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If the Hungarian government wants an amicable relationship with the U.S. they should not press their attack on civil governments further. Whatever stance the American president may take on this, there will be a pressure on him too to provide a continuity in the traditional American commitment to civil rights.

The recent course of events suggests an upswing in the diplomatic equation shared between China and Japan. The frosty relationship seems to be experiencing 'new warmth' after a hiatus of tensions over historical issues and territorial dispute in the East China Sea. The ongoing reciprocity can be gauged from the change in their respective attitude towards the other. Most significantly, the sign of progress was witnessed at the 40 minutes long meeting between Chinese President Xi Jinping and Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe on the sidelines of the G20 Summit at Hamburg, Germany. This marked the first one-on-one meeting between the two leaders amidst growing tensions in the East China Sea, after an interregnum since a brief meeting on the sidelines of the 2016 APEC Summit. Thereby, the Xi-Abe meeting at G20 is not just symbolic but also significant.

In June 2016, the British people voted to exit the European Union—a momentous choice that took the political establishment by almost complete surprise, and which continues to reverberate through British politics. For a brief moment during April-May 2017, it seemed as though Prime Minister Theresa May's decision to call a snap election over the issue of Brexit might offer an opportunity for the country to rally around a common vision of what future relations with the EU should look like. Yet the unexpected result of that election was to strip May's Conservative party of its parliamentary majority, thus enfeebling the government and calling into question its ability to handle contentious negotiations with the EU. In short, Brexit has thrown Britain's domestic politics into a state of turmoil and—as of now, at least—there is precious little indication that the tumult and uncertainty will lessen in the months and years to come.

Earlier this month, King Salman bin Abdulaziz al-Saud became the first Saudi monarch to visit the Sultanate of Brunei Darussalam, spending one day in this Southeast Asian Muslim-majority country 20 years after his first visit as the then-governor of Riyadh. As part of his three-week Asia tour, King Salman went to Brunei as well as China, Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia and the Maldives, with the expressed intention to boost the kingdom's investment, commercial, security and cultural relations with Asian states, including four Muslim-majority nations. Although his visit to the monarchy in Borneo was brief, it was significant for several reasons.

When Iranian President Hassan Rouhani was elected in 2013, the first head of state to meet with him was from the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). Oman's Sultan Qaboos saw a new leader in Rouhani, one whose policies would undoubtedly diverge from his hardline predecessor, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. For many Iranians, Rouhani symbolized progress and reform in Iran, a view that even GCC leaders like Qaboos shared. Mending relations with Iran's Gulf neighbors continues to be a top priority for Rouhani, now in his second term as president.

However strongly we might reject it, India'srecently increasing closeness to the U.S. and other western powers has irked its 'all-weather friend' Russia to a great deal. There have been statements rejecting any stress in the relations between the two from both the sides but one can easily read between the lines. Russia's elevating relation with Pakistan is the first manifestation of this strain which can also be seen together with its warming up with China. Moreover, the fact that India's increasing role in global geopolitical and economic issues has invited new and grave challenges calls for strategic friendships with not only the conventionally powerful nations but also the unconventional and unexplored relationship avenues.

The air, land and sea blockade imposed on Qatar by Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Egypt – otherwise known as the Quartet - has significantly impacted Qatar's economy, but not nearly as much as the four had both hoped for and expected. Following the initial shock, Qatar responded to the blockade with alacrity. A look at one of the Arabian emirate's key businesses, Qatar Airways, gives an insight into how the Qataris, with little fanfare, have demonstrated their resilience.

India and Georgia, representing two ancient surviving civilizations in the world, are not located far away from within Asia. The two nations had deep linkages in the past; however, they mostly remained disconnected over the past few centuries for various reasons. In recent years, they are experiencing a steady rise in people-to-people engagement, especially in trade. Considering the changing global geopolitical realities and increasing avenues of Europe-Asia trade, India urgently needs to revive and rebuild its historic ties with Georgia to meet its national interests in the 21st century. Georgia could be a 'Gateway to Europe' for India.

The standoff at Doklam between India and China has been for more than three years now. Beyond the armies stationed at the border, the war of words has also ensued at the diplomatic level. Wherein, the polemics exchanged between the two sides have symbolically brought the buried past of 1962 into the present- playing on the victor-victim psyche. While both sides have stated their official positions, a lot has also been contributed to in the form of 'for and against' arguments as raised by the academic circles in India and China.

El papel a desempenar por el Uruguay en el mundo del siglo XXI, su rol en la region y la reestructuracion interna del pais, constituyen el nucleo del presente ensayo. El autor insiste en que hoy estan dadas las condiciones para cerrar la "balcanizacion" abierta por el colonizador. El papel del Uruguay sera el de un socio pequeno a nivel subregional que podra articular objetivos de comercio con la zona atlantica y continental. En el ambito de la sociedad civil, la globalizacion no avanzara muy rapidamente y podra encontrarse con turbulencias. En materia de la toma de decisiones habra un mayor numero de actores, entre los cuales se situaran los propios grupos sociales y los ambitos departamentales. (Cuad CLAEH/DÜI)

Apesar da crescente importancia das instituicoes internacionais na ordem pos-Guerra Fria, nao esta totalmente claro como o acentuado multilateralismo pode tornar-se efetivo em assuntos interamericanos ou intralatino-americanos. Numa tentativa de responder a essa questao, este artigo focaliza, primeiramente, o problema endemico das assimetrias das regioes. Em segundo lugar, e delineado um breve panorama das instituicoes regionais durante os ultimos anos. Finalmente, o artigo trata do impacto do fim da Guerra Fria em desenvolvimentos de governo regionais, particularmente o surgimento de novas questoes e atores que agora desempenham um importante papel no institucionalismo internacional. (Polit Externa/DÜI)

Wiedergabe der Reden und Vorträge des Seminars, das am 31.10.1990 vom Foreign Policy Institute in Ankara organisiert wurde. Eingegangen wurde u.a. auf die Auswirkungen der Entwicklungen in Osteuropa und Deutschland auf die Mittelmeerregion und auf die Möglichkeit einer Konferenz über Sicherheit und Zusammenarbeit der Mittelmeerländer. (DÜI-Sdt)