Настоящая статья анализирует генеалогию концепта «суверенитет» в «Политической теологии» Карла Шмитта в рамках методологии истории идей и выстраивает модель данного концепта в концептуальном поле идеологии децизионизма, используя схему анализа, предложенную М. Фриденом, для изучения политических идеологий. ; The article considers the genealogy of the sovereignty concept in «Political Theology» by Carl Schmitt in the framework of the history of ideas and analyzes the conceptualizations of the term sovereignty in the ideology of decisionism. The latter analysis follows the methodology proposed by Michael Freeden for the study of political ideology.
During the 1940s and 1950s, Islamic reformism flourished in Iran. This book examines how Iranian Islamic groups came to rethink traditional accounts of religion and nurture a politicized version of Islam.
Entendiendo la teología política como aquellos actos y conceptos políticos en los que subyace un resto que los sobrepasa y que los vincula con una dimensión que reside más allá de lo humano, el objetivo de este artículo es analizar los avatares de este concepto desde la matriz de la tradición judía. Es por ello que se intentará realizar un corrimiento y una relectura de los debates modernos de la teología política cristiana y la secularización desde el judaísmo. Adentrándonos también por los caminos de la mística judía, nuestro objetivo es comprender de qué manera se produce un fenómeno inverso al de la así llamada secularización, por el cual los conceptos políticos se mueven a la esfera de lo divino y no al inverso. Para conseguir demostrar esta idea, se retomarán las concepciones angelológicas del judaísmo así como, principalmente, la idea antropomórfica de la cábala, buscando construir otra forma de leer nuestra realidad política, entendiéndola como aquello que constituye un "pálido reflejo", o una "huella residual", de las formas políticas divinas en este mundo. ; This paper seeks to understand, from the point of view of Jewish Political Theology, those acts and political concepts that exceed and cannot by explained by human reason and that, at the same time, are related to a dimension beyond the human. Thus, the main objective of this article is to analyze the concept of Political Theology from the perspective of the Jewish tradition. We will start our research by introducing the modern Christian Political Theology debate, in particular its concept of secularization, and we are going to address such debate from the perspective of Judaism. Drawing on important concepts from Jewish Mysticism, our objective is also to understand how in Judaism secularization occurs like an inverse phenomenon. In order to think about this idea, we will analyze the angelological conceptions of Judaism, in particular the anthropomorphic idea in Kabbalah, in order to present and build upon an alternative way of reading our political reality: understanding reality as that which constitutes a "pallid reflection", or a "residual trace", of divine policies in this world. ; Fil: Taub, Emmanuel. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Instituto de Investigaciones "Gino Germani"; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina
American political thought was shaped by a unique combination of theoretical influences: republicanism, liberalism, and covenant theology. This reader shows how these influences came together. Organized chronologically from the Puritans' arrival in the New World to the Civil War, each chapter includes carefully selected primary sources and substantial commentary to explain the historical context and significance of the excerpts. A coherent interpretative framework is offered by focusing the analysis on the different assumptions of the people - the republican understanding as a corporate whole and the liberal understanding as a multitude of individuals - that were intertwined during the founding. The book features, for the first time, two chapters on non-American authors, who capture the main tenets of republicanism and liberalism and were widely quoted in the era, as well as excerpts from lesser-known sources, including Puritan covenants, the first state constitutions, and Native American speeches.
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Realising national strategies and projects aimed at various social groups, it is necessary to take a new level of understanding of the nationwide idea expressing the interests of new generations. Making the national priorities of state policy meaningful for various youth groups seems to be impossible without a targeted system of patriotic education, value education and certain cultural identity. The ideas of patriotism, spirituality, and cultural identification occupy a special place in all priority spheres of a society in educational work with young people. They are manifested at the junction of integral and border disciplines – political theology, sports policies and sports philosophy.
Thirty years ago, Neoliberal economicism (Austrian School of Economics) replaced Liberal political thought. However, Liberal thought cannot be restricted to the worldwide free-market ideology (a sort of economical political theology, whose condition is Materialism). There are others liberal schools, but for many reasons all of them have been passed over. One of these liberal branches, specially interesting & useful, is the ORDO review Group, the Ordoliberalism. Ordoliberalism is circumscribed to the German-speaking area in Europe. The most influent ordoliberal economist was Wilhelm Ropke (1899-1966). His whole work is based on the criticism of Paleoliberalism (Classical liberalism) & Socialism. The Ropkean alternative to those nineteenth-century ideologies is the Third Way. Working out this doctrine allows him to build one the most significant liberal theories about Politics, the State, the relationship between Politics & Economics (Welfare State), & between Politics & Morality (Machiavellism). Adapted from the source document.
Provides a theoretical framework for studying variation in the causes & consequences of the political activity of clergy by drawing upon research in two areas: the effects of religious beliefs on political behavior & the impact of voluntary organizations on democratic citizenship. It is noted that the current knowledge about clergy's political choices focuses on the importance of a coherent "social theology"; the availability of a credible source of religious authority; & possession of the skills needed for effective participation in political activism. The consequences of clergy's political activity for members of their congregations are examined in terms of "conversion" (persuading congregation members that a particular political position is correct); agenda setting (pointing out the religious implications of various issues); & empowerment (imparting political skills to individuals through congregational activities). In spite of an array of political resources, clergy function under substantial political, cultural, & theological constraints & the political roles of clergy vary across time, place, & congregation. J. Lindroth
Provides a theoretical framework for studying variation in the causes & consequences of the political activity of clergy by drawing upon research in two areas: the effects of religious beliefs on political behavior & the impact of voluntary organizations on democratic citizenship. It is noted that the current knowledge about clergy's political choices focuses on the importance of a coherent "social theology"; the availability of a credible source of religious authority; & possession of the skills needed for effective participation in political activism. The consequences of clergy's political activity for members of their congregations are examined in terms of "conversion" (persuading congregation members that a particular political position is correct); agenda setting (pointing out the religious implications of various issues); & empowerment (imparting political skills to individuals through congregational activities). In spite of an array of political resources, clergy function under substantial political, cultural, & theological constraints & the political roles of clergy vary across time, place, & congregation. J. Lindroth
Diese Arbeit befasst sich mit der politischen Anthropologie Carl Schmitts. Sie zeigt mit Blick auf sein ganzes Werk, dass seine Anthropologie keineswegs rein negativ zu verstehen ist. Vielmehr liegt der Gehalt und das Potenzial seiner Anthropologie in einem umfassenden Begriff des Menschlichen (the human), der weniger damit zu tun hat, ob der Mensch guter oder böser Natur ist, und vielmehr den Gegenstand seines politischen und philosophischen Denkens überhaupt bildet. Dieses Argument wird auf drei Hauptfeldern entfaltet: Schmitts Rationalitätstheorie, seinem Begriff des Politischen und seiner Geschichtsphilosophie, die dem dreiteiligen Aufbau der Arbeit zugrunde liegen. Durch eine Analyse seiner Rationalitätstheorie wird der Begriff des Menschlichen überhaupt erst sichtbar. Schmitts Begriff des Menschlichen hängt eng mit seiner Auffassung einer besonders menschlichen, römisch-katholischen Rationalität zusammen. Diese besonders menschliche Rationalität zeichnet sich durch ihren stetigen Bezug zum Sozialen sowie ihren vermittelnden Charakter aus. Zwei Eigenschaften, die sie ebenfalls von der herrschenden, ökonomisch-technischen Rationalität unterscheidet. Anhand dieses Rationalitätsbegriffs wird im zweiten Kapitel Schmitts Werk Der Begriff des Politischen untersucht. Dabei wird deutlich, dass sein "anthropologisches Bekenntnis" im 7. Kapitel vom Begriff des Politischen weniger die Funktion einer Aussage über den Menschen als solchen hat, sondern vielmehr dazu dient, das Politische als einen Bereich der menschlichen Freiheit zu etablieren. Die Erkenntnis dieser Freiheit sowie das Phänomen des Politischen sind der menschlichen Rationalität zugänglich, weil nur diese die politische (Selbst-)Behauptung des Menschen zulässt, ohne sie auf ein tieferliegendes Phänomen hinter der Sphäre der menschlichen Prätentionen zurückführen zu wollen. Das dritte Kapitel widmet sich Schmitts Geschichtsphilosophie und zeigt, dass diese auf zweierlei Art und Weise vom Begriff des Menschlichen strukturiert wird. Zuerst handelt es sich bei Schmitts Interpretation der neueren europäischen Geschichte (ab dem 16. Jh.) stets um ein (tragisches) Narrativ der menschlichen Rationalität. In einem zweiten Schritt wird Schmitts Begriff des Katechons untersucht. Indem seine vereinzelten Aussagen zu dieser Figur, die die Aufgabe hat, das jüngste Gericht fernzuhalten, in Zusammenhang mit seinen Überlegungen zum Begriff der Kreatur gesetzt werden, zeigt sich, dass seine Geschichtsphilosophie stets die Intention hat, dem freien und menschlichen Handeln einen Platz zwischen Determinismus und Sinnlosigkeit einzuräumen. Die Arbeit schließt mit einer Zusammenfassung des Begriffs des Menschlichen sowie Überlegungen zum kulturellen Kontext des Begriffs ab. ; This study is devoted to the political anthropology of Carl Schmitt (1888-1985). It argues with regard to his entire oeuvre, that his anthropology can in no way be understood in a purely negative manner. Rather, the meaning and potential of his anthropology lies in a far broader concept of the human as such. This concept of the human, not the human being, exceeds the question of whether the human being is by nature good or bad. It constitutes the central object of Schmitt's political and philosophical thought and is the attempt to identify and describe a particularly human sphere of existence. This argument is unfolded across three main fields of his thought: his theory of rationality, his concept of the political and his philosophy of history, from which follows the three-part structure of this study. The first part of this study makes visible the concept of the human by examining Schmitt's theory of rationality. By looking more closely at his work Roman Catholicism and Political Form, it becomes clear that Schmitt sees in the Roman Catholic Church a particularly human form of rationality. By using the term of the human to describe a form of rationality, Schmitt makes clear that the human as such is, for him, not merely a question of the individual human being. This particularly human, Roman-Catholic rationality distinguishes itself through its constant social orientation and its mediating character from the dominant economic-technical rationality. Having worked out a relationship between Schmitt's concept of rationality and his concept of the human, the second part of this study revisits the "anthropological confession" in chapter seven of The Concept of the Political in order to show that Schmitt's insistence upon the human being's evil or problematic nature is less a statement about the individual human being and much more what Schmitt sees as the necessary presupposition for the theoretical establishment of a sphere of free human action. Both the recognition of this freedom as well as the phenomenon of the political are only accessible for the particularly human rationality because it is the only form of rationality that can accept the idea of political activity in the name of freedom, justice and the good without reducing them to some non-political phenomenon that supposedly lies behind the political. The third chapter focuses on Schmitt's philosophy of history and the two central roles played in it by the concept of the human. The first of these is the fact that Schmitt's interpretation of modern European history is always actually the tragic narrative of human rationality. In order to preserve something of this human rationality, Schmitt formulated an eschatological philosophy of history based on the biblical figure of the katechon (2 Thess.), a numinous force charged with holding back the Last Judgment. By examining his theory of the katechon in its relationship to the 'creature' as well as Schmitts ever-recurrent Roman fixation and christology, Schmitt's philosophy of history reveals itself as the attempt to create a place for free human action, between determinism and meaninglessness. The study closes with considerations concerning the cultural context of the concept of the human in the early 20th century.
Celem artykułu jest sprawdzenie Agambenowskich badań w obszarze teologii ekonomicznej w celu podkreślenia ich znaczenia dla krytyki współczesnej polityki neoliberalnej. W pierwszej części autor przedstawia podsumowanie głównych tez zawartych w książce Królestwo i chwała. W szczególności skupia się zarówno na ujęciu oikonomii we wczesnochrześcijańskich debatach na boską trójcą, jak i jej związku z prowidencjalnym paradygmatem rządzenia. Następnie pokazuje, jak ta genealogia oikonomii może być przydatna dla politycznej analizy teraźniejszości. Stanowi to jednocześnie odpowiedź na niektóre z zarzutów postawionych Królestwu i chwale przez Alberta Toscano. W końcowej części autor podsumowuje swoje rozważania, pokazując szczególne znaczenie prac Agambena dla badań nad polityczną racjonalnością neoliberalizmu. ; The aim of this paper is to examine Agamben's engagement with economic theology in order to underscore its relevance for the critique of contemporary neoliberal politics. In the first part, I offer a summary of the central arguments of The Kingdom and the Glory. In particular, I focus on both the treatment of the notion of oikonomia in the early Christian discussions on the divine trinity and its relation to the providential paradigm of government. I then show how this genealogy of oikonomia is useful for a political analysis of the present. In doing so, I respond to some of the criticisms leveled against Agamben's The Kingdom and the Glory by Alberto Toscano. Finally, I will conclude by showing how Agamben's work is of particular importance for the study of neoliberal political rationality.
This article approaches social media from the theory of the religio-political practice of acclamation revived by Agamben and following twentieth-century social and political thought and theology (of Weber, Peterson, Schmitt, Kantorowicz). It supplements that theory by more recent political-theoretical, historical and sociological investigations and regards acclamation as a 'social institution' following Mauss. Acclamation is a practice that forms publics, whether as the direct presence of the 'people', mass-mediated 'public opinion', or a 'public mood' decipherable through countless social media postings. The article surveys issues of differential geographies of access, weighting of posts, value-creation, orality and gesture, algorithmic governmentality, and Big Data and knowledge production. It argues that social media constitute a public from a mass of individualized, private postings. It concludes that they make possible forms of political calculability and action, yet are continuous with ritual and liturgical elements of political life. This study contributes to an analytics of publicity.
