INTRODUCCION-OBJETIVOS: La presente tesis describe la problemática provocada por los delitos de peligro abstracto. La tensión permanente entre norma primaria y principios del Derecho penal clásico -reserva, culpabilidad, inocencia, lesividad u ofensividad y proporcionalidad-; generado, básicamente, por una "Sociedad de riesgo". El legislador se ha volcado hacia un Derecho penal de autor, dejando atrás un Derecho penal de acto. El Derecho penal se ha expandido, no actúa como última ratio, se convierte en una especie de conformación social o instrumento de cambio de la sociedad. Lo dicho lleva a una reconceptualización del bien jurídico protegido. Asimismo, se ha buscado desentrañar si esa conducta legisferante de mayor endurecimiento punitivo, tiene justificación empírica, en base a datos criminológicos. También se analiza, brevemente, advirtiendo posiciones dogmáticas y doctrinarias, las últimas reformas del CP y con más precisión los delitos contra la seguridad vial. Se analiza la política criminal actual que radica en un constante y permanente adelantamiento de la barrera punitiva -tolerancia cero- y, con ello, un enfrentamiento con ciudadanos "peligrosos". METODOLOGÍA: Estudio descriptivo de bibliografía jurídica, revistas especializadas y jurisprudencia. Análisis estadístico. Asistencia y participación en cursos de especialización en derecho penal. CONCLUSION: A) Desde una visión dogmática: argumentos negativos 1) tipificar conductas peligrosas o aquellas que traen consigo peligro de peligro –delito obstáculo-, vulneran principios clásicos (reserva, lesividad, inocencia, culpabilidad, proporcionalidad e intimidad); 2) preeminencia de prevención general; 3) Conversión en un Estado paternalista de permanente control; 4) adelantamiento de la barrera punitiva, bajo intereses electorales. Argumentos a favor: 1) los códigos penales, no pueden, ni deben ser estáticos; 2) Intensa búsqueda de avanzar y "crecer" con la sociedad y su constante evolución; 3) Reformulación del concepto de bien jurídico protegido para adecuarlo a un moderno Derecho penal; B) Desde una visión político criminal, 1) obrar legislativo teñido de desidia por falta de estudios criminológicos serios o, a espaldas de los existentes, con fuerte influencia de los medios de comunicación 2) Utilización de los delitos de peligro abstracto como "arma" predilecta para regular conductas sociales, 3) Cuestionamientos a las últimas reformas del Código penal, entre ellos, los delitos contra la seguridad vial; 4) Aplicación de un Derecho penal del enemigo "apartando" al sujeto peligroso del todo social, -aumento de reclusos condenados por delitos contra la seguridad vial-. 5) Erosión de la cultura garantista y de aquella orientada hacia la reinserción; 6) La delincuencia ya no es vista como la consecuencia, a nivel individual, de desajustes sociales; sino como expresión de la actividad de un sujeto delincuente, disfuncional al todo social; 7) Quebrantamiento del welfarismo penal, incursionando en políticas de "tolerancia cero"; 8) Utilización de expresiones como terrorismo urbano, provocando estigmatización en sujetos no "incluidos" al todo social, 9) Falta de elaboración de políticas integradoras –política criminal, criminología y derecho penal-; 10) Acreditación empírica, en delitos contra la seguridad vial, que aún con baja en los números de víctimas mortales, se optó por endurecer los tipos penales, con ello: aumento de reclusos, incremento de juicios rápidos y urgentes, mayor número de condenados a TBC; 11) En consecuencia, aquella, tensión entre reglas primarias y principios se decanta por la primera; 12) Se propone hablar de un Derecho penal de confianza excluyente; 13) Proyectar un Derecho penal intermedio entre lo nuclear y accesorio, entre Derecho Administrativo y Derecho penal, 14) Proponer un concepto personal de bien jurídico protegido y 15) La administrativización de delitos de peligro abstracto. INTRODUCTION, OBJECTIVES: This tesis describes the problem area caused by crimes of abstract danger. The permanent tension between the primary rules and basic the principles of criminal law -reservation, culpability, inocence,harmnfulness and proportionality-: basicly generated by a "risk society".The legislator has turned his activity into an authoring criminal law, leaving away an acting criminal law. The criminal law has expanded, not only acting as a última ratio, but its becomes into a sort of social confrontation, or an instrument for socia change. That drives into a re-conceptualisation of the legal protected good. Furthermore, the unraveling of if there is a empirical justification on the basis of criminological data for endure the punishment for this legisferante conduct has been sought. The brief analysis, begining in a dogmatic position, of the last changes in the criminal law is also included, and more precisely the crimes against road safety. The analyse of the criminal policy, which lies in a constant and permanent hardening of the punitive barrier -Zero Tolerance- and a subsequent confrontation against "dangerous" citizens is also included. METHODOLOGY: Descriptive study of legal bibliography, specialized magazines and jurisprudence. Statitistical analysis. Attendance and participation in criminal law. CONCLUSION: A) Taking a Dogmatic approach: negative points 1) typify dangerous behaviour or that conducts thath may cause danger of a danger-obstacle crime- they violate the classic principles (reservation, harmfulity, inocence, culpability, proporcionality and intimacy); 2) General prevention preeminence; 3) Conversion into a paternalistic state of permanent control; 4) advance of the punitive barrier,due to electoral interest. Arguments for: 1) criminal laws can not and should not be static; 2)An intense research for advance and grow up with the society and its constant evolution; 3) the reformulation of the concept "legal good" in order to adequate it into a modern crime rigths; B) From a political criminal point of view, 1) An aphatic legislative process for a lack of serious criminological studies, or some against the existing ones, affected by the influence of the mass media. 2) The use of crimes of abstract danger as the predilect gun for the regulation of social behaviour, 3) Questioning of the last changes in the penal code, among them, the crimes against road safety; 4)Implementation of a criminal law turning away the dangerous subject from the society-increment of inmates condemned for road safety crimes-. 5) Sputtering of the guarantee-based culture and that oriented to the reintegration; 6)Crime is not seen as a consecuence ofsocial imbalances anymore, at the individual, but the expression of the activity of an individual criminal person,dysfunctional to all social; 7) Breakdown of penal welfarismo,raiding into "Zero tolerance" policies ; 8) The use of such expressions as "urban terrorisim" causing a stigma in those subjects that are not included in all social, 9) The lack in the elaboration of inclusion policies- criminal policies, criminology, and criminal law-;10) Empirical accreditation, in those crimes related to road safety crimes, that even with a low rate of casualties, a more stringent law were set, and as a consecuence, the number of inmates increase, and also in the expeditious trials, and more condemned in TBC; 11) As a consecuence, the tension between the primary rules and principles decides in the first; 12) A proposal of a penal law of a excluding trust has been set; 13) To project an intermediate penal law between the nuclear and the accesory, between administrative and penal law, 14) Propose a personal concept of a legally protected good, and 15) The administrativization of abstract danger crimes.
Author's introductionPeople participate in social movements and protest events in part to pressure elites and institutions to alter the reward structure within society. When attempting to pressure their targets, activists are often confronted by the state. Whether the state is a target of protest or not, it oftentimes engages those seeking to promote extra‐institutional change. Within democratic societies, police are charged to maintain social order and protect the rights of those expressing dissent. Because of this dual charge and a variety of political, social, and economic factors, police have adopted strategies or repertoires of social control for policing protests. These repertoires can facilitate, channel, or prevent protest from occurring. A growing scholarly consensus suggests that since the 1990s, authorities in the United States and other democratic states have shifted how they react to protests. Until the 1970s, police often utilized what scholars call the 'escalated force' protest control repertoire. During this era, police saw protest as an illegitimate form of political expression. They placed a low priority on freedom of speech and assembly and often used excessive force and widespread arrests when dealing with protesters. In the 1970s to 1990s, police developed what is called 'negotiated management' to respond less confrontationally to protesters. This repertoire relied on a permitting process to facilitate police and protester efforts to negotiate the time, place, and manner of protest activities in ways satisfactory to both protesters and police. Police placed a premium on protecting freedom of speech and assembly and tolerated community inconveniences related to large rallies, marches, and the occasional staged arrest. They used violence and arrests as a last resort and only for significant violations of the law. However, following the disruptive 1999 Seattle WTO protests and the new cycle of global protests that followed, law enforcement agencies around the United States and in other western democracies began developing and adopting the 'strategic incapacitation' repertoire of protest control. With strategic incapacitation, police selectively protect civil liberties and selectively tolerate community disruption, and they seek to incapacitate protests through the use of less‐lethal weapons and preemptive arrests, extensive control of public space, reliance on 'new surveillance' technologies, and the elaborate control of information. In the United States, the development and adoption of this new style of policing accelerated after the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks as authorities embraced a risk management approach to identify and neutralize potentially disruptive events, such as large demonstrations.Author recommended books and edited volumes
Boykoff, Jules. 2007. Beyond Bullets: The Suppression of Dissent in the United States. : . Boykoff's book explores how the U.S. government, with assistance from federal, state and local law enforcement regularly disrupted protest movements in the 20th Century. It catalogues various forms of suppression employed by authorities from the use of direct violence, surveillance, and infiltration to the use of less direct means of mass media manipulation and demonization. Chapter 1 includes a good introduction to social movements and dissent/resistance, and the concepts of repression and suppression.
Davenport, Christian,
Hank Johnston and
Carol Mueller (eds.) 2005. Repression and Mobilization. : . This compilation of essays on repression and resistance provides a broad lens for understanding the various ways that state power is exercised against social movements. Davenport's introductory chapter helpfully evaluates the broader field of repression and recommends ways to advance it.
della Porta, Donatella and
Herbert Reiter (eds.) 1998. Policing Protest: The Control of Mass Demonstrations in Western Democracies. : . This collection of essays consolidates some of the best thinking of the time on protest policing. Together, it provides a comparative historical, institutional and cultural analysis of protest policing across a variety of democratic nations. The contributors explore recent trends in the evolution of protest policing, such as whether protest policing has become 'softer' and the causes and consequences of such changes. The introductory chapter identifies important variables that define the style of protest policing employed and provides a useful model to explain the different styles. The second chapter by McPhail, Schweingruber and McCarthy introduces 'negotiated management' to the scholarly lexicon and has become one of the most influential writings on protest policing. This book should be at the top of your reading list on the topic.
della Porta, Donatella,
Abby Peterson and
Herbert Reiter (eds.) 2006. The Policing of Transnational Protest. : . This collected works is a follow up to della Porta and Reiter's earlier volume described above. It explores changes in protest policing in western democracies that parallel the rise of transnational protests in the late 1990s and early 2000s. Contributors analyzed policing efforts at protests coinciding with various international summits and other large protest events. Collectively, they investigated the question of whether a new era of policing is emerging to replace the softer styles of protest policing identified in the earlier volume. Individually, authors explored a variety of topics including the transnational character of the protests and of the police effort to control these protests, how adoption of a 'new penology' paradigm within the U.S. criminal justice influenced police adoption of strategic incapacitation, and the negotiation practices used by police and activists and problems that can occur during negotiations. A concluding chapter identifies a typology of coercive, persuasive and information strategies used by police across nations to control transnational protests.
Fernandez, Luis A. 2008. Policing Dissent: Social Control and the Anti‐Globalization Movement. : . Fernandez applies a Foucauldian view of social control to explain the police repression of alterglobalization protests in the early 2000s. The book provides an overview of the alterglobal movement and shows how police used legal means to limit protest and physical and psychological strategies to control public space.
Marx, Gary T. 1988. Undercover: Police Surveillance in America. : . Marx provides a late 1980s look into the then emerging forms of surveillance used by U.S. law enforcement. The first half of the book discusses the history of police surveillance and provides a classification schematic for how surveillance is used by police. The second half of the book identifies the intended and unintended consequences of police use of undercover surveillance. It is still widely cited and it is recognized by many as providing the blueprint for understanding and exploring 'new surveillance' (see concluding chapter).
Meyer, David S. 2007. The Politics of Protest: Social Movements in America. : . Meyer provides a concise introduction to social movements drawing extensively from the U.S. peace and antiwar movements to illustrate his points. Included are discussions on the major social theories and chapters on protester tactics.
Stark, Rodney. 1972. Police Riots: Collective Violence and Law Enforcement. : . This is one of the first scholarly books to recognize the tension police experience between maintaining order and protecting civil liberties. Previous works had tended to show protest policing uncritically and as a necessary response to unruly crowds. This work examines policing response to protest highlighting the escalated force model.
Starr, Amory,
Luis A. Fernandez and
Christian Scholl. 2011. Shutting Down the Streets: Political Violence and Social Control in the Global Era. : . This book maps efforts by the state to control social movements in a global age. Written by activist‐scholars, the research draws from participant observations made at 20 major alter‐global protest events held during major global summits over the last decade. The book explores the spatial dynamics, political economy and police violence associated with efforts to repress those opposing aspects of the global political‐economic order. A concluding chapter explores activist resistance to the social control of dissent employed by the authorities.
Tilly, Charles. 1978. From Mobilization to Revolution. : . This is a foundational book in social movement studies. In it Tilly introduces the core concepts of repression and contentious repertoires.
Waddington, David P. 2007. Policing Public Disorder: Theory and Practice. : . Waddington explores public order policing across a variety of events, from commodity riots and hooliganism to labor and global protests. The first two chapters provide a detailed exploration of theories and debates within the public order policing literature, including various approaches to policing and theories on the causes of public disorder. The remainder of the book adeptly uses the theories covered earlier and other scholarly works to analyze the policing of these differing types of events.Online materialsLaw enforcement related:
Department of Homeland Security (DHS) http://www.dhs.gov/ Department of Justice (DOJ) http://www.justice.gov/ Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) http://www.justice.gov/ International Association of Chiefs of Police http://www.theiacp.org/ Police Executive Research Forum (PERF) http://www.policeforum.org/Civil liberties and independent media related:
American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) http://www.aclu.org http://www.aclu.org/maps/spying‐first‐amendment‐activity‐state‐state Independent Media Center (IMC) http://www.indymedia.org/en/ National Lawyers Guild (NLG) http://www.nlg.org/ Partnership for Civil Justice Fund http://www.justiceonline.org/Academic related:
WTO History Project http://depts.washington.edu/wtohist/ Dynamics of Collective Action Project http://www.stanford.edu/group/collectiveaction/cgi‐bin/drupal/SyllabusTopics for lecture and discussionIntroduction, issues, and problems (2 weeks)Definitions, problems, and issues: What is the role of police in a democratic society? What is the tension or paradox between police as protectors of democracy and simultaneously potential threats to democracy? What are civil liberties? What is public order policing? How has US policing become militarized, and what are the consequences of this trend? What is 'broken windows' theory, and how has it shaped law enforcement practices in general?Readings:
Kraska, Peter and
Victor E. Kappeler. 1997. '.' Social Problems 44():1‐18.
Marx, Gary T. 2001. '.' Policing, Security and Democracy: Theory and Practice, Vol. 2 edited by and . : . Available online at http://web.mit.edu/gtmarx/www/dempol.html (last accessed 1 July 2013).
Vitale, Alex. 2005. '.' Policing and Society 15():99–124.
Waddington, David P. 2007. Policing Public Disorder: Theory and Practice. : . (Chapter 1 and selections.)
Wilson, James Q. and
George L. Kelling. 1982. '' The Atlantic (March). Available online at http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/1982/03/broken‐windows/304465/ (last accessed 1 July 2013).Social movements and protest (2 weeks)What is a social movement? What are contentious repertoires and protest tactics? What are the similarities and differences between direct action tactics and civil disobedience tactics? What are protest events? What methods do researchers use to study these events? What are the basic assertions of collective behavior, resource mobilization, political process/political opportunity, framing, and new social movement theories?Readings:
Benford, Robert D. and
David A. Snow. 2000. '.' Annual Review of Sociology 26:611–639.
Buechler, Steven M. 2005. '.' The Sociological Quarterly 36():441–464.
Diani, Mario. 1992. '.' The Sociological Review 40():1–25.
Edwards, Bob and
John D. McCarthy. 2004. '.' Pp. 116–152 in The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements edited by , and . : .
Koopmans, Ruud and
Dieter Rucht. 2002. '.' Pp. 231–259 in Methods of Social Movement Research, edited by and . : .
Meyer, David S. 2003. '.' Social Movement Studies 2():17–35.
Taylor, Verta and
Nella Van Dyke. 2004. '.' Pp. 262–293 in The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements edited by , and . : .Policing of protest–the basics and additional concepts (2 weeks)What is repression, and what constitutes a theory of repression? When does policing of protest become repressive? What is COINTELPRO, and how has the FBI and other law enforcement agencies historically undermined or facilitated US social movements? How do contained and transgressive protesters differ? How does police knowledge influence police response to protest? What aspects of globalization impact police response to protests? What are the 'flash points' that lead to escalated police responses? What other factors shape police responses to protest?Readings:
Boykoff, Jules. 2007. Beyond Bullets: The Suppression of Dissent in the United States. : . (Chapter 1 and selections.)
Cunningham, David. 2003. There's Something Happening Here: The New Left, the Klan, and FBI Counterintelligence. : . (Chapter 1 and selections.)
della Porta, Donatella and
Herbert Reiter. 1998. '.' Pp. 1–32 in Policing Protest: The Control of Mass Demonstrations in Western Democracies edited by
Donatella Della Porta and
Herbert Reiter. : .
Della Porta, Donatella. 1988. '.' Pp. 228–252 in Policing Protest: The Control of Mass Demonstrations in Western Democracies edited by and . :
Earl, Jennifer and
Sarah A. Soule. 2006. '.' Mobilization 11():145–164.
Ericson, Richard V. and
Aaron Doyle. 1999. '.' British Journal of Sociology 50():589–601.
Earl, Jennifer. 2003. '.' Sociological Theory 21():44–68.
Earl, Jennifer. 2011. '.' Annual Review of Sociology 37:261–284.
King, Mike and
David Waddington. 2005. '.' Policing and Society 15():255–82.
Marx, Gary T. 1979. '.' Pp. 94–125 in Dynamics of Social Movements: Resource Mobilization, Social Control, and Tactics, edited by and . : .
Wahlström, Mattias. 2007. '.' Mobilization 12():389–402.Policing of protest–negotiated management (1 week)What are the general aspects of the 'negotiated management' style of protest policing? How does it differ from 'escalated force'? What are the shortcomings of negotiated management?Readings:
Earl, Jennifer,
Sarah A. Soule and
John D. McCarthy. 2003. '.' American Sociological Review 68():581–606.
Gorringe, Hugo and
Michael Rosie. 2008. '.' British Journal of Sociology, 59(): 187–205.
Gillham, Patrick F. and
John A. Noakes. 2007. '.' Mobilization 12():341–357.
McCarthy, John D. and
Clark McPhail. 1998. '.' Pp. 83–110 in The Movement Society: Contentious Politics for a New Century, edited by and . : .
McPhail, Clark,
David Schweingruber and
John D. McCarthy 1998. '.' Pp. 49–69 in Policing Protest: The Control of mass Demonstrations in Western Democracies, edited by and . : .Policing of protest–command and control, Miami model, and strategic incapacitation (2 weeks)How do the 'command and control' and 'Miami model' styles of policing differ? What are the basic characteristics of 'strategic incapacitation'? How does strategic incapacitation compare to command and control and the Miami model?Readings:
Noakes, John and
Patrick F. Gillham. '.' Pp. 97–115 in Policing Political Protest After Seattle, edited by , and . : .
Noakes, John,
Brian Klocke and
Patrick F. Gillham. '., September 29‐30, 2001.' Policing and Society 15(): 235–254.
Vitale, Alex S. 2005. '.' Policing and Society 15():283–304.
Vitale, Alex S. 2007. '.' Mobilization 12()403–15.Control of space, surveillance, and info control (1‐2 weeks)What are repertoires of protest control? What are public spaces of dissent, and how do police respond to dissent in these spaces? What are the different zones of spatial control, and how do they differ? What is 'new surveillance', and how is it employed by police to control protest? What are fusion centers, and how do they operate to both consolidate and disseminate information? In what ways do police control information about production and dissemination of information about protesters and about police themselves?Readings:
Gillham, Patrick F. 2011. '.' Sociology Compass 5():636–652.
Gillham, Partrick F.,
Bob Edwards and
John A. Noakes. 2013. '.' Policing and Society 23():82–103.
Marx, Gary T. 2004. '.' Knowledge, Technology, and Policy 17():18–37.
Newkirk, Anthony B. 2010. '.' Surveillance and Society 8():43–60.
Roberts, John Michael. 2008. '.' Sociology Compass 2(): 654–674.Dynamics of policing and protesting (1 week)How do interactions between police and protesters impact protest policing efforts? What ironies emerge from police and protester interactions?Readings:
della Porta, Donatella and
Sidney Tarrow. 2012. '.' Comparative Political Studies 45():119–152.
Gillham, Patrick F. and
Gary T. Marx. '.' Social Justice 27():212–236.
McPhail, Clark and
John D. McCarthy. 2005. '.' Pp. 3–32 in Repression and Mobilization edited by , , and . : .Intended and unintended consequences of protest policing (1‐2 weeks)What are the intended and unintended consequences of protest policing? How does protest policing impact activists, social movements, and democracy? What characteristics of the new styles of protest policing are spilling over into policing of other social phenomena?Readings:
Boyle, Phillip and
Kevin Haggerty. 2009. '.' International Political Sociology 3:257–274.
Cunningham, David and
John Noakes. 2008. '.' Pp. 175–197 in Surveillance and Governance: Crime Control and Beyond (Sociology of Crime Law and Deviance, Volume 10), edited by and
Jeffrey T. Ulmer. : .
Earl, Jennifer and
Sarah A. Soule. 2010. '.' Pp. 75–113 in Research in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change (Research in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change, Volume 30), edited by in . : .
Starr, Amory,
Luis Fernandez,
Randall Amster,
Lesley Wood and
Manuel J. Caro. 2008. '.' Qualitative Sociology 31:251–270.
Wood, Lesley J. 2007. '.' Mobilization 12():377–388.Focus questions
What challenges do researchers interested in studying social movements and the policing of protest face and why? What methodologies do researchers use to study the policing of protest events? What types of data are generated by these methodologies? What are the strengths and limitations of each methodology and the data collected using each methodology? What is the police‐democracy paradox? How are police both defenders of democracy and simultaneously a potential threat to democracy? What is protest policing, and how has it changed over the years? What are the central dimensions on which researchers study the different styles or repertoires of protest policing? What dynamics and processes drive changes in the development of protest policing repertoires, and what factors influence the choice of repertoires employed by police when controlling dissent? What are the consequences of protest policing on democracy, activists, social movements, and the institution of law enforcement? To what extent are changes occurring in the policing of different types of social phenomena like the Olympics, World Cup, and presidential inaugurations? What are the similarities or differences to changes occurring in protest policing?
Author's introductionBy reflecting on violence in its many manifestations this course is intended to problematize youth's relationship to violence. Not only will it underscore how and why violence is perpetrated by young people, but, perhaps more important, how young people are affected. Students will reflect on how violence impacts and enters their own lives – sometimes in very inauspicious ways. Much of what counts as entertainment is laden with, and centres on, violence. For example, Grand Theft Auto is a popular video game wherein game players assume the role of a wannabe gangster whose rise though the criminal underworld is predicated upon his thieving and murderous efficiency. Similarly, the movie Never Back Down follows a young male as he attempts to fight his way into the vaunted inner circle of his high school's 'in' group. Marred by and revered for his reputation as a 'tough guy', the protagonist is forced, in a contradiction that only makes coherent sense in the context of the pervasive violent masculinity which buoys the film, to fight his way clear of this foul reputation.Human intersections with violence are undeniably and unexpectedly complicated. We are fascinated and our lives are directly affected by violence regardless of proximity. Significantly, violence – both the Hollywood version and that which is 'real'– affects each and all. Fears of violence, whether they are informed by official statistics, crime‐based dramas, the 6 o'clock news or reality television, contour our existence in very definite ways. Our temporal and spatial movement through urban space, our understandings of law and governance strategies, our relations with 'others'– significant and otherwise – are conditioned by tangential, lived, experienced and witnessed violence. It alters our way of being, where we choose to live, and how we conduct, protect and entertain ourselves. No one is immune. Human experience is contoured irrevocably by violence.At issue is our inconsistent and contradictory relationship to youth violence. Parents applaud young people's violence – especially their sons'– as they 'duke it out' on the football field and in the hockey arena and urge them to 'get' or 'kill' the other team. At the same time, young people are overrepresented as victims of violence – especially our daughters. This course provides an opportunity to explore and analyze how youth [and] violence is braided into the fabric of Western culture.Starting points/learning objectives1What follows are issues students should consider and meditate on throughout the term. I encourage readers to introduce them at the beginning of the semester and return to them several times throughout. They may also be used to frame study questions and as a course summary.
What is violence? Why is there such growing concern about youth violence? What role does the media play in our understanding of youth violence? How are youth gangs perceived? What is the relationship between youth and violence? What is the connection between masculinity(ies) and violence? How does Western culture champion and, at the same time, abhor youth violence? What are 'solutions' to youth violence? What role can youth play in this process?
Author recommendationsHannah Arendt, 1970, On Violence. New York, NY: Harcourt Brace.Following her tumultuous experiences of living through the Second World War and student protests of the 1960s, Hannah Arendt penned her reflections on violence. She famously writes that, 'Violence can always destroy power; out of the barrel of a gun grows the most effective command, resulting in the most instant and perfect obedience. What never can grow out of it is power' (53). She maintains that even though power and violence may hold phenomological elements in common, they are in fact opposites: 'where the one rules absolutely, the other is absent. Violence appears where power is in jeopardy, but left to its own course it ends in power's disappearance' (56). Arendt develops this line of argument later in the book and concludes that, 'Every decrease in power is an open invitation to violence – if only because those who hold power and feel it slipping from their hands ... have always found it difficult to resist the temptation to substitute violence for it' (87). For Arendt, worlds (both individual and global) become irrevocably altered through incidences of violence. She writes, 'the practice of violence, like all action, changes the world, but the most probable change is to a more violent world' (80). Arendt's reflections occasion an opportunity to reflect not only on interpersonal violence, but perhaps more important, state violence.Fearnley, Fran (ed.). 2004. I wrote on all Four Walls: Teens Speak Out on Violence. Toronto, Canada: Annick.How do youth experience violence? This collection contains the captivating stories of nine affected youth whose voices narrate experiences of being victims and instigators of violence. Their stories evidence the complexities of violence. They demonstrate how a great deal of slippage exists between the categories of victim and offender. Instead of being clear cut, the spellbinding tales evidence how the line separating the violent and the victim is often blurred. Most striking about this collection is the demand that adults listen to youth's voices. Tragically, youth are too often the objects of social regulation and academic discourse without being its authors. This collection forces the reader to consider what role, if any, youth voices may play in the amelioration of violence.Loeber, Rolf and David P. Farrington (eds.). 1998. Serious and Violent Juvenile Offenders: Risk Factors and Successful Interventions. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.Co‐edited by Rolf Loeber and David Farrington, this impressive collection offers innovative and insightful essays centring on the aetiology and trajectory of violent youth. This report of the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention's focus group on serious and violent offenders asks the reader to reflect on well‐worn assumptions. Instead of attending to single and static causal explanations of youth violence, the authors identify significant risk and resiliency factors. Collectively, the 17 chapters argue for more proactive responses to youth violence that attend to the complexity of juvenile development. The authors maintain that effective reforms and interventions can be implemented only when predictable assemblages of risk and protective factors are isolated. This volume of essays is impressive for the surfeit of data on risk and resiliency.Messerschmidt, James. 2000. Nine Lives: Adolescent Masculinities, The Body and Violence. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.No list of recommended readings on violence would be complete without at least one of James Messerschmidt's splendid books. In addition to Nine Lives, his Masculinities and Crime and Flesh and Blood are equally impressive. Tying these works together is the author's insistence that masculinities are at the centre of any coherent understanding of violence. Equally important to Messershmidt's work in Nine Lives is his use of the 'life history method'; which involves 'appreciating how adolescent male violent offenders construct and make sense of their particular world, and to comprehend the ways in which they interpret their own lives and the world around them' (5). For Messerschmidt, the world of boys is saturated with violent images that provide a rather limited cultural script through which to define manhood and manliness. Instead of prizing sensitivity and empathy, this hegemonic masculinity rewards (among other destructive qualities) toughness. The significance of this book lies in how Messerschmidt underscores the gendered meaning of violence in the world of nine boys.Sheridan, Sam. 2007. A Fighter's Heart: One Man's Journey Through the World of Fighting. New York, NY: Grove.A scarred man dripping in blood emblazons the cover of Sam Sheridan's book. Taken after one of his professional fights, the image captures the gaze while it repulses the mind. Sheridan's work takes the reader through the preparation and training of the violent body. The interested are catapulted into the world of fighting for sport and the intense and somewhat bizarre physical and, perhaps more important, psychological preparations fighters undertake to do violence to an other. In this book, Sheridan takes the reader on a journey through the life of a professional fighter and along the way provides insight into the corporeality of violence. Sheridan writes, 'Fighting is not just a manhood test; that is the surface. The depths are about knowledge and self knowledge, a method of examining one's own life and motives. For most people who take it seriously, fighting is much more about the self than the other' (337). While the other books I have recommended seek to stand at a distance from violence and describe the physical, psychological and spiritual construction of the violent body from a safe vantage, Sheridan's book dives head first into the masculine phenomenon.Zimring, Franklin. 1998. American Youth Violence. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.With fantastic media claims of a looming youth violence crisis and equally unreasonable governmental policy responses as the backdrop, Franklin Zimring's book offers a sober(ing) reflection. While the author finds media representations of juvenile violence particularly troubling, he considers the aggressive governmental response exceedingly incongruent with the scope of the problem. Wild media depictions of marauding youth criminals and equally pugnacious governmental responses has contributed to an ethos of intolerance manifest in an increasingly punitive juvenile court. After a systematic and careful analysis of juvenile court data and existing state policy, Zimring concludes that youth violence is a problem that requires a more level‐headed approach than is evidenced in escalating incarceration rates and reactionist policy.Zizek, Slavoj. 2008. Violence. New York, NY: Picador.Like Arendt, Slavoj Zizek implores the reader to think more critically and widely about the meanings of violence. Enjoining his characteristic psychoanalytic cunning bolstered by Marxist sagicity, Zizek maintains that violence embodies three overlapping and bouying configurations: subjective, objective and systemic. Through the lens of popular and not‐so‐popular movies and jokes, he suggests that our myopic preoccupation with subjective violence (interpersonal) obscures more insidious forms of systemic violence (committed by capital as intrinsic to the cost of doing business). Engrossment in subjective violence not only allows the systemic forms to go on (relatively) undetected, but to fester. Zizek's book demands that the reader assume a more panoramic stance when posing questions about violence.Course assignmentAdvertising campaign to end violenceIn groups or individually, students act as the creative marketing team for the mayor who is intent on curbing violent youth crime.Instructions
Select a category of violent youth crime for which you would like to create an advertising campaign (e.g. gang violence; dating violence; assault; sexual assault/rape & etc). For your selected issue, create an advertisement in any media (i.e. poster; newspaper/magazine spot; radio ad (60 sec.); television spot (90 sec.); Public Service Advertisement (PSA, 20 min.); Youtube message (2 min.); newspaper insert; billboard & etc.). You must describe the location/place where the campaign will be found (i.e. which newspaper? During what television show(s)?, etc.). In addition to your advertisement, you are required to submit a 7 to 10‐page paper that provides the theoretical and intellectual background to your advertising campaign (drawing on at least seven sources). The paper will outline the nature of the selected violent crime problem and explain how the campaign will manage or curb its incidence. Elements of your paper will include: clear introduction and conclusion; clear identification of the major factors involved in the issue; familiarity with the relevant literature; clear organization of the material and arguments; and critical analysis (i.e. What are the limitations of your approach). You will be given 10 minutes during a town‐hall meeting held during the last week of classes to pitch your campaign to the mayor and alderpersons (aka the class). You must explain why your approach will prove effective and ultimately receive the mayor's endorsement. Effective Advertising campaigns will be attractive, memorable, clear and creative. A useful example can be found at: http://www.gov.ab.ca/acn/200706/216833FE9BEF6‐0ECF‐81D6‐01A4883EC4C04B71.html Supporting media: http://www.aglc.gov.ab.ca/pdf/social_responsibility/cage_poster_one_stepped_toe.pdf http://www.aglc.gov.ab.ca/pdf/social_responsibility/cage_poster_five_asked_dance.pdf You must submit and justify the budget for your campaign. The price tag must be in‐line with potential return.
Recommended films and videosA number of outstanding videos on the topic of youth violence now exist, and I use a number of these throughout the course. In addition to films, I use a variety of additional media forms (i.e. websites, newspaper articles and television news) and guest speakers (i.e. Former gang members, juvenile justice professionals, street kids) that encourage critical thinking. Three films that I find particular useful are: Tough Guise–http://www.mediaed.org/videos/MediaGenderAndDiversity/ToughGuiseTeaching guide: http://mediaed.org/videos/MediaGenderAndDiversity/ToughGuise/studyguide/html Gang Aftermath–http://www.nfb.ca/collection/films/fiche/?id=54450 A Clockwork Orange–http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0066921/Useful websitesFight Violence.net –http://www.fightviolence.net/Ihuman –http://www.ihuman.org/Jackson Katz – 10 Things Men Can do to Prevent Gender Violence –http://www.jacksonkatz.com/wmcd.htmlPromoting Relationships and Eliminating Violence (PREVnet) –http://prevnet.ca/Public Health Agency of Canada – Dating Violence –http://www.phac‐aspc.gc.ca/ncfv‐cnivf/familyviolence/html/femdatfreq_e.htmlThe Youth Restorative Action Project –http://yrap.org/Youth Violence: A Report of the Surgeon General –http://www.surgeongeneral.gov/library/youthviolence/Sample course outlineSection 1 –Introduction to the courseThe first class(es) are intended to provide students with an overview of the course. The starting points/learning objectives outlined above provide a useful entry.Section 2 –What is violence?Providing conceptual clarification of the main concept under consideration is essential before proceeding too far into course content. This section reflects on how violence is defined (and left undefined) in philosophy, law, and criminology. Students will be asked to meditate on the limitations of each approach and to query whether violence can ever be justified and, if so, how.Section 3 –How much violence?Citizens are concerned about violent crime and are impressed by what crime statistics reveal. However, official statistics reveal only those cases which come to police attention or, more specifically, where police arrest a suspect for committing what the criminal code determines to be a violent offence. Understandably, not all violent crime is reported to police. Criminologists refer to the remainder as the dark figure of crime. It follows that crime scholars and statisticians can never be certain they have captured all the crime – violent or otherwise – that is committed in a particular society. When official statistics and media reports are the sole means employed to construct the public face of violence, victimization remains obscured. 'Not on the public's radar in the ethos of school shootings and high profile stabbings is that youth are the most likely victims of violence. Indeed, when the focus of the public's ire is set against a (perceived) rise in violent crime';2 victimization (i.e. bullying, dating violence, and, but not limited to, sexual assault) becomes an almost irrelevant aside to statistics. This section of the course provides an opportunity to shift the locus of debate from sensational media accounts to the complexities involved in youth violence.Section 4 –Understanding Violence and the Violent Offender?For what reasons do youth act violently? Since expert opinion varies widely, the answer you receive to this question will depend greatly on to whom it is posed. With particular attention paid to gender (especially masculinity), this section surveys various explanations of violent youth behaviour.Section 5 –Violent VictimizationYouth are typically overrepresented as victims of violent crime. This section of the course considers why this seems to be the case. It also surveys different forms of violent victimization including: racial violence, bullying, dating violence and sexual assault. Students will be asked to consider the most likely perpetrators of these crimes.Section 6 –The Culture of ViolenceViolence pervades Western culture. Nowhere is this more obvious than in the mass media. Movies, video games, sports, music videos and television programmes all contain heavy doses of violence. This section of the course confronts the violent images many take for granted. An attempt is made to juxtapose simulated violence with 'real‐life' violence and ponder what renders the former (more) acceptable while the latter is (almost) universally condemned. Through an examination of violence in media (movies, video games, etc.) and sport (hockey, football and mixed martial arts) students consider what our relative acceptance of these forms of violence reveals about Western society.Section 7 –Regulating and Managing ViolenceFear of violence has prompted individuals to respond in very direct ways to the prospect of victimization (i.e. buying pepper spray, purchasing burglar alarms, avoiding a particular area of town after dark). They have also demanded that their governments impose the most austere punishments on violent offenders and enact increasingly intrusive legislation. Bootcamps, chain gangs, the strap and, of course, incarceration have been advanced in the fight against violence. Canada's ruling Conservative party has recently pressured the Senate to speed up their deliberations over their proposed Tackling Violent Crime Act; which boasts a number of measures intended to satiate demand from a fearful public.Questions to consider in this section of the course include: Why has state intervention proven relatively ineffective? What innovative programs exist 'outside' of the state? To what extent does the amelioration of violence depend on the creation and widespread acceptance of a more tolerant and less aggressive masculine ethic? What role can youth play in preventing violence?Section 8 –ConclusionThe final section provides an opportunity to reflect on course themes by returning to the learning objectives and starting points outlined above. It is also an opportunity to move forward. If all agree that youth violence is indeed a problem, we must ask what we (each and all) are willing to do toward its amelioration. In the meantime we need to ask difficult and uncomfortable questions while assembling creative means of positively improving the situation many young people face. This means going beyond interventions that replicate the status quo to considering what a more just and humane world would look like.Notes * Correspondence address: Department of Sociology, University of Alberta, 5‐21 H.M. Tory Building, Edmonton, AB T6G 2H4, Canada. Email: bryan.hogeveen@ualberta.ca.
1 Starting Points are adapted from Minaker and Hogeveen, Youth, Crime and Society: Issues of Power and Justice.
2 Hogeveen, Bryan. 2007. 'Youth (and) Violence.' Sociology Compass. ½: 463–484. ReferencesHogeveen, Bryan 2007. 'Youth (and) Violence.' Sociology Compass ½: 463–84.Minaker, Joanne C. and Bryan Hogeveen 2008. Youth, Crime and Society: Issues of Power and Justice. Toronto, Canada: Pearson.
J. Baudrillard, analyzing the phenomena of cinema and television, reveals the peculiarities of modern means of mass communication. The role of such media that intensively affects society is to produce spectacular but meaningless messages; the formation of a certain outlook and lifestyle of members of society; creation of a socially passive and easily manageable mass of consumers; the removal of individuals from social reality and immersion in pseudo realism, or hyperreality; simulations of existence, in essence, of lost social, political and cultural spheres.The present state of social processes by J. Baudrillard characterizes as production not of material things, but of symbolic entities, which refer to the same entities, forming a quaint structure of autoreferencing (for example, the advertisement of a product that generates a non-existent need in it).«System of things» is a way of organizing a material world in which a person lives, and things intended initially to provide comfort, appear as factors that determine the social structure.Therefore, from the point of view of Baudrillard, the «system of things» determines the processes of human relations, systematizes human actions, and, in turn, is determined by them.In order to stimulate demand for goods, it is necessary to reveal a desire, but to a certain extent, because the intensions which are not restrained are in their essence devastating. Therefore, the task of advertising in terms of its social functions become maintenance and the interpretation of desire within the framework of generally accepted norms of conduct. When buying things, people are striving for an ever-vanishing ideal. To approve and regulate such a way of dealing with speeches is advertising, the purpose of which is not so much to promote the sale of a particular product, but to introduce into the consciousness of people a holistic image of society, «to give away» their members material goods.Advertising in the opinion of J. Borodyar is characterized by the following aspects: personalization, forced differentiation and multiplication of non-essential differences, degradation of technical structures in favor of production and consumption structures.It is important to note that in the opinion of the researcher, consumers of advertising based on direct information about goods or services (non-acceptance of imposition, constant repetition), at the same time, are positively related to the very fact of the existence of advertising.Criticizing advertising as part of the «system of things,» a French sociologist notes her need for modern society. ; Сущность рекламы в теории Ж. Бодрийяра заключается в трактовке ее как средства массовой информации, которая исключает возможность ответа, что делает невозможным любой процесс коммуникативного обмена. Этот вид некоммуникации имеет своей целью социальный контроль.Представлены теоретические основы формирования концепции «общества потребления» и раскрыта роль рекламы в современном дискурсе потребительства.Показано, что современные средства массовой коммуникации интенсивно влияют на социум, производят ложную реальность и отчуждают индивидов от социальной действительности.В статье дано определение понятия «гиперреальность», которая понимается как сфера симуляции, где происходит смешение экранных образов и реальности, действительного и телевизионного времени, частной и публичной жизни, внутреннего и внешнего, настоящего социального бытия и воображаемого пространства, в результате ее трудно отличить от реальности настоящей.Доказано, что в работе «Система вещей» Ж. Бодрийяр указывает, что сила рекламы базируется на вере в нее массового потребителя. Суть этой веры – в так называемой «функции инфантильного одаривания». Эта функция создает у человека ощущение мифической причастности, что имеет в данном контексте социальный характер. ; Сутність реклами в теорії Ж. Бодрійяра у трактуванні її як засобу масової інформації, який виключає можливість відповіді, що робить неможливим будь-який процес комунікативного обміну. Цей вид некомунікації має своєю метою соціальний контроль, маніпулювання особистістю і придушення свідомості людини.Представлено теоретичні основи формування концепції «суспільства споживання» та розкрито роль реклами у сучасному споживацькому дискурсі.Показано, що сучасні засоби масової комунікації інтенсивно впливають на соціум, виробляють хибну реальність і відчужують індивідів від соціальної дійсності. Розглянуто поняття «гіперреальність», що є сферою симуляції, де відбувається змішання екранних образів реальності, справжнього і телевізійного часу, приватного та публічного життя, внутрішнього і зовнішнього, справжнього соціального буття і удаваного простору, в результаті її важко відрізнити від реальності справжньої.Доведено, що у роботі «Система речей» Ж. Бодрійяр вказує, що сила реклами базується на вірі в неї масового споживача. Сутність цієї віри – у так званій «функції інфантильного обдаровування», яка створює у людини відчуття міфічної причетності, що має в даному контексті соціальний характер.
The Introduction explores the relationship between visual and literary representations of modern warfare. What impact have paintings, cartoons, films and television had on the reporting of conflicts? How has the visual imagery of military violence – as the most extensive and damaging form of violence – changed? Here, Susan Sontag's 2003 essay Regarding the Pain of Others is used as a starting point for a wider discussion of what it means to portray, and to witness portrayals of, wartime violence. Few events have been represented with such frequency, exhaustiveness, unevenness and distortion as have wars. In the modern and contemporary eras, which are the focus of this volume, such representation has become largely mediatic and increasingly visual, with the images of photographic journalism, newsreels and television supplementing and contradicting the longer-established genres of military art, monuments, cartoons, treatises, war poems, plays and novels. 'Being a spectator of calamities taking place in another country is a quintessential modern experience', the cumulative offering 'by more than a century and a half's worth of those professional, specialized tourists known as journalists,' writes Susan Sontag in Regarding the Pain of Others (2003): Wars are now also living room sights and sounds. Information about what is happening elsewhere, called 'news', features conflict and violence – 'If it bleeds, it leads' runs the venerable guideline of tabloids and twenty-four-hour headline news shows – to which the response is compassion, or indignation, or titillation, or approval, as each misery heaves into view.1 This impression of knowing 'what happens every day throughout the whole world', with the reports of journalists placing, 'as it were, those in agony on fields of battle under the eyes of readers' and allowing the cries of the wounded to 'resonate in their ears', as the first president of the Red Cross, Gustav Moynier, expressed it in 1899, has been juxtaposed with and opposed to other means of remembering, commemorating and glorifying military conflict, which usually demand separate spaces of reflection, away from the bustle and fragmentation of everyday life.2 Here, we ask how wars were visualized in different media, as artists, photographers, film directors and TV producers sought to evoke military conflicts which many had experienced and virtually everyone had 'seen' and 'heard of'. The relationship between soldiers' and civilians' experiences of warfare and their conceptions of it has been complicated by the clashing imperatives and changing conditions of military conflict. On the one hand, the mediatization of war – with the rise of war correspondents and the use of war photography from the Crimean War onwards, for example – combined with mass participation in politics to make governments highly sensitive to press revelations and sensationalism, which they sought to censor, and receptive to the use and abuse of propaganda, which they attempted to instigate and foster. The idea that propaganda was the preserve of the state and involved the presentation and misrepresentation of information in ways favourable to one's own country and damaging to enemies owed most to the newly formed agencies of the First World War, such as the British Department (and later Ministry) of Information, before it was taken up by the post-war dictatorships of the 1920s and 1930s and condemned by critics of the Great War like Arthur Ponsonby, whose Falsehood in War-Time: Propaganda Lies of the First World War was published in 1928.3 On the other hand, citizens' direct exposure to warfare had increased as a consequence of conscription and mass mobilization, which had resulted in the military service of more than 80 per cent of men between the ages of twenty and forty-five in Germany and France between 1914 and 1918, and as a result of a widening theatre of operations, with motorized armies and aerial bombardment ensuring that about two-thirds of the casualties in the Second World War were civilians, compared to less than a third of the deaths caused by the First World War.4 Given the stakes, the conflicting claims of different kinds of combatants, victims, journalists, artists, propagandists and officials were bound to create confusion and controversy about the nature of wars, both as they were being waged and as they were later recollected, studied and memorialized.5 The proximity and disjunction of individuals' experiences, the re-presentation of events, private and public memories, and historical investigation make the interpretation of visual and literary portrayals of wartime violence difficult, but essential, to interpret and explain.
Correspondence of Mr. L.V. Navarro from Los Angeles, CA, USA, Gen. Alvaro Obregón, Mr. Fernando Torreblanca, and Mr. Vernon, in which the former congratulate Gen. Obregón on an interview he gave to the American press in which he expressed his concern to improve relations between Mexico and the United States; his firm desire to pacify the country, to achieve progress in all areas of the economy; in which he offers to provide protection to foreign capital that comes to invest in Mexico; speaks of his political campaign, of his governmental programs as much as it relates to national and international policy: MORTON, Howard E. "Candidate for President Pledges Protection for Foreign Investments", LOS ANGELES EXAMINER, Los Angeles, CA, US, Sept. 14, 1919. Gen. Alvaro Obregón informs Mr. L.V. Navarro that he has appointed Mr. Baldomero A. Almada as his delegate to the United States, who will be coordinating the efforts of all those who want to work on propaganda for Mexico and for his presidential candidacy. Mr. Navarro informs Gen. Obregón that he continues his propaganda work in favor of Mexico; he also appeals for his help, since he is likely to be appointed Consul somewhere in the United States and he would prefer it to be on the west coast, where his action would be more effective; attaches a map indicating the places where he would like to work. Response regretting not being able to help. Letters of Mr. L.V. Navarro and Mr. Fernando Torreblanca, concerning the requested recommendation. Mr. Navarro informs Gen. Alvaro Obregón of the work carried out in the various journalistic media in favor of his candidacy. Letter from Mr. L.V. Navarro to Mr. Vernon, exalting the figure of Gen. Alvaro Obregón. L.V. Navarro sends Gen. Obregón a clipping from the press about the problems of the presidential elections in Mexico: "Elections Due in 1920", THE CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR, Boston, Mass., US. Mr. L.V. Navarro writes to Mr. Fernando Torreblanca expressing his desire to return to Mexico. Clipping of a newspaper, unrelated to the contents of the rest of the file, which analyzes and criticizes the letter-pact that Gen. Pablo Gonzalez sent to Gen. Alvaro Obregón. / Correspondencia entre el Sr. L.V. Navarro de los Angeles, Cal. E.U.A., el Gral. Alvaro Obregón, el Sr. Fernando Torreblanca y un señor Vernon, en la que el primero felicita al Gral. Obregón por una entrevista que concedió a la prensa norteamericana en la que expresa su preocupación por mejorar las relaciones entre México y Estados Unidos; su firme voluntad de pacificar al país, de lograr progreso en todos los ámbitos de la economía; en la que ofrece dar seguridades a capitales extranjeros que vengan a invertir en México; habla de su campaña política, de sus programas de gobierno tanto en lo que se refiere a política nacional como internacional: MORTON, Howard E. "Candidate for President Pledges Protection for Foreign Investments", LOS ANGELES EXAMINER, Los Angeles, Cal. E.U.A. Sept. 14, 1919. El Gral. Alvaro Obregón informa al Sr. L.V. Navarro que ha nombrado como su delegado en Estados Unidos al Sr. Baldomero A. Almada, quien se encargará de coordinar los esfuerzos de todos aquellos que quieran trabajar en la propaganda a favor de México y de su candidatura a la Presidencia. El Sr. Navarro informa al Gral. Obregón que continúa su labor de propaganda a favor de México; además solicita su ayuda, ya que es probable que lo nombren Cónsul en algún punto de los Estados Unidos y él preferiría que fuera en la costa oeste, donde su acción podría ser más efectiva; anexa mapa señalando los sitios en donde a él le gustaría trabajar. Respuesta lamentando no poder ayudar. Cartas entre los Srs. L.V. Navarro y Fernando Torreblanca, relativas al asunto de la recomendación solicitada. El Sr. Navarro informa al Gral. Alvaro Obregón de la labor desarrollada en los diversos medios periodísticos a favor de su candidatura. Carta del Sr. L.V. Navarro al Sr. Vernon, exaltando la figura del Gral. Alvaro Obregón. L.V. Navarro envía al Gral. Obregón un recorte de prensa sobre la problemática de las elecciones presidenciales de 1920 en México: "Elections Due in 1920", THE CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR, Boston, Mass. E.U.A. El Sr. L.V. Navarro escribe al Sr. Fernando Torreblanca expresando su deseo de regresar a México. Recorte de periódico, sin relación con el contenido del resto del expediente, en el que se analiza y critica la carta-pacto que el Gral. Pablo González envía al Gral. Alvaro Obregón.
The present work deals with the study of air pollution in Navarra, focusing on the characterisation of particulate matter. To achieve this goal, a sampling study was carried out during 2009 at rural (Bertiz), urban (Iturrama) and traffic (Plaza de la Cruz) stations, located in Bertiz Natural Park and Pamplona respectively. 24-h samples of PM10 and PM2.5 were collected onto quartz fibre filters every three days from January 2009 to December 2009. A total of 561 samples of PM10 and PM2.5 were collected from which about 374 were selected to be chemically analysed The first section of this thesis was focused on the development of a robust method for accurate and precise quantification by ICP-MS of Na, Mg, Al P, K, Ca, Fe, V, Ti, Cr, Mn, Co, Ni, Cu, Zn, As, Se, Rb, Cd, Sb, Cs, Ba, La, Ce and Pb, present in MPA sampled on quartz fibre filters, in order to minimize the time of the analysis. Following, the time series of PM10, PM2.5, CO, NO, NO2, SO2 and O3 pollutants were studied at three sampling stations. This study concluded that MPA levels recorded in 2009 in Navarra were similar to those in most of the stations in northern Spain and no MPA concentration exceedances were observed, when compared to limit values established by European legislation (Directive 2008 / 50/CE). However, the average concentration of NO2 reached at Plaza de la Cruz in 2009, exceeded the annual limit set by Directive 2008/50/EC. The chemical characterization of MPA (OM + EC, mineral matter, SIC and sea spray), was consistent with the composition shown by rural, urban and traffic background stations in Spain and Europe. However, metal concentrations showed significantly lower concentrations than those recorded at other stations with similar characteristics. PMF model identified 5 principle sources for PM10 and PM2.5 in Iturrama and Plaza de la Cruz (crustal, secondary sulphate, secondary nitrate, traffic and sea-salt aerosols) and 4 sources for PM10 in Bertiz (crustal, secondary sulphate, secondary nitrate and sea-salt). These factors explained in Iturrama 96% and 98% of the total mass measured in PM10 and PM2.5 fractions respectively, 101% (PM10) and 90% (PM2.5) mass of MPA in Plaza de la Cruz and the 95% of PM10 in Bertiz. From the time series study, a classification of the main sources of MPA high level episodes in Navarra was established as follows: 1) intrusion of air masses of North African origin, 2) transport of air masses from central Europe, 3) local pollution emissions (Pamplona), 4) local pollution episodes in Bertiz, and 5) less frequent episodes of regional pollution. In the same way, the advection of air masses from the Atlantic Ocean was identified as the most frequent meteorological event (60%) in Navarra, and characterised by the presence low concentrations of particulate matter. Samples corresponding to those characteristic episodes of high contamination events in Navarra were analyzed by scanning electron microscopy (SEM-EDX). The results indicated that North African influenced samples showed typical particles of Saharan origin, such as fragments of diatoms, quartz and clay particles. In samples related to European influences many spherical carbon particles and clusters of C, Ca and Si were found, related to the use of fossil fuels, as well as soot aggregates emitted from diesel vehicles. In order to complete the chemical characterization of MPA a study concerning the characterization and source apportionment of the Polycyclic Aromatic Hydrocarbons (PAHs) in PM10 samples at Bertiz, Iturrama and Plaza de la Cruz was carried out. The limit of 1 ng m-3 of Benzo(a)pyrene set by Directive 2004/107/ was not exceeded in any of the studied areas during 2009. The principal component analysis (PCA) identified the use of fossil fuels (natural gas, Wood and coal) as the main emission source of PAHs in urban station (Iturrama) unlike, in Plaza de la Cruz and Bertiz, the emissions from diesel and gasoline vehicles were the main contribution of PAHs. ; El presente trabajo pretende contribuir a la adquisición de un mayor conocimiento sobre la contaminación atmosférica en la Comunidad Foral de Navarra y, de manera específica del material particulado atmosférico (MPA). Con este objetivo, se realizó un estudio a lo largo del 2009 en tres estaciones de medida: rural, urbana y urbana de tráfico, ubicadas en el Parque Natural del Señorío de Bertiz y Pamplona (Iturrama y Plaza de la Cruz), respectivamente. Se determinaron simultáneamente un total de 561 muestras de PM10 y PM2,5, de las cuales aproximadamente 374 fueron seleccionadas para la realización del análisis físico-químico. El primer bloque de trabajo se centró en el desarrollo y puesta a punto de una metodología de digestión-evaporización robusta, en vaso cerrado, para la cuantificación simultánea de Na, Mg, Al, P, K, Ca, Fe, V, Ti, Cr, Mn, Co, Ni, Cu, Zn, As, Se, Rb, Cd, Sb, Cs, Ba, La, Ce y Pb con exactitud y precisión en muestras de PM10 y PM2,5 en filtro de cuarzo, disminuyendo de este modo el tiempo de análisis. A continuación se realizó un estudio de las series temporales de los niveles en aire ambiente de los contaminantes PM10, PM2,5, CO, NO, NO2, SO2 y O3 en las tres estaciones de muestreo. De este estudio se concluye que los niveles de MPA registrados durante 2009 en Navarra fueron similares a los registrados en las numerosas estaciones del norte de España y que en ninguno de los casos se superaron las concentraciones límite de MPA establecidas por la legislación (Directiva 2008/50/CE). Sin embargo, la concentración media de NO2 alcanzada en la estación de Plaza de la Cruz en 2009 superó el límite establecido por la Directiva 2008/50/CE. La caracterización química del MPA en Navarra (OM+EC, material mineral, CIS y aerosol marino) reveló una composición similar a la mostrada por estaciones de fondo rural, urbano y de tráfico de España y Europa. Sin embargo, las concentraciones de metales alcanzaron concentraciones significativamente inferiores a las registradas en otras estaciones de características similares. Mediante la aplicación del modelo Positive Matrix Factorization (PMF) se identificaron 5 factores con influencia en la masa de PM10 y PM2,5 en las estaciones de Iturrama y Plaza de la Cruz. Las fuentes obtenidas fueron las siguientes: crustal, nitrato secundario, sulfato secundario, tráfico y aerosol marino. Dichos factores explicaron en Iturrama el 96% y 98% de la masa medida en las fracciones PM10 y PM2,5 respectivamente, y el 101% (PM10) y 90% (PM2,5) de la masa de MPA en Plaza de la Cruz. En la estación de Bertiz se obtuvieron 4 factores, explicando el 95% de la masa de PM10: crustal, nitrato secundario, sulfato secundario y aerosol marino. El estudio de las series temporales permitió identificar las principales fuentes de los episodios de altos niveles de MPA en Navarra, como son: 1) intrusiones de masas de aire de origen norte africano, 2) transporte de masas de aire de centro Europa, 3) emisiones de contaminación local (Pamplona), 4) episodios de contaminación local en Bertiz, y 5) episodios menos frecuentes de contaminación regional. Del mismo modo, se identificó la advección de masas de aire procedentes del océano Atlántico como el episodio meteorológico más frecuente (60%) en Navarra, característico por presentar bajas concentraciones de material particulado. El análisis mediante Microscopía Electrónica de Barrido (SEM-EDX) de las muestras de aquellos episodios de contaminación más característicos, mostraron diferentes resultados. Aquellas muestras con influencia norte africana presentaron partículas de procedencia sahariana, tales como fragmentos de diatomeas, partículas de cuarzo y arcillas. En aquellas muestras relacionadas con intrusiones europeas abundaron las partículas esféricas de carbono y conglomerados de C, Ca y Si, relacionados con el uso de combustibles fósiles, así como agregados de hollín emitidas por los vehículos diésel. La caracterización química del MPA se completó mediante el análisis y evaluación de los niveles de los Hidrocarburos Aromáticos Policíclicos (HAPs) en las muestras de PM10 de Bertiz, Iturrama y Plaza de la Cruz. El límite establecido por la Directiva 2004/107/CE para el Benzo (a)pireno, considerado el más potente cancerígeno de los HAPs, no fue superado en 2009 en ninguna de las áreas estudiadas. El análisis de componentes principales (ACP) identificó el uso de combustibles fósiles (gas natural, madera y carbón) como principal fuente de emisión de los HAPs en la estación urbana de Iturrama, a diferencia de Plaza de la Cruz y Bertiz, donde las emisiones por parte de vehículos diésel y gasolina fueron la principal contribución de HAPs.
Modern indoor environments contain a vast array of contaminating sources. Emissions from these sources produce contaminant concentrations that are substantially higher indoors than outside. Because we spend most of our time indoors, exposure to indoor pollutants may be orders-of-magnitude greater than that experienced outdoors. Phthalate esters have been recognized as major indoor pollutants. They are mainly used as plasticizers to enhance the flexibility of polyvinylchloride (PVC) products, as well as in humectants, emollients, and antifoaming agents. Phthalates are found in a wide range of consumer products including floor and wall coverings, car interior trim, floor tiles, gloves, footwear, insulation on wiring, and artificial leather. Because these phthalate additives are not chemically bound to the polymer matrix, slow emission from the products to the surrounding air or other media usually occurs. Biomonitoring data suggest that over 75% of the U.S. population is exposed to phthalates. The ubiquitous exposure to phthalates is of concern because toxicological investigations have demonstrated considerable adverse health effects of phthalates and their metabolites. Studies have shown that exposure to phthalates results in profound and irreversible changes in the development of the reproductive tract, especially in males, raising the possibility that phthalate exposures could be the leading cause of reproductive disorders in humans. In addition, effects such as increases in prenatal mortality, reduced growth and birth weight, skeletal, visceral, and external malformations are possibly associated with phthalate exposure. Epidemiologic studies in children also show associations between phthalate exposure in the home and the risk of asthma and allergies. Given the ubiquitous nature of phthalates in the environment and the potential for adverse human health impacts, there is a critical need to understand indoor emissions of phthalates and to identify the most important sources and pathways of exposure. In this study, a model that integrates the fundamental mechanisms governing emissions of semi-volatile organic compounds (SVOCs) from polymeric materials and their subsequent interaction with indoor surfaces and airborne particles was developed. The emissions model is consistent with analogous mechanistic models that predict emission of volatile organic compounds (VOCs) from building materials. Reasonable agreement between model predictions and gas-phase di-2-ethylhexyl phthalate (DEHP) concentrations was achieved for data collected in a previously published experimental study that measured emissions of DEHP from vinyl flooring in two very different chambers. The analysis showed that while emissions of highly volatile VOCs are subject to internal control (through the material-phase diffusion coefficient), emissions of the very low volatility SVOCs are subject to external control (through partitioning into the gas phase, the convective mass transfer coefficient, and adsorption onto interior surfaces). Because of the difficulties associated with sampling and analysis of SVOCs, only a few chamber studies quantifying their emissions from building materials and consumer products are available. To more rigorously validate the SVOCs emission model and more completely understand the mechanisms governing the release of phthalate from polymeric building materials, the emission of DEHP from vinyl flooring was studied for up to 140 days in a specially-designed stainless steel chamber. In the duplicate chamber study, the gas-phase concentration in the chamber increased slowly and reached a steady state level of 0.9 µg/m3 after 30 days. By increasing the area of vinyl flooring and decreasing that of the stainless steel surface in the chamber, the time to reach steady state was significantly reduced, compared to the previous study (1 month vs. 5 months). The adsorption isotherm of DEHP on the interior stainless steel chamber surface was explicitly measured using two different methods (solvent extraction and thermal desorption). Strong adsorption of DEHP onto the stainless steel surface was observed and found to follow a simple linear relationship. In addition, parameters measured in the experiments were then applied in the fundamental SVOCs emission model. Good agreement was obtained between the predictions of the model and the gas-phase DEHP chamber concentrations, without resorting to fitting of model parameters. These chamber studies have shown that the tendency of SVOCs to adsorb strongly to interior surfaces has a very strong influence on the emission rate. Compared to the experimental chamber systems, however, the real indoor environment has many other types of surface that will adsorb phthalates to different extents. The emission rate measured in a test chamber may therefore be quite different to the emission rate from the same material in the indoor environment. For this reason, both a two-room model and a more representative three-compartment model were developed successively to estimate the emission rate of DEHP from vinyl flooring, the evolving gas-phase and adsorbed surface concentrations, and human exposures (via inhalation, dermal absorption and oral ingestion of dust) in a realistic indoor environment. Adsorption isotherms for phthalates and plasticizers on interior surfaces, such as carpet, wood, dust and human skin, were derived from previous field and laboratory studies. A subsequent sensitivity analysis revealed that the vinyl flooring source characteristics, as well as mass-transfer coefficients and ventilation rates, are important variables influencing the steady-state DEHP concentration and resulting exposures. A simple uncertainty analysis suggested that residential exposure to DEHP originating from vinyl flooring may fall somewhere between about 5 µg/kg/d and 180 µg/kg/d. The roughly 40-fold range in exposure reveals the inherent difficulty in using biomonitoring results to identify specific sources of exposure in the general population. This research represents the first attempt to explicitly elucidate the fundamental mechanisms governing the release of phthalates from polymeric building materials as well as their subsequent interaction with interior surfaces. The mechanistic models developed can most likely be extended to predict concentration and exposure arising from other sources of phthalates, other sources of other semi-volatile organic compounds (such as biocides and flame retardants), as well as emissions into other environmental media (food, water, saliva, and even blood). The results will be of value to architects, governments, manufacturers, and engineers who wish to specify low-emitting green materials for healthy buildings. It will permit health professionals to identify and control health risks associated with many of the SVOCs used in indoor materials and consumer products in a relatively inexpensive way. ; Ph. D.
Introduction: Scope of the problem, definitions and concepts / Jacob Holzer, Andrea J. Dew, Patricia R. Recupero, and Paul Gill -- Historical aspects and evolution of lone-actor violence / Mark Hamm and Tammy Ayres -- Case reviews in lone-actor terrorism incidents / Jacob Holzer, Olivia Zurek, and Lauren Simpson -- Clinical psychiatric and neuropsychiatric aspects of lone-actor terrorism / Robert P. Granacher, Jr., Danielle B. Kushner, and Jacob Holzer -- Psychoactive agents and mental disorders in lone-actor terrorism / Michael Arieli, Aviv Weinstein, Uri Ben Yaakov, Ronnie Berkovitz, Alina Poperno, Hagit Bonny-Noach, and Robert P. Granacher, Jr. -- Developmental aspects of lone-actor terrorists / Karl Mobbs, Gen Ignatius Tanaka, and Terry R. Bard -- The role of psychometrics in investigating lone-actor terrorism / Nancy P. Moczynski, Allen Schiller, Theodora Farah, and Eric Drogan -- Understanding lone-actor violence through linguistic analysis / Isabelle W.J. van der Vegt, Bennett Kleinberg, and Paul Gill -- Propaganda and lone-actor terrorism / Eric Drogan -- Lone-actor mass casualty events and linkages to organized violent Salafist-Jihadist inspired terror groups / Andrea J. Dew and Daniel Starr -- The internet and social media as an enabling force / Patricia R. Recupero and Samara E. Rainey -- Geographic context : domestic vs. international lone-actors / Christopher Jasparro and Suzanne Levi-Sanchez -- Means, mechanisms, and trends of operationalizing violence / Christopher Winter, Ramón Spaaij, and Marilyn Price -- Role of forensic mental health and lone-actor violence / Ashley H. VanDercar, Ryan C. Wagoner, Phillip J. Resnick, Frank Farnham, and Emily Corner -- An ethics analysis of lone-actor terror and society's response / Danielle B. Kushner and Philip J. Candilis -- Law enforcement response to lone-actor incidents at the local through federal levels / Douglas Brennan, Mark Concordia, and Michael Madden -- Post-9/11 U.S. Military and intelligence approaches to lone-actors / Corri Zoli -- U.S. Legal perspectives : legislative, intelligence, and law-enforcement aspects / Jeffrey H. Smith, Amy Jeffress, Christopher E. Beeler, and Tian Tian Xin -- Pursuing lone-actor terrorists : U.K. counterterrorism law and policy / Stuart Macdonald -- Lone-actor terrorism : understanding online indoctrination / Steven Hassan, Jon Caven-Atack, Mansi J. Shah, and Simran Malhotra -- Hatred and grievance as constructs in lone-actor terrorism / Jacob Holzer, Arya Shah, Eric Drogan, and Robert P. Granacher, Jr -- Comparing lone-actor terrorism to other high-threat groups / Jacob Holzer, Emily Threlkeld, William Costanza, Patricia R. Recupero, and Samara E. Rainey -- A risk analysis framework of lone-actor terrorism / Noémie Bouhana, Emily Corner, and Paul Gill -- A framework for preempting lone-actor terrorists during the pre-incident phases / Joshua Sinai -- Threat assessment : the TRAP-18 and application to a lone-actor terrorism incident / J. Reid Meloy and Jacob Holzer -- Use of threat and risk assessment tools in the evaluation of lone-actor terrorists / Hy Bloom, Reem Zaia, and Arya Shah -- Developing a risk assessment and intervention strategy : future directions in research and practice / Jacob Holzer, Andrea J. Dew, Patricia R. Recupero, and Paul Gill.
1.Police force --Understanding police brutality --The long, painful history of police brutality in the U.S. /Katie Nodjimbadem --What the police really believe /Zack Beauchamp --George Floyd and the history of police brutality in America /Kadijatou Diallo and John Shattuck --10 things we know about race and policing in the U.S. /Drew DeSilver, Michael Lipka, and Dalia Fahmy --Why statistics don't capture the full extent of the systemic bias in policing /Laura Bronner --2.Policing in place --Community policing and the role of police --Polling finds a divide in how Americans view police and protestors /Timothy Rich, et al. --The negative consequences of entangling local policing and immigration enforcement /Danyelle Solomon, Tom Jawetz, and Sanam Malik --Has ICE found a way to get around sanctuary policies? /Jack Herrera --Calls for reform bring renewed focus to community policing, but does it work? /Candice Norwood --3.Plague policing --Policing in the age of COVID-19 --Policing during the coronavirus pandemic /Ed Chung, Betsy Pearl, and Lea Hunter --Explainer: why police will be crucial players in the battle against coronavirus /Terry Goldsworthy and Robyn Lincoln --Do we really need the COVID-19 police? /Marc Siegel --U.S. policing after wave one of COVID-19 /Vanda Felbab-Brown --COVID-19 curbs community policing at a time of diminishing trust /David Montgomery --4.Training days --Police education and policy --Police reformers push for de-escalation training, but the jury is out on its effectiveness /Erin Schumaker --Private company moves to profit from New York's police reforms /Alice Speri --Police reforms stall around the country, despite new wave of activism /Nolan D. McCaskill --Could "insight policing" have saved Sandra Bland, Freddie Gray and others? /Megan Price --5.Steps toward reform --Solving problems for a better policing system --"Perfect storm": defund the police, COVID-19 lead to biggest police budget cuts in decade /Kevin Johnson and Kristine Phillips --Los Angeles cuts LAPD spending, taking police staffing to its lowest level in 12 years /David Zahniser, Dakota Smith, Emily Alpert Reyes --What exactly does it mean to defund the police? /Amanda Arnold --The defunding debate /Jack Herrera --6.Policing the digital citizen --Technology in policing --The Microsoft police state: mass surveillance, facial recognition, and the Azure Cloud /Michael Kwet --Cops in Miami, NYC arrest protesters from facial recognition matches /Kate Cox --Police are using facial recognition for minor crimes because they can /Alfred Ng --Body cameras are seen as key to police reform: but do they increase accountability? /Candice Norwood --Body cameras may not be the easy answer everyone was looking for /Lindsey Van Ness --Amazon's doorbell camera Ring is working with police--and controlling what they say /Kari Paul --How to reform police monitoring of social media /Rachel Levinson-Waldman and Angel Diaz.
More than two-thirds of Americans support a ceasefire in Israel's war on Gaza, according to a Reuters/Ipsos poll whose results were released on Wednesday. The poll, which gathered responses from just over 1,000 respondents earlier this week, also shows that U.S. support for Israel has declined in the month since Hamas's incursion into Israel on October 7. The percentage of respondents who said that "the U.S. should support Israel" when asked what role Washington should play in the war dropped from 41% in mid-October to 32% percent this week. Meanwhile, respondents who said that the U.S. should support Palestine increased from 2% to 4%, those who said it should play no role decreased from 21% to 15%, and those who urged Washington to be a "neutral mediator" jumped from 27% to 39%. The ceasefire question was not included in the poll taken in the immediate aftermath of Hamas's attacks, but it has become a hot-button political issue amid Israel's ongoing, brutal retaliatory war. As of Monday, an estimated 11,000 people have been killed in Gaza since October 7. According to Gaza's Ministry of Health, 40% of those have been children. "The Gaza crisis has sparked an international outcry that has focused in recent days on the collapsing medical infrastructure in the crowded coastal enclave," reads the Reuters report that announced the polling results. "Palestinians trapped inside Gaza's biggest hospital were digging a mass grave on Tuesday to bury patients who died under Israeli encirclement." The 68% of respondents who agreed with the statement, "Israel should call a ceasefire and try to negotiate," were divided by political party, with approximately 75% of Democrats and about half of Republicans concurring. The overwhelming support from Democratic respondents puts them squarely at odds with the party's political leadership in Washington. President Joe Biden said last week that there was "no possibility" of a ceasefire in Gaza, and only 27 congressional Democrats (about 10% of the conference) have publicly supported one. The split between the public and elected officials is also notable in the GOP, where no elected officials on Capitol Hill have called for a ceasefire. "Support for Israel's war in Gaza is fast eroding among Americans," wrote Trita Parsi, executive vice President of the Quincy Institute, on the social media platform X. "Biden & Congress are once again out of step with the American public." The poll also showed that 31% of respondents support sending weapons to Israel, compared to 43% who were opposed, in what Reuters called "a potentially worrisome sign for Israel." Providing military support to Israel has long had strong bipartisan support in Washington, and Biden has recently called for an additional $14.3 billion in aid for Tel Aviv, as part of a larger supplemental package that has yet to make its way through Congress.
Corynebacterium pseudotuberculosis é o agente causador da linfadenite caseosa dos caprinos e ovinos, enfermidade associada a perdas econômicas diretas no setor pecuário. Além de ter um curso crônico, o seu tratamento com antibióticos é inviável e não existem vacinas eficazes disponíveis no mercado. Neste experimento, foram utilizadas condições de cultivo in vitro que se aproximassem do ambiente das condições in vivo encontradas pela bactéria durante a infecção do hospedeiro, isto incluiu a utilização de material biológico animal como meio de cultura e a restrição do ferro livre no meio. Nessas condições, era esperado que o C. pseudotuberculosis expressasse perfis proteicos de membrana ainda desconhecidos. Par isso foram utilizadas linhagens bacterianas de baixa (T1) e alta (VD57) virulência, cultivadas em caldo BHI, MQD, MQD suplementado com ferro, RPMI, RPMI suplementado com soro ovino e um meio produzido com material biológico ovino, todos estes com e sem suplementação de agentes quelantes de ferro. As massas bacterianas foram coletadas durante as fases Log e Estacionária da curva de crescimento da bactéria, para que fosse conduzida a extração das moléculas de membrana com o uso de solventes orgânicos. Este procedimento gerou uma fração denominada antígenos de membrana, rica em glicoproteínas. O perfil proteico variou de acordo com o meio utilizado, sendo que algumas bandas coradas na eletroforese aparecem em muitos meios. Portanto foi possível produzir informações importantes para uma futura vacina e produção testes diagnósticos.
Palavras-chave: C. pseudotuberculosis. Meios de Cultura. Quelantes de Ferro. Proteínas de Membrana Bacteriana.
Abstract Corynebacterium pseudotuberculosis is the causative agent of caseous lymphadenitis in goats and sheep, a disease associated with direct economic losses in the livestock sector. In addition to having a chronic course, its treatment with antibiotics is unfeasible and there are no effective vaccines available on the market. In this experiment, in vitro culture conditions that approximated the environment to the in vivo conditions found by the bacterium during host infection were used, this included the use of animal biological material as a culture medium and the restriction of free iron in the medium. Under these conditions, C. pseudotuberculosis was expected to express unknown membrane protein profiles yet. Also, bacterial strains of low (T1) and high (VD57) virulence were used, grown in BHI broth, MQD, MQD supplemented with iron, RPMI, RPMI supplemented with sheep blood serum and a culture medium produced with biological material, all of these with and without supplementation of iron chelating agents. Bacterial masses were collected during the Log and Stationary phases of the bacterial growth curve, so that membrane molecules could be extracted using organic solvents. This procedure generated a fraction called membrane antigens, rich in glycoproteins, with a protein profile varying among the different growth media tested, demonstrating the importance of the medium for bacterial protein expression and consequently influencing the expressed protein profile for test production diagnoses and a future vaccine.
Keywords: C. pseudotuberculosis. Culture Medium. Iron Chelators. Bacterial Membrane Proteins.
In the 2018 West Java regional elections competition, four pairs of candidates appeared as candidates for Governor and Deputy Governor. The new candidates for the 2018 West Java Governor elections candidacy, namely the pair Ridwan Kamil and Uu Ruzhanul Ulum, came out as winners in the West Java Governor elections constellation. This pair was able to defeat the incumbent in the people's democratic party. The problem that underlies this research is how new candidates can beat incumbents and candidates promoted by the winning party in the West Java legislative election. Based on these problems, it becomes interesting to study because new candidates can get a winning seat. Of course, victory is achieved through careful preparation and the strategies used by their winning team. Also, there were some factors that influenced Ridwan Kamil and Uu Ruzhanul Ulum's victories. This paper aims to determine what factors influence the victory of the pair who also managed to beat the incumbent and the winning party in the legislative elections in West Java. This research uses qualitative research methods, with data collection through interviews and documentation techniques. Through the research method used, we can see what factors influence the victory of this candidate pair. Sources in this study were representatives of the West Java NasDem Regional Leadership Council team, former Ridwan Kamil's vision and mission drafting team, volunteers, and the voting community. The results showed that the victory was not obtained from the number of votes of parties supporting the legislative elections and incumbent factors, but some factors influenced the victory. First, the popularity factor of Ridwan Kamil, who is a young, creative, visionary and innovative figure. This factor was chosen by millennial groups and rational voters in West Java. Second, the political machine factor because in order to get a ticket to go to the regional elections, the candidates who run are generally supported by the strength of the coalition of supporting parties that are joined behind them and the strategies used by the winning party team. Third, volunteering also makes a major contribution to increasing the voice. Fourth, community participation is the determinant of victory because in the 2018 West Java regional elections, community participation increased significantly compared to the previous regional elections. Fifth, modalities which include political capital, social capital, and cultural capital. The political capital owned by the pair Ridwan Kamil and Uu Ruzhanul Ulum in the West Java Pilkada include the strength and network of political party coalitions, social capital that covers Ridwan Kamil's urban base, Ridwan Kamil's closeness to the news media, and the character of Uu Ruzhanul Ulum who has a mass base in the pesantren. The last is the cultural capital of Ridwan Kamil, such as his education, figures of Muslim descent and ethnicity from Sundanese origin and Uu who is a Muslim leader of kyai descent.
This study was carried out to isolate opportunistic hydrocarbons oil-degrading bacteria and develop a consortium or a mixture of bacteria with high biodegradation capabilities which can be used in biological treatment units of the contaminated water before release. The biological processes in general are environmentally friendly and cost effective, as they are easy to design and apply; as such they are more appropriate to the public.
The location of the study was in Al-Dora refinery sludge holes area. The samples were collected for three seasons (winter, spring and summer) each consisted of three months. The sludge samples were analyzed for various physical and chemical parameters. Temperature values of the sludge were at maximum in summer season, reaching 32˚C, whereas they were at minimum in winter (24 ˚C). The values of sludge pH were at maximum in summer (9.70) and minimum in winter (9.20). Turbidity levels were 382 NTU in spring and 353 NUT in winter. Biological oxygen demand (BOD5) was at maximum in summer (760) and (690 mg/l) in winter. The maximum dissolved oxygen (DO) value of 5.20 mg/l was recorded in winter, while the minimum was 3.80 mg/l recorded in summer. The maximum electrical conductivity (EC) was 17130 μs/cm recorded in summer, while the minimum was 16150 μs/cm recorded in winter. The maximum total dissolved solids (TDS) values were 10335 mg/l recorded in summer, while the minimum (10015 mg/l) was recorded in winter. The maximum total petroleum hydrocarbon (TPH) value (431 mg/l) was recorded in summer, while the minimum (367 mg/l) was recorded in spring. Finally, the maximum salinity value (9.90%) was recorded in spring, while the minimum (9.30%) was recorded in winter. Also, hydrocarbon compounds in sludge samples were measured using Gas Chromatography - Mass Spectrometry (GC-MS), and the result showed that they were composed of 31 hydrocarbon compounds.In the present work, nineteen sludge degrading bacterial strains were isolated from the soil near Al-Dora refinery hole by primary and secondary screenings using a modified mineral salt medium supplemented with 1% (v/v) sludge as a carbon source. The most efficient two sludge degraded isolates identified by VITIK 2 compact were Kocuria rosea and Bacillus amyloliquefaciens. The tow isolates and there mixture showed best growth at 30°C for 12 days, as shown by the measurement of the optical density of the liquid culture and the final oil concentration by spectrophotometer.
The bacterial isolates in liquid media with 2% (v/v) sludge showed best growth and the maximum biodegradation percentage after 12-day incubation period, as determined by gas chromatographic (GC). The degradation values were 68.9, 93.8 and 95.5% for Bacillus amyloliquefaciens, Kocuria rosea and the mixture of the tow isolates, respectively. In optimum conditions of pH 7, 40°C, 12 days incubation, the mixed bacterial consortium showed maximum sludge degradation.
The existence interrelationship between migration and criminality is one of the controversial issues, rising in the discussion of migration processes. The authors propose to consider immigration criminality as a mass social, legal, socially dangerous phenomenon, consisting of the totality of crimes, committed by migrants in various spheres of life of the region, ensure personal and public safety of its population, public order. The risks of migration criminality in the modern Russian metropolis, as well as their perception and evaluation of representatives of society are the basis of appearance of social tension and can increase the level of conflict between local people and newcomers. Certain causes and conditions specific criminal activities, laying on the social, economic factors of migration exert a criminogenic influence on migrants. At the risk of the migration criminality the authors in their study propose to distinguish the extent possible danger caused by migration processes, directly affecting the stability and well-being crime, living in a certain area of people.The article also presents the main results of author's sociological research of the risks of migration criminality, which are based on studies of subjective evaluations of residents of the Moscow megapolis and experts, representing 4 groups of experts: heads of departments of the Moscow government, representatives of public organizations, law enforcement agencies and the media. The risks of migration criminality have identified and described in the study. The performed analysis has allowed us to formulate the basic suggestions for minimizing the risks of migration criminality. These proposals require special attention and further scientific reflection with further improvement of the migration policy of Moscow. ; Существование взаимосвязи между миграцией и преступностью – одна из острых тем, поднимающихся при обсуждении миграционных процессов. Авторы предлагают рассматривать миграционную преступность как массовое социально-правовое, общественно опасное явление, состоящее из совокупности преступлений, совершаемых мигрантами в различных сферах жизнедеятельности региона, обеспечения личной и общественной безопасности его населения, общественного порядка. Присутствие рисков миграционной преступности в современном российском мегаполисе, а также их восприятие и оценка представителями общества лежат в основе появления социальной напряженности и могут повышать уровень конфликтности между местным населением и приезжими. Определенные причины и условия конкретной преступной деятельности, закладываясь на социальные, экономические факторы миграции, оказывают криминогенное влияние на мигрантов. Под риском миграционной преступности авторы предлагают различать меру возможной опасности, вызванной миграционными процессами, влияющими непосредственно на стабильность и криминогенное благополучие, проживающих на определенной территории людей.Также в статье представлены основные результаты авторского социологического исследования рисков миграционной преступности, которые базируются на изучении субъективных оценок жителей московского мегаполиса и экспертов, представляющих 4 группы экспертов: руководителей департаментов правительства Москвы, представителей общественных организаций, правоохранительных органов и средств массовой информации. В ходе исследования выявлены и описаны риски миграционной преступности. Проведенный анализ позволил сформулировать основные предложения по минимизации рисков миграционной преступности. Данные предложения требуют особого внимания и дальнейшей научной рефлексии при дальнейшем совершенствовании миграционной политики Москвы.
