In this article the author aims at analysing the evolution of Mozambican journalism, since 1990 (when the new Constitution was approved) until today. The key hypothesis is that Mozambican journalism has been strictly related to Mozambican democracy, and that in 1999-2000 there has been important facts which have determined the option for different avenues from the side of private and public press. After giving a short framework on the political situation in Mozambique, the article focuses its attention on the legal basis of Mozambican media freedom, stressing the limitations that, till today, it continues to register.
This article aims at verifying the way in which the Mozambican press covered the environmental risk caused by the activity of the multinational Mozal (Mozambique Aluminium). This company worked without filters, for 137 days, between 2010 and 2011, emitting polluting gases directly into the air ("Bypass"). The investigation intends to understand how the two main Mozambican daily newspapers, "Notícias" and "O País", approached this issue. The methodology used has been quantitative (i.e. the number of articles edited and the sources used) as well as qualitative (i.e. content analysis, with the help of conceptual semantic maps) in nature. The theoretical basis of the research was the Social Amplification of Risk Framework (SARF). The investigation showed that the coverage, instead of clarifying the real environmental risks arising from the Bypass, was used for political leverage either in favour of or against the decisions of the Government. ; Este artículo tiene como objetivo examinar el modo en que la prensa de Mozambique ha hecho cubrimiento del riesgo ambiental causado por la actividad de la multinacional Mozal (Mozambique aluminio). Esta empresa trabajó sin filtros, por 137 días, entre 2010 y 2011, emitiendo gases contaminantes directamente al aire ("Bypass"). La investigación tuvo como fin dar a conocer la aproximación que los dos diarios principales de Mozambique, "Notícias" y "O País", tuvieron en torno a este tema. Se utilizó la metodología cuantitativa (el número de artículos editados y las fuentes utilizadas), así como la cualitativa (análisis de contenido, con la ayuda de mapas conceptuales y semánticos). La base teórica de la investigación fue la Amplificación Social del Marco de Riesgo (SARF).La investigación determina, que el cubrimiento por parte de la prensa, en lugar de aclarar el tema del riesgo ambiental derivado por la actividad de la multinacional, se utiliza más bien, como palanca política, ya sea a favor o en contra de las decisiones del Gobierno.
O artigo pretende verificar o tipo de cobertura feito pela imprensa moçambicana relativamente ao risco ambiental derivante da actividade da multinacional Mozal (Mozambique Alluminium). Esta empresa trabalhou sem filtros, durante 137 dias, entre 2010 e 2011, emitindo para o ar de forma directa os seus gases poluentes ("Bypass). A pesquisa visa perceber como os dois diários moçambicanos de maior difusão, "Notícias" e "O País", abordaram tal questão. As técnicas usadas foram quantitativas (números de artigos publicados e das fontes usadas) e qualitativas (análise do conteúdo, com o auxílio de mapas semântico-conceituais), usando a teoria da Amplificação Social do Risco (SARF) A investigação mostrou que a cobertura foi orientada não tanto para esclarecer o efectivo risco ambiental derivante do Bypass junto às populações locais, quanto como alavanca polémica de tipo político, em favor ou contra as decisões tomadas pelo Governo. ; This article aims at verifying the way in which the Mozambican press covered the environmental risk caused by the activity of the multinational Mozal (Mozambique Aluminium). This company worked without filters, for 137 days, between 2010 and 2011, emitting polluting gases directly into the air ("Bypass"). The investigation intends to understand how the two main Mozambican daily newspapers, "Notícias" and "O País", approached this issue. The methodology used has been quantitative (i.e. the number of articles edited and the sources used) as well as qualitative (i.e. content analysis, with the help of conceptual semantic maps) in nature. The theoretical basis of the research was the Social Amplification of Risk Framework (SARF). The investigation showed that the coverage, instead of clarifying the real environmental risks arising from the Bypass, was used for political leverage either in favour of or against the decisions of the Government.
This article aims at verifying the way in which the Mozambican press covered the environmental risk caused by the activity of the multinational Mozal (Mozambique Aluminium). This company worked without filters, for 137 days, between 2010 and 2011, emitting polluting gases directly into the air ("Bypass"). The investigation intends to understand how the two main Mozambican daily newspapers, "Notícias" and "O País", approached this issue. The methodology used has been quantitative (i.e. the number of articles edited and the sources used) as well as qualitative (i.e. content analysis, with the help of conceptual semantic maps) in nature. The theoretical basis of the research was the Social Amplification of Risk Framework (SARF). The investigation showed that the coverage, instead of clarifying the real environmental risks arising from the Bypass, was used for political leverage either in favour of or against the decisions of the Government. ; This article aims at verifying the way in which the Mozambican press covered the environmental risk caused by the activity of the multinational Mozal (Mozambique Aluminium). This company worked without filters, for 137 days, between 2010 and 2011, emitting polluting gases directly into the air ("Bypass"). The investigation intends to understand how the two main Mozambican daily newspapers, "Notícias" and "O País", approached this issue. The methodology used has been quantitative (i.e. the number of articles edited and the sources used) as well as qualitative (i.e. content analysis, with the help of conceptual semantic maps) in nature. The theoretical basis of the research was the Social Amplification of Risk Framework (SARF). The investigation showed that the coverage, instead of clarifying the real environmental risks arising from the Bypass, was used for political leverage either in favour of or against the decisions of the Government.
Political risk is a concept traditionally related, on the one hand, to the rational calculation of risk in economic activities and, on the other, to a particular historical moment in which it has taken on the characteristics of an autonomous research field. Risk calculation and the management of lucrative activities have illustrious precedents. At the beginning of the 20th century, Max Weber pointed out the necessity to forecast all the possible risks that come from non-economic factors (such as bureaucracy, uncertainty of law and administrative procedures, and so on) before carrying out an economic investment leading to profit (Weber, 1968). However, the actual starting point of a science, related to the management of political risk, dates back to the 1960s (Sottilotta, 2013). The historical context in which this shift occurred can be found in the Cold War and the decolonization era.
Political risk is a concept traditionally related, on the one hand, to the rational calculation of risk in economic activities and, on the other, to a particular historical moment in which it has taken on the characteristics of an autonomous research field. Risk calculation and the management of lucrative activities have illustrious precedents. At the beginning of the 20th century, Max Weber pointed out the necessity to forecast all the possible risks that come from non-economic factors (such as bureaucracy, uncertainty of law and administrative procedures, and so on) before carrying out an economic investment leading to profit (Weber, 1968). However, the actual starting point of a science, related to the management of political risk, dates back to the 1960s (Sottilotta, 2013). The historical context in which this shift occurred can be found in the Cold War and the decolonization era.
This article aims to analyze the way in which Environmental Risk is managed and communicated to local people in an African context. In particular, the article considers the experience of one of the largest multinationals that operates in Mozambique: Mozal (Mozambique Aluminum). In 2010, it decided to make a "bypass" at its two Fume Treatment Centres. For six months, Mozal had been authorized to discharge emissions into the air without any filters, possibly damaging human health. The article seeks to understand how the various parties involved, institutional or otherwise, acted in order to prevent, manage and communicate this risk. The study is developed at two levels: firstly, the debate on risk communication in the Mozambican context; secondly, the same debate but at international level. As a conclusion, it is possible to argue that the weak and formal model of democracy present in Mozambique did not make it possible to obtain guarantees that have been considered serious and significant at international level. ; Este artigo pretende analisar o modo em que o Risco Ambiental é gerido e comunicado às populações locais num contexto africano. De forma mais específica, o artigo considera a experiência de uma das maiores multinacionais que operam em Moçambique: a Mozal (Mozambique Aluminum). Em 2010, a Mozal decidiu levar a cabo um "bypass" aos seus dois Centros de Tratamento de Fumos. A Mozal tinha conseguido uma autorização para lançar as suas emissões no ar sem filtros durante seis meses, com a séria possibilidade de prejudicar a saúde humana. O artigo procura perceber como os vários intervenientes envolvidos, quer institucionais, quer não, atuaram para prevenir, gerir e comunicar este risco. A pesquisa desenvolve-se de acordo com dois níveis de análise: primeiro, o debate sobre a comunicação do risco no contexto moçambicano; segundo, o mesmo debate mas ao nível internacional. Como conclusão, é possível deduzir que o modelo fraco e formal de democracia presente em Moçambique tem tornado impossível obter garantias que, pelo contrário, têm sido consideradas sérias e significativas no cenário internacional.
The political situation in Mozambique is agitated. At sunrise on April 4, a group of about 200 members of Renamo (National Resistance of Moçambique, the main opposition party) organized a meeting in Muxunguè (Chibabava, Province of Sofala). The FIR (Police of Rapid Intervention) then entered the meeting room in order to disperse the people. It seems that a woman died. As a reaction, in the night of the same day, a Renamo group attacked the Police Headquarters. Five people died and 11 were injured.
Este artigo visa analisar como a música italiana contemporânea tem representado a África e os Africanos no períodoPós-Segunda Guerra Mundial. Numa primeira fase, a músicaitaliana negligenciou por completo a África nas suas canções,provavelmente por causa do seu passado inglório coloniale fascista. Depois de algumas canções "leves" que, ao longodos anos Sessenta, representaram os Africanos numa maneirafolclórica, alguns compositores comprometidos propuseramuma imagem diferente da África: primeiro, como um mundo longínquo, desejável e "nostálgico", e depois denunciandoas condições dos imigrados na Itália, sobretudo de origemafricana. Finalmente, um ponto de vista mais interno emergegraças a jovens rappers Ítalo-Africanos (assim como Ítalo-Asiáticos), capazes de "inverter" a perspetiva com que a músicaitaliana tinha olhado até então para África. O artigo serviu-sede uma metodologia qualitativa, baseada na análise de conteúdo das canções e usando algumas entrevistas dos cantorespresentes na esfera pública.
Assim como em muitos outros países, em Moçambique também o rap foi introduzido como fruto de importação dos Estados Unidos, por volta dos anos 1980, para depois tornar-se género musical com conteúdos originais e com impacto considerável junto, sobretudo, às camadas juvenis urbanizadas. A partir de 2002-2003, o rap moçambicano assumiu duas tendências claramente distintas, uma – minoritária em termos de artistas que a praticam, mas de maior significado artístico e social – comprometida e que conseguiu desenvolver uma contundente crítica política; a outra, mais virada para assuntos comerciais e de fácil fruição. Mediante uma reconstrução histórica baseada, essencialmente, em fontes orais e, uma segunda parte, centrada em entrevistas e na análise do discurso de algumas canções de rappers moçambicanos engajados, o artigo aqui apresentado pretende analisar como é que este género musical se difundiu na cidade de Maputo e quais as suas tendências atuais. Como base teórica para sustentar este estudo foi escolhida a teoria da indústria cultural de Adorno, complementada pela reinterpretação de Peterson e Berger, associada às formas de controlo que regimes a democracia limitada, tais como o moçambicano, exercem na liberdade de expressão, inclusivamente na esfera artística.
Islamic terrorism has been a serious threat for Eastern and Southern Africa since the 1990s. Many of these African countries have developed different forms of struggle against Islamic terrorism, from a military intervention to social policies, in order to improve the general socio-economic conditions for society as a whole. In Mozambique, no specific measure was adopted to cope the diffusion of terrorism, leaving that radicalized forms of Islamism spread in particular in Cabo Delgado, a Northern Province bordering with Tanzania. Research aimed at approaching Islamic terrorism in Cabo Delgado according to the strategy of risk prevention and risk management by Mozambican State. This study demonstrates that during the second term of Guebuza as a Chief of State, Mozambique had to face three different, potential threats. Nevertheless, Mozambican government identified two of these threats as a priority (namely Somali piracy in Mozambique Channel and Renamo´s action), neglecting possible Islamic terrorist attacks in Cabo Delgado Province. This study demonstrates – using privileged witnesses as well as open sources available in the public sphere - that this choice was typical of a fragile and authoritarian State. Firstly, it was not based on an objective risk analysis, but on political as well as on patrimonial interests of political elite, and secondly local civil society could not oppose any resistance. This choice allowed radical Islamic groups to grow undisturbed in Cabo Delgado, until carrying out violent attacks from October 2017, which Mozambican government seems unable to counter until today. Keywords: Cabo Delgado Province, Mozambican State, religious extremism, risk prevention.
Multinational corporations and international business practices as well as international investment are considered important elements for the diffusion of new modes of production, namely through a flow of cleaner production and new management practices such as corporate social responsibility (CSR). This view is lacking consistency and is not buttressed on strong empirical evidence. The positive driver of environmental sustainability is probably not international business and trade but strong and good institutions. The focus here is on four limitations: the context of the private firms and corporations, the workings of complex organizations, the technology and the right institutions that buttress the global, national and local contexts, taking as concrete examples some specific cases from the Global South, as Mozambique. The article concludes that these aspects have to be considered and contrasted to the technological and management solutions for sustainability. Keywords: corporate social responsibility, local communities, technology institutions.
This article analyses how SADC (Southern Africa Development Community) faced the threat of Islamic terrorism in one of its member states, Mozambique, since October 2017. This research is focused on the SADC strategy for counter-terrorism, having as its main perspective the military intervention, in a permanent dialogue with the political level of decision. The difficulties in organizing the military intervention in Mozambique by SADC demonstrated a lack of "Sadcnesses" or a common spirit and vision within this organization. In addition, the presence of many other international players on the field runs the risks of turning the conflict into an international clash between the West, led by the United States, and Islamic radicalism, in Mozambique present with Al-Shabaab and ISIS. The results of the SAMIM (SADC Mission in Mozambique) operation have not been satisfactory, and Mozambican people continue to be threatened by the incursions of well-armed and trained terrorist groups. This study used a qualitative approach based on a bibliographical as well as documental analysis of SADC documents and declarations. A comparative perspective with other African cases of a significant presence of terroristic groups helped the authors to better understand the jihadist attacks in Mozambique as well as the merely military approach to fight them.
