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This analysis challenges the consensus that, in post-war Italy the Catholic party [Democrazia Cristiana (Dc)], actively supported by the Catholic Church, fostered a process of vote nationalization. The paper, drawing upon a more fine-grained level of analysis, different statistical measures, and within and across regional models, provides a more nuanced interpretation. According to our analysis, although the Dc effectively acted as a homogenizing agent until the late 1970s, after that decade the processes of modernization and secularization fostered the decline of religious-based politics, and of the Dc itself. Such decline opened the way for the re-emergence of a territorial cleavage and a consequent dis-homogenization of Italian electoral politics. The paper demonstrated that the impact of modernization and secularization on the vote for the Catholic party is more significant considering the five Italy's geo-political areas rather than the country as a whole. Moreover, the divergent path in the five areas testifies the re-emergence of territory in the Italian electoral behaviour. Territorial heterogeneity, modernization, and secularization were central to the collapse of the Dc.

Although Thomas More's description of the Utopians' 'Epicurean' position in philosophy nominally coincides with Erasmus's defence of the Philosophia Christi, More shows no concern for the arguments Erasmus gave in support of this view. Taking its starting point from Erasmus's depreciations of the body and More's intellectual as well as physical preoccupations with the bodily sphere, this article presents the theme of the human body and its moral and religious significance as a test case for comparing Erasmus and More. The treatises both men wrote on Christ's suffering in the Garden of Gethsemane confirm that both authors dealt with the notion of the body in contrasting ways: Erasmus shows a tendency to address the moral-psychological question of mentally conquering the worldly self, whilst More highlights the way in which ordinary facts and physical things may carry spiritual and religious meaning. Paradoxically, Erasmus consistently applied his spiritualized ideal of man to this-worldly moral and social concerns, whereas More focused on the physical domain out of a religious interest in transcendent truths. In line with Giulia Sissa's thesis, our hypothesis is that More ostensibly appropriated an Erasmian type of idealism in Utopia, but, contrary to Erasmus himself, focused on the exterior form of a virtuous society, rather than on its moral and spiritual preconditions. While Erasmus advocated a mental transformation towards reason, More's Utopia envisioned what might come of this.

L'école française se montre régulièrement démunie face à des enfants et des adolescents dont les discours viennent heurter les principes de la laïcité et de la citoyenneté. Face à ces phénomènes, les acteurs de l'école font l'hypothèse que les élèves ont changé, ont perdu leurs repères, sont déstructurés, et que l'école, passive devant ce phénomène, n'a plus qu'à tenter de gérer cette difficulté dont elle est une simple victime. Pourtant, selon nous, l'école n'est pas victime d'une disparition du sujet qui vient empêcher le fonctionnement de l'institution : elle est responsable de processus de désinstitutionnalisation qui empêchent l'émergence du sujet. Nous proposons ici de penser l'articulation entre promotion de la culture, institution du sujet et travail de la citoyenneté et de la laïcité, en nous appuyant sur la description d'un dispositif pédagogique innovant, fondé notamment sur le recours aux grands récits.

The essay examines the narratives Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) promulgated to explain its role in the mass killings of Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI) members in 1965�66. Drawing on interviews and documents, the authors describe the history of antagonism between the NU and PKI and the role NU members played in the killings. It also shows how the organization perceived and articulated Indonesian communists as a threat to the Muslim community and to Islam itself. In the second half of the article, the authors reflect on how the NU and individuals within the NU have dealt with the legacy of 1965 over the last ten years.

The essay examines the narratives Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) promulgated to explain its role in the mass killings of Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI) members in 1965�66. Drawing on interviews and documents, the authors describe the history of antagonism between the NU and PKI and the role NU members played in the killings. It also shows how the organization perceived and articulated Indonesian communists as a threat to the Muslim community and to Islam itself. In the second half of the article, the authors reflect on how the NU and individuals within the NU have dealt with the legacy of 1965 over the last ten years.