 'improved' if they adhere to normative constructions of gender, sexuality, class, race/ethnicity, and able-bodiedness. However, Transforming Bodies demonstrates that a number of popular cultural texts take up narrative structures, representational strategies and ideological underpinnings of makeover culture in order to re-write them. These texts link makeovers to images, practices and narratives of monstrosity and thereby challenge cultural norms. At the crossroads of American, cultural, literary, media, gender, queer, disability and governmentality studies, the book presents a timely intervention into critical debates on body transformations and contemporary makeover culture"--