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With the secularization impulse of the modernity, the State-Prince condenses a mystification of political principles and constitutes the sense of order as a materialized metaphysics instance. In Latin America, these cultural elements crystallized the conformation of National States by recurring to the idea of antecedent community and depositing the civilization mission in the ruling classes. The consolidation of network society, the transformations of the capitalism and the question related to the structures of the hierarchical exercise of authority are three axes that from the sixties reconfigure the conditions of the politics in the world. A second secularization impulse of politics undermines the pact structures of modernity. The State is diluted in the dynamic of power/counter networks; this process strengthens the civil society where the limits of public and private sphere are diluted. This paper attempts to study the current political changes, focusing on Latin America as an exploitation zone with weak democratic consolidation. While the State has been a protagonist in different processes, it still represents a simple node in the political scene. In the current new cycle of struggles, it appears various actors, agents and movements that dispute the hegemony control or open a resignification spaces for politics, and at the same time, those actors build a synchronization tests of different social times and open popular constituent scenarios. These elements are collected through registers in collective activities, civic assemblies and multi-sectorial articulations assemblies in Northern Argentina around socio-environmental problems. ; Con el impulso secularizador de la modernidad, el Estado-Príncipe condensa una sacralización de los principios políticos y constituye el sentido del orden como instancia metafísica materializada. En América Latina, estos elementos culturales cristalizaron la conformación de los Estados-Nación apelando a la idea de comunidad antecedente y depositando en las clases directoras la misión civilizadora. La consolidación de la sociedad red, las transformaciones del capitalismo y el cuestionamiento a las estructuras de ejercicio jerárquico de la autoridad, son 3 ejes que a partir de los años sesenta reconfiguran las condiciones de lo político en el sistema-mundo. Un segundo impulso secularizador de la política socava las estructuras del pacto de la modernidad. El Estado se diluye en la dinámica de las redes de poder y contrapoder, abriendo una potencialización de lo civil, donde los límites privado/público se desdibujan. Este trabajo se propone atender las mutaciones políticas actuales, enfocando América Latina como zona de explotación y de débil consolidación democrática. El Estado, si bien es protagonista en distintos procesos, representa un nodo más en el escenario político. Dentro del nuevo ciclo de luchas, aparecen diversos actores, agentes y movimientos que disputan el control de la hegemonía o abren espacios de resignificación de la política, construyendo ensayos de sincronización de distintos tiempos sociales, y abriendo posibles escenarios de constituyentes populares. Estos elementos se recogen a través de registros en actividades de colectivos, asambleas ciudadanas y articulaciones multisectoriales en el norte Argentino en torno a la problemática socio-ambiental.

Objetivo: Realizar un análisis reflexivo de la implementación de la fase de consolidación del "proyecto de recreación a través de gimnasia dirigida al adulto mayor: una práctica de promoción de la salud y prevención de la enfermedad con entornos saludables, desarrollado en la ciudad de Cali en el periodo 2014-2015". Desarrollo: El envejecimiento es un proceso natural en la vida, que puede ser atendido por los gobiernos, las organizaciones y la sociedad civil, si promulgan políticas y programas de «envejecimiento activo» (participación del adulto mayor en todos los ámbitos de la sociedad) que mejoren la salud, la participación y la seguridad de los ciudadanos de mayor edad. En este estudio se reconstruyó la fase de consolidación del proyecto. Existen informes periódicos de seguimiento y algunas evaluaciones particulares de sus componentes, que muestran efectividad, pero no se conocen, en detalle, las estrategias implementadas. Prestar atención a ello, implicó analizar la relación entre las acciones ejecutadas, las metodologías implementadas, los actores y sus formas de participación. Conclusiones: las estrategias desarrolladas por cada componente: envejecimiento activo, promoción en salud y entornos saludables, actividad física, educación para la salud y cohesión social, contribuyeron al cambio y mejoramiento de hábitos, hacia una dimensión más saludable. Los adultos mayores llevaron a cabo actividad física acorde a sus necesidades y características; cambio en el consumo de alimentos saludables: saber qué y qué no deben ingerir y mejoras en su capacidad física, cambios comprensibles a la luz del el significado y formas en qué participaron del proceso, previniendo con esto enfermedades y promoviendo su salud. ; Objective: To carry out a reflexive analysis of the implementation of the consolidation phase of the "recreation project through gymnastics directed to the elderly: a practice of health promotion and prevention of illness with healthy environments, developed in the city of Cali in the period 2014-2015." Development: Aging is a natural process in life that can be addressed by governments, organizations and civil society, if they enact policies and programs of "active aging" (participation of the elderly in all spheres of society) that improve the health, participation and safety of older citizens. In this study, the consolidation phase of the project was rebuilt. There are periodic follow-up reports and some particular evaluations of its components, which are effective, but the strategies implemented are not known in detail. Paying attention to this, involved analyzing the relationship between the actions carried out, the methodologies implemented, the actors and their forms of participation. Conclusions: the strategies developed by each component: active aging, promotion in health and healthy environments, physical activity, health education and social cohesion, contributed to the change and improvement of habits, towards a healthier dimension. Older adults performed physical activity according to their needs and characteristics; Change in the consumption of healthy foods: knowing what and what not to ingest and improvements in their physical capacity, understandable changes in light of the meaning and ways in which they participated in the process. Preventing diseases and promoting their health.

Die nachfolgende Länderstudie ist während eines längeren Arbeitsaufenthaltes im Rahmen der internationalen Zusammenarbeit in Kamerun entstanden. Mit ihr versuchen wir, unsere persönlichen Eindrücke und täglichen Beobachtungen in einem Land zu verarbeiten, in dem offenbar alle Hoffnung darauf beruht, dass der alternde Staatspräsident Paul Biya seinen Abschied von der politischen Bühne nimmt und damit ein autokratisches, korruptes Regime sein Ende findet. Diese Hoffnung scheint mit der Erwartung von Francis Fukuyama verbunden zu werden, der 1992 nach dem Zusammenbruch des Sowjet-Imperiums das "Ende der Geschichte" erklärte, in der Überzeugung, dass das demokratische Gesellschaftsmodell bald überall Einzug halten würde. Bekanntlich hat sich diese Erwartung als zu optimistisch erwiesen. Mit unserer Untersuchung versuchen wir aufzuzeigen, warum sich die Hoffnung auf eine gerechtere Gesellschaft trotz langjähriger Bemühungen westlicher Geber um die Stärkung der Zivilgesellschaft und die Dezentralisierung staatlicher Aufgaben auch in Kamerun kaum erfüllen wird. Ein "Ende der Geschichte" lässt sich auch für die Zeit nach Paul Biya nicht prognostizieren. ; After more the thirty years in office, the political career of the elderly Cameroon President Paul Biya seems to have come to an end. After gaining independence in 1960 Cameroon was quickly turned into a dictatorial police state under Paul Biya's predecessor, Mr Ahmadou Ahidjo. A forced political liberalisation at the beginning of the 1990's removed the existing one-party-system. However, in reality, little has changed regarding the country's political situation as the newly granted democratic rights exist only on paper. Not only is Mr Biya the sole and unchallenged ruler of Cameroon, he is also the "glue" that binds the country together. Despite the country's wealth of natural resources, government corruption and mismanagement has resulted in an elite with much wealth and a majority of people living in poverty. In spite of this, and even in face of ethnic and religious diversity, Cameroon is one of the most stabile countries in Africa. Civil war did not occur and Christians and Muslims live peacefully side by side. Therefore, the end of the rule of Paul Biya seems to offer both an opportunity as well as a threat to this nation's future. The opportunity could be realized if democratically minded segments of the society succeed in installing a pluralistic regime that abolishes corruption and nepotism. In order to make this scenario more likely, western donors have begun to support the establishment of a civil society and, through decentralisation programs, strengthened the concept of democratic local self-governance. The treat is that with the disappearance of Paul Biya from the stage a dangerous political vacuum may result. As no successor seems to be in sight who is capable of leading the people and democratizing the country, there is a danger that Cameroon might follow the path of other African nations and fall into a state of turmoil and decay. This book offers an analysis of the mechanisms which have resulted in Cameroon remaining a fragile state even after fifty years of independence. At the same time - on the basis of examining the findings of transformation theories - the book explores the possibility of bringing about democratic changes to the country by critically examining the impact of the activities of the international donor community. Cameroon is often called the "Afrique en miniature". This is why a great part of the results of this analysis are also useful for judging the political circumstances in other francophone countries in Africa. Therefore the significance of the book goes beyond the context of the situation in Cameroon.

This thesis demonstrates how East Timor achieved statehood by linking independence with democracy. It argues that building a democracy was a consistent goal for some elements of East Timor's independence movement throughout the transition to statehood. The independence movement committed a future East Timor state to establishing a liberal, multi-party, plural democracy with a particular emphasis on social justice and wealth re-distribution. This pursuit of the twin goals of independence and democracy enabled East Timor to become a sovereign state and this vision of statehood was important for how it instituted new political structures. The interplay between norms of self-determination and democracy is useful for understanding East Timor's pursuit of sovereign independence. In contemporary International Relations, it has become increasingly recognised that there exists a democratic entitlement in which all people hold rights to internal self-determination and political participation. In essence, East Timor sought to attain the right of self-determination in order to achieve sovereign rights and establish a democracy. There were two key elements to their appeals for self-determination: first, that a unique and identifiable East Timorese 'nation' existed and held rights to self-determination under international law; and second, that an East Timorese state would establish a democracy and guarantee human rights. This commitment was important as individual rights to political participation have become international standards that all states are expected to uphold. International and domestic civil society organisations supported the East Timorese independence movement by pressuring governments,lobbying diplomats, holding protests, raising international awareness and providing information of the human rights situation and self-determination in East Timor. These international appeals for democracy, human rights and freedoms in East Timor ultimately led to the referendum on independence in 1999. The United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) was mandated to assist East Timor in establishing democracy following the referendum, and there has been considerable literature analysing and evaluating the roles of the UNTAET. However, there has been less attention on the roles of the East Timorese in constructing their political institutions and the relationship between the social and political realms during these processes. East Timorese leaders drafted the constitution, which established key political institutions such as electoral systems and the structure of government, and articulated the nature of citizenship rights and the relationship between the state and society. As such, East Timorese leaders played a considerable role in institutionally structuring the identity of their new state. East Timor's Constitution outlined a vision of East Timor as a liberal, multi-party, social democracy that guarantees the civil, political and socio-economic rights of its people. The commitment to democracy and human rights demonstrated by political leaders prior and during East Timor's transition is important for its capacities to consolidate its new political institutions and engender them with political legitimacy. A legitimate political order is one that is sanctioned by the population, thus a widespread, grassroots belief in the validity of democracy as a system of government has assisted East Timor in establishing and maintaining its democratic institutions.

International audience ; Haitian migration in French Guyana started during the 1960s. However, at the beginning of the 1980s, political determinants have transformed the receiving country from a place of a temporary and an economic migration into a new home country. Today, as the biggest size of foreign population in Guyana, Haitians are looking for social integration. Also, they are associated to dynamics of access to land and decent habitat. Changing places to leave in the Cayenne agglomeration is closely connected to both the evolution of the individual project of migrants and their administrative status. Both parameters are conditions of urban trajectories which generate recompositions and socio-spatial fragmentations by illegal urban settlements. Moving statuses of previous houses from illegality to a legal situation sparks a negotiation process with various actors and interest groups. This dynamic involves political organizations, unions, public institutions and private land and house ownerships. In this view, the incorporation of immigrants in these organizations corresponds to their will to legally secure a former illegal construction made in a context of a discriminatory land legislation. In other words, choices of integration/reintegration of Haitian migrants affecting land use cut across multi-ethnic claims of coalitions of mobilizing grassroots. This pressure of the pluri-ethnic civil society on local governments gives new socio-economic rights in standard housing to naturalizing and needy people. Nevertheless, by pressuring the French State to recognize in an inclusive way the rights of all its citizens, this local social movement strongly differs from claims of a specific ethnic community in the Guyanese society; in the meantime, it is fueled by informal socio-cultural networks of various migrant communities. ; L'immigration haïtienne date des années 1960 en Guyane française. De temporaire et économique, elle se qualifie, à partir des années 80, par des déterminants politiques et une installation pérenne. Aujourd'hui première nationalité étrangère dans le département, elle est en quête d'intégration sociale. Aussi est-elle associée aux stratégies d'accès au foncier et à l'habitat. Les mobilités résidentielles dans l'agglomération de Cayenne sont étroitement liées à l'évolution du projet migratoire et au statut administratif. Ces deux paramètres conditionnent les trajectoires urbaines générant des recompositions et des dynamiques de fragmentations socio-spatiales par des implantations urbaines illégales. La régularisation des occupations, a posteriori, s'inscrit dans un processus négocié et des systèmes d'acteurs, impliquant les organisations politiques et syndicales, les institutions publiques, les propriétaires privés. Dans cette optique, l'investissement des immigrés correspond à leur volonté de légaliser des constructions antérieures réalisées illégalement dans le contexte d'une législation foncière discriminatoire. En d'autres termes, les choix d'intégration/réintégration des immigrés haïtiens affectant les pratiques foncières se diluent dans les revendications multiethniques de coalitions. Cette poussée de la société civile pluriethnique sur les pouvoirs locaux donne aux immigrés de nouveaux droits socio-économiques dans le logement décent. Toutefois, si ce mouvement social local semble s'affranchir du cloisonnement communautaire de la société guyanaise, en revendiquant, par rapport à l'État, la reconnaissance des droits du citoyen, il s'articule, en fait, avec les réseaux socioculturels et informels par rapport aux autres communautés.

International audience ; Haitian migration in French Guyana started during the 1960s. However, at the beginning of the 1980s, political determinants have transformed the receiving country from a place of a temporary and an economic migration into a new home country. Today, as the biggest size of foreign population in Guyana, Haitians are looking for social integration. Also, they are associated to dynamics of access to land and decent habitat. Changing places to leave in the Cayenne agglomeration is closely connected to both the evolution of the individual project of migrants and their administrative status. Both parameters are conditions of urban trajectories which generate recompositions and socio-spatial fragmentations by illegal urban settlements. Moving statuses of previous houses from illegality to a legal situation sparks a negotiation process with various actors and interest groups. This dynamic involves political organizations, unions, public institutions and private land and house ownerships. In this view, the incorporation of immigrants in these organizations corresponds to their will to legally secure a former illegal construction made in a context of a discriminatory land legislation. In other words, choices of integration/reintegration of Haitian migrants affecting land use cut across multi-ethnic claims of coalitions of mobilizing grassroots. This pressure of the pluri-ethnic civil society on local governments gives new socio-economic rights in standard housing to naturalizing and needy people. Nevertheless, by pressuring the French State to recognize in an inclusive way the rights of all its citizens, this local social movement strongly differs from claims of a specific ethnic community in the Guyanese society; in the meantime, it is fueled by informal socio-cultural networks of various migrant communities. ; L'immigration haïtienne date des années 1960 en Guyane française. De temporaire et économique, elle se qualifie, à partir des années 80, par des déterminants politiques et une installation pérenne. Aujourd'hui première nationalité étrangère dans le département, elle est en quête d'intégration sociale. Aussi est-elle associée aux stratégies d'accès au foncier et à l'habitat. Les mobilités résidentielles dans l'agglomération de Cayenne sont étroitement liées à l'évolution du projet migratoire et au statut administratif. Ces deux paramètres conditionnent les trajectoires urbaines générant des recompositions et des dynamiques de fragmentations socio-spatiales par des implantations urbaines illégales. La régularisation des occupations, a posteriori, s'inscrit dans un processus négocié et des systèmes d'acteurs, impliquant les organisations politiques et syndicales, les institutions publiques, les propriétaires privés. Dans cette optique, l'investissement des immigrés correspond à leur volonté de légaliser des constructions antérieures réalisées illégalement dans le contexte d'une législation foncière discriminatoire. En d'autres termes, les choix d'intégration/réintégration des immigrés haïtiens affectant les pratiques foncières se diluent dans les revendications multiethniques de coalitions. Cette poussée de la société civile pluriethnique sur les pouvoirs locaux donne aux immigrés de nouveaux droits socio-économiques dans le logement décent. Toutefois, si ce mouvement social local semble s'affranchir du cloisonnement communautaire de la société guyanaise, en revendiquant, par rapport à l'État, la reconnaissance des droits du citoyen, il s'articule, en fait, avec les réseaux socioculturels et informels par rapport aux autres communautés.

Turin has always been peculiar among Italian cities, because of the long–standing dominance of the Left in municipal politics and because of the massive presence there of the biggest Italian industrial group — the vehicle manufacturer, FIAT. Torino Internazionale is a strategic plan currently being implemented by the present Centre–Left majority on the City Council, which is largely representative of local civil society. The plan has the potential to transform traditional governance in the city. This article begins by analysing difference and complentarity between the two notions of 'government' and 'governance' and attempting the theoretical integration of an institutionalist perspective into analysis of the governance processes; it then goes on to demonstrate that the proper logic of urban government in a governance process is to strengthen and increase the number of exchanges and interactions within policy processes and to integrate them through institutionalization of the urban territory as a setting for such interactions. In the governance of Turin, political regulation seems to be creating linkages between an exchangist–aggregative perspective and an institutional–integrative perspective. These two aspects of governance seem to reinforce each other. The exchangist processes involved in micro–projects tend to consolidate the urban network of actors and the city as a cohesive society, while the institutional aspect of the meta–project tends to structure the setting for, and give meaning to, interactions between urban actors. Thus, the apparent fragmentation of the strategic planning process is strengthening Turin as a collective actor and giving the municipal institution a new, nodal role.La ville italienne de Turin a toujours été particulière, à cause de la longue domination de la Gauche dans la politique municipale et de la présence incontournable du plus gros groupe industriel italien: le fabricant automobile FIAT. Torino Internazionale est un plan stratégique actuellement mis en œuvre par la majorité de centre–gauche au conseil municipal, laquelle reflète largement la société civile locale. Ce plan a la capacité de transformer la gouvernance traditionnelle de la ville. L'article analyse d'abord la différence et la complémentarité entre les notions de 'gouvernement' et 'gouvernance' en tentant l'intégration théorique d'une perspective institutionnaliste dans l'analyse des processus de gouvernance; il démontre ensuite que la logique adéquate d'un gouvernement urbain dans un processus de gouvernance consiste à renforcer et accroître le nombre d'échanges et interactions dans les processus politiques, puis de les intégrer grâce à l'institutionnalisation du territoire urbain en tant que cadre de ces interactions. Dans la gouvernance de Turin, la régulation politique semble créer des liens entre une perspective échangiste–aggrégative et une perspective institutionnelle–intégrative, ces deux aspects de la gouvernance se renfor??ant l'un l'autre. Les processus échangistes impliqués dans les micro–projets ont tendance à consolider le réseau urbain d'acteurs et la ville en tant que société cohérente, alors que l'aspect institutionnel du méta–projet structure plutôt le cadre des interactions entre acteurs urbains, en donnant à celles–ci une signification. Ainsi, l'apparente fragmentation du processus de planification stratélgique renforce Turin en tant qu'acteur collectif tout en donnant à l'institution municipale un nouveau rôle nodal.

The work culture of civil servants in this decentralization era tends to come fromthe working culture of each ethnic. The difference of culture applied causes thedifference of civil servants' way, behavior, and action when performing their work. Thisresearch article aims to discuss one of the working cultures of the civil servants fromMinangkabau ethnic group named galie. This research was conducted by usingdescriptive-qualitative approach, and the data was collected trough observation,interview, and documentation study. Data is validated by triangulation and sourcetriangulation methods.Tthe data analysis is based on Miles and Huberman (2000). Theresult of the research shows that the galie work culture has usually been inherited in thefamily and society for a period time; hence the galie work culture is also implementedwhile working in the local government organization of Pasaman Barat regency. Theresearch concluded that the galie work culture does not cause work culture that canharm others, but whenever the work culture exists, the civil servants would be annoyed.Civil servants who have this work culture tend to avoid risks and prefer simpler workthan their colleagues.Key words: work ethnict culture, galie, civil servant, Minangkabau ethict

During the presidencies of Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon, Mexican American civil rights went from being an addendum to civil rights for African Americans to a stand-alone policy with a bureaucracy, federal programs, and an independent rationale. Ever since President Harry Truman accepted civil rights in the Democratic platform in 1948, federal policymakers and politicians tried to fit Mexican Americans, and other minority groups, into the civil rights mold they had carved out for blacks in the South. While subject to severe discrimination and disadvantage, Mexican Americans did not face the consistent statutory segregation and discrimination faced by blacks. Federal civil rights policy for Mexican Americans through the mid-1960s consisted of New Frontier and Great Society funding programs to which Mexican American organizations could apply for money to develop and carry out projects in their communities. By the end of Richard Nixon's first term, a federal bilingual education program was established, agencies and committees existed whose sole function was to coordinate Mexican American programs, and Mexican Americans were recognized by policymakers as a distinct minority group with unique needs that required particular federal remedies.

The United States is one of the foremost examples of a country that adopted an "exclusive" approach to veterans' policy: namely, where welfare programs for veterans are treated separately from those covering the rest of the population. Ranging from free healthcare to old-age pension to civil service preference, former U.S. soldiers have access to a wide range of benefits administered by a single federal entity, the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA). Though these programs are more varied and expensive than anywhere else in the world, their origin remains unexplored. This is not only because scholars of the welfare state have tended to focus on programs targeting traditionally marginalized groups, but also because scholars of veterans' affairs rarely place their topic in the larger context of U.S. social policy. Both gaps stem from the prevailing assumption that veterans are one of the few privileged groups in American society whose benefits do not fall under the category of "welfare" but instead of earned rights. This paper bridges this divide by adopting a threefold approach: it places veterans' benefits within the framework of the U.S. welfare state as a whole, it retraces their evolution from the colonial period to the Vietnam War, and it sets the US experience in comparative perspective. In doing so, it highlights a series of factors that reflected not only the specific nature of warfare in U.S. history—such as its frequency and intensity, but also its timing and the fact that it rarely caused major civilian casualties or economic destruction, which allowed veterans to claim that they alone bore war's burden—but also of its political system—for instance, the country's relative political stability and the fact that the early extension of white male suffrage allowed U.S. veterans to influence politics before their counterparts in other industrialized countries.