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This work is firmly committed on showing the path followed by the high school student movement in Argentina throughout 30 years of democracy. The formulated interpretative hypothesis is that, changes in its conformation and acting have gone through the articulations of the widest political identities within the framework of implementation and crisis process of the neoliberal economic project. The analysis gives a clear insight into the reasons and motivations why this sort of youth political participation have alternated between rejection and resignification of institutional politics as well as its implications in their collective frameworks for action and demands. ; Este trabajo se propone mostrar el recorrido seguido por el movimiento estudiantil secundario (MES en adelante) en Argentina1 durante treinta años de democracia. Planteamos como hipótesis interpretativa que los cambios en su conformación y actuación han estado atravesados por las articulaciones y desarticulaciones de las identidades políticas más amplias en el marco de la puesta en vigor y crisis del proyecto económico neoliberal. El análisis evidencia cómo y por qué esta forma de participación política juvenil ha oscilado entre el rechazo y la resignificación de la política institucional/partidaria; como así también las implicancias de ello en sus marcos de acción colectiva y demandas. ; Este trabalho tem como objetivo mostrar o percorrido seguido pelo movimento estudantil secundarista na Argentina durante 30 anos de democracia. Apresentamos como hipótese interpretativa que as mudanças em sua conformação e maneira de agir foram atravessadas pelas articulações e desarticulações das identidades políticas mais amplas no marco da entrada em vigor e crise do projeto econômico neoliberal. A análise evidencia como e por que esta forma de participação política juvenil oscilou entre a recusa e a ressignificação da política institucional/partidária; como assim também as implicações disto em seus contextos de ação coletiva e demandas.

Desde 2011 han acaecido transformaciones sustanciales en el ámbito de los movimientos sociales y las formas de acción colectiva en el mundo. Las "Primavera Árabe" y "Primavera de los movimientos" muestran el carácter global de las mismas. La utilización masiva y exponencial por parte de estas de medios y expresiones digitales, nos permitiría avanzar en la conceptualización de un nuevo sujeto de estudio para la teoría de los movimientos sociales. Los movimientos que tuvieron lugar en España y Portugal resultan paradigmáticos para esta nueva propuesta, que desafía las concepciones dominantes sobre los movimientos sociales en las últimas décadas, a partir de la emergencia de esos nuevos actores políticos y de las nuevas formas de movilización y de activismo, que han contribuido a la redefinición de las relaciones entre el Estado y la sociedad civil, así como de las comprensiones clásicas acerca de la participación política y la democracia. ; Driven by the crisis since 2011, inescapable transformations have occurred in social movements and forms of collective action in the world. The so-called "Arab Spring" and the "Spring of the Movements" show the global character of these transformations, their massive use of exponential and massive use of digital media and expressions, as never had been used in history, allow us to advance in the conceptualization of a new theoretical subject within Social Movements studies. Social movements in Spain and Portugal are paradigmatic of this new proposal, which challenge the dominant conceptions about social movements of the last decades, from the emergence of these new political actors and their new forms of mobilization and activism which have contribute to the redefinition of the linkages between the State and Civil Society and, consequently, in the classical understandings about political participation and democracy.

Desde 2011 han acaecido transformaciones sustanciales en el ámbito de los movimientos sociales y las formas de acción colectiva en el mundo. Las "Primavera Árabe" y "Primavera de los movimientos" muestran el carácter global de las mismas. La utilización masiva y exponencial por parte de estas de medios y expresiones digitales, nos permitiría avanzar en la conceptualización de un nuevo sujeto de estudio para la teoría de los movimientos sociales. Los movimientos que tuvieron lugar en España y Portugal resultan paradigmáticos para esta nueva propuesta, que desafía las concepciones dominantes sobre los movimientos sociales en las últimas décadas, a partir de la emergencia de esos nuevos actores políticos y de las nuevas formas de movilización y de activismo, que han contribuido a la redefinición de las relaciones entre el Estado y la sociedad civil, así como de las comprensiones clásicas acerca de la participación política y la democracia. ; Driven by the crisis since 2011, inescapable transfor-mations have occurred in social movements and forms of collective action in the world. The so-called "Arab Spring" and the "Spring of the Movements" show the global character of these transformations, their mas-sive use of exponential and massive use of digital media and expressions, as never had been used in history, allow us to advance in the conceptualization of a new theoretical subject within Social Movements studies. Social movements in Spain and Portugal are paradigmatic of this new proposal, which challenge the dominant conceptions about social movements of the last decades, from the emergence of these new political actors and their new forms of mobilization and activism which have contribute to the redefinition of the linkages between the State and Civil Society and, consequently, in the classical understandings about political participation and democracy.

The peace consolidation in Colombia, after negotiations between the National Government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), an agreement signed by its delegates in Havana, Cuba, leads to an analysis of its implementation and how this process has been carried out. from the State and from the FARC, -currently established as a political party in the Colombian system, with the name of Common Alternative Revolutionary Force. This analysis is descriptive and use the deductive investigation method, which seeks to determine the legal reasons that allow understanding the problems that the implementation of the Agreement has had, especially those related to irregularities in the management of resources, the transitional justice acting through the JEP, the protection mechanisms for demobilized people and their families, and political participation aimed at the materialization of what was agreed in the Final Peace Agreement. ; La consolidación de la paz en Colombia, tras las negociaciones entre el Gobierno Nacional y las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC), Acuerdo firmado por sus delegados en la Habana Cuba, conlleva a un análisis sobre su implementación y cómo se ha llevado este proceso desde el Estado y desde las FARC, -actualmente establecidas como partido político en el sistema colombiano, con el nombre de Fuerza Alternativa Revolucionaria del Común-. Dicho análisis se hace desde lo descriptivo, efectuado por medio del método de investigación deductiva, que busca determinar las razones jurídicas, que permiten comprender los problemas que ha tenido la implementación del mencionado Acuerdo, especialmente aquellos relacionados con irregularidades en el manejo de recursos, la actuación de una justicia transicional a través de la JEP, los mecanismos de protección a las personas desmovilizadas y a sus familiares, y la participación política encaminada a la materialización de lo pactado en el Acuerdo Final de Paz.

Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas. Facultad de Historia. Programa Institucional de Maestría en Historia ; The present investigation, from its contrahistórico interest, the purposes at all times, the vision and the search of the political participation of the women in the history and until the date. The main intention is to generate an analysis of the colonial practices susceptible to evidence in the women, subjects of this study, the members of the P'urhepecha community of San Felipe de los Herreros. Information about the current research, the work plan, the work plan, the management of the life history of the women from the community of San Felipe de los Herreros, the migration to the capital Michoacana. The 70's, in those lives was intended to demonstrate the colonialdecolonial thought, which frames the existence of border thinking, the one proposed by Walter Mignolo, the use of this form. The community evidenced in its citizen and communal political practices, thus configuring a subject subject to their interest. ; La presente investigación, desde su interés contrahistórico, pretende en todo momento visibilizar y reivindicar la participación política de las mujeres en la historia y hacerlo aún con mayor énfasis con la de las mujeres p'urhepecha. La intención principal recae en generar un análisis de las prácticas coloniales susceptibles de evidenciarse en las mujeres, sujetas de este estudio, pertenecientes a la comunidad p'urhepecha de San Felipe de Los Herreros. Atendiendo a las demandas específicas de la presente investigación, se planteó como objetivo rector la reconstrucción de la historia de vida de dos mujeres originarias de la comunidad de San Felipe de Los Herreros, que migraron hacia la capital Michoacana a realizar estudios superiores en la década de los 70´s, en cuyas vidas se pretendió demostrar el pensamiento colonial-decolonial, que enmarca la existencia del pensamiento fronterizo, planteado por Walter Mignolo, mostrando de esta forma cómo sucede dicho pensamiento en relación al ir y ...

[EN] Gender Equality in the Country, it is important that it be projected through public policies with a gender perspective that allow women to have the same access, dignified treatment and opportunity to enjoy their rights: education, employment, health, citizen association , political participation, a dignified life, among others, that is, to enjoy the optimal and necessary conditions for development, full exercise of their aptitudes and capacities, while claiming those rights that have been violated, balancing inequalities and discrimination between women and men. It is crucial to consider the situation of women and girls, demanding the fulfillment of human rights as a responsibility of the government, implementing effective measures that affect the reduction of inequalities and discrimination, observing the June 2011 reform of Article 1 of the Political Constitution of the United Mexican States, the legislation on the matter at the national level, as well as the commitments subscribed by the Mexican State in the framework of international conventions and treaties: in particular, the Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and the Inter-American Convention to Prevent, Punish and Eradicate Violence against Women. ; [ES] Es fundamental que la Igualdad de Género en el País se proyecte a través de políticas públicas con perspectiva de género que permitan a las mujeres tener el mismo acceso, trato digno y oportunidad para gozar de sus derechos: educación, empleo, salud, asociación ciudadana, participación política, vida digna, entre otros, es decir a gozar de las condiciones óptimas y necesarias para el desarrollo, ejercicio pleno de sus aptitudes y capacidades, reivindicando a la vez aquellos derechos que hayan sido vulnerados, equilibrando desigualdades y discriminación entre mujeres y hombres. Es trascendental considerar la situación que viven las mujeres y niñas, al demandar el cumplimiento de los derechos humanos como responsabilidad del gobierno, implementando medidas ...

Public consultations and public expertise are considered as tools of citizens' influence on the formation and implementation of public policy. Political participation depends not only on the qualities of civil society or the elite, but also on the instruments available for сivic inclusion in decision-making process. In the European Union, special tools for consultations and initiatives have been implemented, while in Ukraine they are not systematized and concern only certain authorities. The demarcation between public consultations and civil expertise was conducted in the political and legal context, as well as the areas and subjects of the initiative were described. Based on the practicticies of public consultations and expertise in Ukraine some recommendations on their functional and substantive empowermet were provided by the author. ; Рассмотрены консультации с общественностью и общественная экспертиза как механизмы влияния граждан на формирование и реализацию публичной политики. Политическое участие зависит не только от качеств гражданского общества или элиты, а и от имеющихся инструментов его включения в принятие решений. В Европейском Союзе созданы специальные инструменты консультаций и инициатив, в то время, когда в Украине они не систематизированы и касаются лишь отдельных органов государственной власти. Проведена демаркация между консультациями с общественностью и гражданской экспертизой в политико-правовом контексте, определены сферы и субъекты инициативы, проанализированы практики их применения в Украине, даны рекомендации по их функциональному и содержательному усилению. ; Розглянуто консультації з громадськістю та громадську експертизу як механізм впливу громадян на формування та реалізацію публічної політики. Політична участь залежить не лише від якостей громадянського суспільства або еліти, а й від наявних інструментів його включення у прийняття рішень. В Європейському Союзі створені спеціальні інструменти консультацій та ініціатив, у той час, коли в Україні вони не систематизовані і стосуються лише окремих органів державної влади. Проведено демаркацію між консультаціями з громадськістю та громадянською експертизою у політико-правовому контексті, визначено сфери та суб'єкти ініціативи, проаналізовано практики їх застосування в Україні, надано рекомендації щодо їхнього функціонального та змістовного підсилення.

This paper presents the main results of a survey regarding the relationship among Italian young people, media uses and the public space. An effort is conducted to overtake the limits of the concept of political participation, looking at the concepts-models of self-actualizing citizen and the one of civic cultures. Through 45 in-depth interviews to 19-25 years old Italian people, according to a qualitative approach, the survey analyzes the strategies young people adopt within multiple communication environments: traditional and digital media; peer relationships. The information use and the social platforms management allow building a typology that shows the importance of selectivity also for its impact on civic engagement. Two principal forms of pre-political engagement emerge, related to news use and to discursive interchange. The survey investigates some opinion leadership dynamics, both interpersonal and media-related. At last some militancy experiences are analyzed, offering the reflexive reconstruction by the interviewees. ; En este trabajo se presentan los resultados de una investigación que pretende reconstruir la relación entre jóvenes italianos, uso de los medios y espacio público. El objetivo es intentar superar los límites del concepto de participación política, tomando como punto de referencia los conceptos-modelos de self-actualizing citizen y el de culturas cívicas. A través de 45 entrevistas a jóvenes de entre 19 y 25 años y según un enfoque cualitativo, analizamos las estrategias realizadas en los entornos comunicativos múltiples: los medios tradicionales y digitales, las relaciones entre pares. El uso de la información y la gestión de las plataformas sociales nos permiten reconstruir una tipología que nos enseña la importancia de la selección. Destacamos dos principales tipologías de "activismo": compromiso informativo y activismo discursivo. Investigamos algunas dinámicas de liderazgo de opinión, tanto interpersonales como mediales. Por último, analizamos las experiencias de militancia, de las que brindamos la reconstrucción reflexiva por parte de los jóvenes entrevistados.

The democratisation process in Nigeria has been seriously hampered by endemic corruption. The blatant buying and selling of votes at polling booths during elections in Nigeria further dims the hope of democratic consolidation. Known and referred to comically in the Yoruba language as 'E dibo, ke se obe', literally interpreted as 'vote and cook soup', that is 'vote for cash/cash for vote', in apparent reference to the money that voters get if they vote in a particular direction; the phenomenon is fast emerging as the new face of commercialization of Nigeria's electoral process. The decline of participatory democracy and fizzling of the euphoria that accompanied Nigeria's return to civilian rule in 1999 informed this conversation. To explain the details of this discourse, this chapter relied on the understanding of the relationship of poverty and political participation as provided for by the political economy approach. Guided by the class analysis of poverty, this chapter interpreted vote buying and selling, a current emblem of Nigeria's democratization process, as a creation of the ruling class. Money has become a dominant factor in Nigeria's electoral process and the masses are increasingly made to exchange their votes for money just as they buy and sell goods and services. If unchecked, it poses a risk of further engendering electoral corruption and the inevitable collapse of the democratization process. Thus, this chapter utilized secondary sources of data to interrogate the corruptive effect of direct vote buying/selling on elections in Nigeria with specific reference(s) to the Edo State and Ondo State Gubernatorial elections conducted in 2016, as the phenomenon gives cause for concern given the fact of the threat it poses. The chapter concludes with some recommendations on the way forward.Keywords: Corruption, Vote Buying/Selling, Poverty, Elections, Democratisation

Accepted manuscript version. Published version available at https://doi.org/10.1017/S0144686X17000046 . ; This study explores policy makers', health-care professionals' and senior volunteers' perceptions of senior volunteers. Two Norwegian government white papers regarding older adult care and welfare services, which were published over a period of 19 years, were selected for close examination. Furthermore, focus group interviews with a purposeful sample of five senior volunteers and 15 health-care professionals were conducted. The study explores the discursive formations of senior volunteers in the government white papers and how they are negotiated in the senior volunteers' and the health-care professionals' narratives. Two dominant discourses were presented in the white papers: a prevention discourse (in which volunteering was presented primarily as a means to prevent volunteers' loneliness and need for care services) and a sustainability discourse (in which the volunteers were presented as instrumental in future sustainable care services). Both discourses echo a common overarching discourse about a capacity crisis due to the ageing population. The senior volunteers were positioned as partners and active agents in both their own narratives and the health-care professionals' narratives. Their position as independent and as spokespersons for the less empowered were evident only in the senior volunteers' own narratives. Only the health-care professionals referenced the prevention discourse and capacity issues. The senior volunteers presented themselves as competent, efficient political actors, and they resisted both the prevention and sustainability discourses. In the senior volunteers' narratives, social and political participation were interrelated. The study demonstrates that new discursive landscapes must be created to capture the diversity among senior volunteers and their efforts. While senior volunteers must be meaningfully involved in decision making, planning and design, their positions as independent and active agents must also be ensured. Authentic partnerships between senior volunteers and public care services involve a balance between involvement and independence.

This paper reviews literature on the skills required of graduates by the dynamic industry of the 21st Century with a view to making recommendations on the strategies and methods Kenyan universities should employ in education in order to equip learners with the skills and thus produce an effective workforce that is capable of confronting the economic and social challenges of an industrialized nation. The paper will mainly focus on the strategies and methods that universities employ in curriculum development and implementation including support services provided to learners outside formal classroom instruction (such as mentorship, academic advisory, guidance and counselling, internship, clubs and societies, sports and games and financial services such as bursary, loans and work-study). Employing the right strategies and methods to deliver education is crucial because solid holistic quality and relevant education is key to economic development of a country. It is on this premise that the Kenyan government mandated the education sector to develop learners with knowledge, skills and competences that make them productive citizens that will contribute to economic development of an industrialized nation envisioned by 2030. The sector is also expected to develop learners socially by ensuring that they are aware of fundamental human rights and obligations, national values and aspirations, and that they have the capacity to play a full part in the nation's social and cultural development locally, nationally and internationally. Further, the education sector is required to develop learners who have the capacity to play a political role at local, national and international levels responsibly, upholding the rule of law and respect for others. It is also expected to expand democratic space and foster political participation. This mandate is well aligned with the current global trend in education that is packaged by the 21st Century skills which include communication, critical thinking, innovation, problem solving and ...

The use of the names and surnames of individuals as a selection criterion to construct the sampling frame of an investigation is an important strategy in the study of migration. Whether for a descriptive purpose or as a preliminary step in the design of a sample, it allows identifying a subpopulation that would otherwise remain difficult to access. This does not prevent obvious difficulties, typical of data collection methods in general and of this particular application (Alaminos, 1989; Francés et al, 2015; Santacreu, 2016). In this sense, as a strategy to investigate the reality of intra-European migrants, it has been frequently used by the OBETS research group in many national and international research projects, using as reference information telephone directories or, for example, electoral lists with the candidates in local elections. These pages examine their application conditions, as well as evaluate their internal and external validity. The study "Political participation as candidates for European residents in Spain", Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (CSO2012-32930), is taken as a reference case. For the internal evaluation, the information of cases extracted by means of inclusion and exclusion algorithm is reviewed on the basis of onomastic coincidences. The validation review highlights problems related to compound names or second generation. External validation is performed by comparing the results of internal validation with official and documentary information published by the media or political parties. Given the scarce public systematization of the data, this comparison is made in a specific way for different moments of time. The external validation designed corresponds to the logic of the hybrid data, proposed by Euroestat, using multiple sources of information. ; El empleo de los nombres y apellidos de los individuos, como criterio de selección para construir el marco muestral de una investigación, es una estrategia importante en el estudio de la migración. Ya sea con una finalidad ...

This paper reviews literature on the skills required of graduates by the dynamic industry of the 21st Century with a view to making recommendations on the strategies and methods Kenyan universities should employ in education in order to equip learners with the skills and thus produce an effective workforce that is capable of confronting the economic and social challenges of an industrialized nation. The paper will mainly focus on the strategies and methods that universities employ in curriculum development and implementation including support services provided to learners outside formal classroom instruction (such as mentorship, academic advisory, guidance and counselling, internship, clubs and societies, sports and games and financial services such as bursary, loans and work-study). Employing the right strategies and methods to deliver education is crucial because solid holistic quality and relevant education is key to economic development of a country. It is on this premise that the Kenyan government mandated the education sector to develop learners with knowledge, skills and competences that make them productive citizens that will contribute to economic development of an industrialized nation envisioned by 2030. The sector is also expected to develop learners socially by ensuring that they are aware of fundamental human rights and obligations, national values and aspirations, and that they have the capacity to play a full part in the nation's social and cultural development locally, nationally and internationally. Further, the education sector is required to develop learners who have the capacity to play a political role at local, national and international levels responsibly, upholding the rule of law and respect for others. It is also expected to expand democratic space and foster political participation. This mandate is well aligned with the current global trend in education that is packaged by the 21st Century skills which include communication, critical thinking, innovation, problem solving and ...

This study explores policy makers', health-care professionals' and senior volunteers' perceptions of senior volunteers. Two Norwegian government white papers regarding older adult care and welfare services, which were published over a period of 19 years, were selected for close examination. Furthermore, focus group interviews with a purposeful sample of five senior volunteers and 15 health-care professionals were conducted. The study explores the discursive formations of senior volunteers in the government white papers and how they are negotiated in the senior volunteers' and the health-care professionals' narratives. Two dominant discourses were presented in the white papers: a prevention discourse (in which volunteering was presented primarily as a means to prevent volunteers' loneliness and need for care services) and a sustainability discourse (in which the volunteers were presented as instrumental in future sustainable care services). Both discourses echo a common overarching discourse about a capacity crisis due to the ageing population. The senior volunteers were positioned as partners and active agents in both their own narratives and the health-care professionals' narratives. Their position as independent and as spokespersons for the less empowered were evident only in the senior volunteers' own narratives. Only the health-care professionals referenced the prevention discourse and capacity issues. The senior volunteers presented themselves as competent, efficient political actors, and they resisted both the prevention and sustainability discourses. In the senior volunteers' narratives, social and political participation were interrelated. The study demonstrates that new discursive landscapes must be created to capture the diversity among senior volunteers and their efforts. While senior volunteers must be meaningfully involved in decision making, planning and design, their positions as independent and active agents must also be ensured. Authentic partnerships between senior volunteers and public care services involve a balance between involvement and independence.

Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales. Maestría en Derecho ; In this work is a documentary analysis of the legal framework of the Superior audit of Michoacán and the Secretary of State Comptroller as responsible for the monitoring and control of public resources, as well as the supervision of the exercise of public servants. The study of their target, reach and limits according to the existing laws and guidelines at the international level on internal and external control, allows understanding that even with approaches different both instances must be complementary to make public administration more efficient. In other words, if the control that performs the audit is when were already exercised public resources, the Comptroller must ensure the effective budgetary control during his tenure. The coordination of these actions will create conditions to avoid duplications and omissions, as well as a broader reach in their respective reviews and results. It is also concluded that the redesign constitutional and legal 2015 of the Comptroller to provide it with functional independence when converting coordination secretariat of the centralized public administration and of the Superior audit to establish that you will have greater capacity to decide both in their internal organization as in the exercise of its budget, operation and resolutions, must be strengthened with the layout full of the local Congress and the State Executive to comply with and enforce the laws and commitments to society above personal interests or political whims, adding to that political participation by means of social control, as well the activities of the mechanisms of control become real deterrents of corrupt practices, financial mismanagement and effective tools that promote transparency and accountability. ; En este trabajo se realiza un análisis documental del marco jurídico de la Auditoría Superior de Michoacán y de la Secretaría de Contraloría del Estado como encargadas de la vigilancia y fiscalización de los recursos públicos, así como ...