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Freedom of association -- Freedom of enterprise -- Freedom of movement -- The right of privacy -- Amending the Eighth Amendment to outlaw torture and inhumane treatment -- Amending the Eighth Amendment to stipulate a right to bail -- Improving the process for impeachment -- Abolition of the right to jury trial in civil cases -- Amending the veto clause -- Amending Article Three to authorize advisory opinions by the Supreme Court -- Amending Article Three to withdraw diversity jurisdiction from federal courts -- Recognizing the right, in the Seventh Amendment, of indigents to appointed counsel in civil cases -- Amending Article Two to allow naturalized citizens to qualify for the Presidency -- Amending Article Five to authorize the popular initiative of constitutional amendments -- Supplementing the First Amendment to recognize the right of the public and the press to have access to information -- The right to an education -- The right of asylum -- The right of departure -- Rights of emigration and voluntary expatriation -- Rights of entry and return -- Freedom from exile and deportation -- The right to a healthy environment -- The right to adequate social services -- The right of the states to provide for the recall of their Senators and Representatives in the federal Congress -- The right to conscientious objection to military service -- The right to not be executed by the state: abolishing the death penalty

The development of the practice of boycotting during the Irish Land War (1879–82), and its subsequent spread beyond Ireland to the United States, sparked outrage and concern. This was prompted by the specific intellectual challenges the practice posed for liberals on both sides of the Atlantic. In relying on a liberal defense of free speech and freedom of association, early boycotters in the 1880s were able to demonstrate the dependence of property rights on social sanction while also remaining initially impervious to legal censure. As a result, the definition and extent of property rights came under scrutiny because of the ease and simplicity by which they could be curtailed through social force. It is observed here that consequent legislation to insulate commercial wealth from boycotting's parallel moral economy required the reinforcement and development of political justifications of the state's right to manage economic interactions in the name of social stability and public welfare.
The paper argues that boycotting was so threatening to classical visions of liberal individualism precisely because it was so firmly grounded in individualistic premises. It observes not only that boycotters used the language of "free trade" to defend the practice but also that the practice itself contained latent political assumptions about social organization. The argument also suggests that, contrary to much current academic opinion, rights-based popular resistance can be directed toward egalitarian ends.

The South African government attaches high priority on education hence a bigger share of the country's budget is allocated to education. Literature presents a growing concern that South African public schools are not performing well with a number of contributing factors for learner poor performance. However, despite poor learner performance in some schools, there remain a number of schools who continuously produce pleasing results. It against this background that this paper sought to determine whether school culture has a contribution to Grade12 learners' academic performance in selected secondary schools in the Eastern Cape Province. This paper used the Social Interactionist Theory (Mead, 1934) as it lenses, which seeks to understand events and circumstances around us and influence behaviour. This paper is located in the interpretivist paradigm and employed qualitative approach to gain experiences and opinions of participants on the influence of school culture 5 schools were sampled with 40 participants who responded through semi-structured interviews. Among the findings that emerged from the study was the critical participation of the stakeholders in school programmes, the vision and mission of the school to ensure learner success and maintenance of proud legacy of the school. The paper therefore, recommends cascading focus to the lower grades to continuously sustain school culture that enhances good learner performance.

De nombreux pays ont adopté diverses mesures pour freiner la propagation de la pandémie de COVID-19. Les mesures réglementaires de confinement ont entraîné des changements dans la confiance politique du public envers le gouvernement (y compris dans sa compétence, sa bienveillance et son intégrité). L'information influence les opinions et les valeurs des résidents ; ce document vise à étudier l'effet d'un confinement sur la confiance politique et l'effet modérateur de la qualité de l'information partagée par le gouvernement. Du 12 mars au 31 mai 2022, Shanghai a mis en place des mesures strictes de confinement. Dans cette étude, nous avons échantillonné au hasard les informations de participation de 1063 participants. L'analyse de régression basée sur les données montre que le confinement a eu un impact négatif sur toutes les sous-catégories de confiance politique. Cependant, les informations opportunes et précises affaiblissent cet effet négatif. L'exactitude de l'information modère la relation entre le confinement et la confiance politique dans la compétence et l'intégrité, tandis qu'une quantité suffisante d'informations modère la relation entre le confinement et la confiance politique dans la bienveillance. Remarques à l'intention des praticiens Cette étude explore comment les différentes dimensions de la qualité de l'information affectent la confiance politique de chaque composante publique, et incite ainsi les praticiens à améliorer stratégiquement la communication de l'information en cas de crise.

AbstractDigital data have become a valuable resource for autocratic governments seeking to influence societal behaviours. The rise of social credit systems in China has garnered a great deal of attention, with some even referring to them as 'Orwellian' surveillance systems. This study expands on previous research that has found surprisingly high levels of acceptance of social credit systems in China to the Southeast Asian region. Through an online opinion survey conducted in Thailand, Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines, we discovered that citizens in these countries exhibit higher acceptance rates of social credit systems than opposition rates, although lower than those observed in China. Moreover, we find that acceptance rates would decline significantly if the technologies supporting these systems originated from China. By introducing an external technology acceptance model, we provide an explanation for these findings based on citizens' attitudes towards their domestic situation and their perceptions of China's potential benefits to their countries. Interestingly, most of the 'China Threat' perceptions do not translate into opposition against Chinese social credit system technologies, except for military risks. Instead, citizens' negative views are primarily influenced by specific technology‐related risks. These findings contribute to the existing literature on the acceptance of government‐run social credit systems and public perception in the context of international relations.

Purpose
This paper aims to understand the difficulties faced by Latin American oil and gas (O&G) companies in adopting integrated practices aligned with the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) Agenda.


Design/methodology/approach
A Delphi study was conducted with 14 experts with extensive knowledge and experience in the O&G sector to collect opinions and investigate sustainable practices in the Latin American context.


Findings
A consensus was reached after two rounds, demonstrating a unified view of sustainability experts on the difficulties faced by O&G companies to adopt practices aligned with the SDGs. The difficulties identified through the Delphi method were allocated into five clusters named: "public sector and governments," "civil society," "corporate issues," "technology and innovation" and "financial aspects." These clusters were used to discuss the main challenges associated with implementing business practices that recognize the SDGs and their achievement as a synergistic reinforcing system rather than an additive structure.


Originality/value
This study provides further insights into the underexplored subject relating to the challenges experienced by Latin American O&G companies in the implementation of the SDGs, adopting the perspective of academic and industry experts in this field. The findings can help professionals in O&G companies implement sustainable practices, policymakers in debates about futures laws and regulations and academic in future research.

Debates following the events of February 2022 in Estonian society have been hot, and despite diverging opinion, a mainstream viewpoint on how to assist Ukraine, how to respond to Russia, what to expect from NATO allies and how to deal with the inner cohesion of Estonia´s multi-ethnic and multilingual society has emerged. The least problematic has been the understanding of how to help Ukraine, with Estonia emerging as the leading donating nation per capita in 2022. As for the response to Russian aggression in Ukraine, the majority of the Estonian public and elite support significantly more severe sanctions than those that have been enacted. Although there have been voices which have demanded the straightforward intervention of NATO in the conflict, the strongest consensus backs the view that the Western world should not become directly involved but should indirectly support Ukraine to a greater degree than it has managed to thus far. Despite its membership in NATO, the Estonian political and military elite, as well as the Estonian language part of the society remains afraid that Russia will use the same logic and action against the Baltic States. The main question for Estonia is if and when, after the end of the war in Ukraine, Russia might be ready and motivated to challenge NATO in the Baltic states.

PurposeThe authors explore the impact of an emerging technology, blockchain technology, on diverse governance mechanisms and sustainable supply chain practices and how its relationships with the linkage of these elements.Design/methodology/approachThe methodology incorporates a literature review and a qualitative empirical analysis of the Electronic Product Environmental Assessment Tool (EPEAT) standards. Expert opinions from various firms and organizations within the electronics sector are assessed. Through a thematic analysis, the relationships are identified and examined.FindingsData immutability, transparency and traceability capabilities of blockchain technology enhance the relationship between environmental standards and ecological supply chain sustainability practices. Although immature, the blockchain can influence the governance of supply chain sustainability practices. Immaturity of technology, lack of expertise, sharing information and trust have delayed adoption.Originality/valueThere is limited empirical evidence regarding blockchain's impact on governance mechanisms, specifically hybrid public-private mechanisms and sustainable supply chain practices. The study further evaluates how particular blockchain features may exert varying influences on these aspects and different sustainable supply chain traits. As an exploratory study, it proposes new areas for further research, including how blockchain's traceability function can improve sustainability standard adoption. Additionally, there is a call for integrating blockchain with technologies like IoT and sensors which may influence supply chain governance mechanisms, standards and sustainability practices.

AbstractChildren learn through interaction with their surroundings, meaning that their experiences of place directly contribute to their personal development. Despite this, the needs of the youth are rarely factored into development plans. This is a major obstacle to the sustainable and inclusive development of places. Examining potential pathways to correct this issue, this paper presents the findings of research conducted with young people from the Market area of Belfast. The research engaged with two groups (n = 11) in a participatory investigation of how young people engage with the built environment. Using several participatory methods, including narrative walkabouts, mapping exercises and semi‐structured group interviews, the children engaged as co‐researchers. We link to idea of 'third places' to frame our analysis, demonstrating how children in the Market community have strong opinions of how space is, and should be, designed and managed. We reveal interesting dynamics regarding the children's perceived exclusion from the city centre and concerns about how poor planning is harming their community's public health. We conclude by reflecting upon some of the children's proposed solutions, as well as by presenting two outcomes of our study that hint at the potential future role of young people in co‐designing the built environment.

AbstractWhether countries and their publics are responsive to the international legal commitments they make is the source of long‐standing academic debate. Russia's February 2022 invasion of Ukraine brought real‐world significance to these debates. While Ukraine is not a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the invasion raised the prospect that other NATO members could be targeted and that Article 5 collective security commitments would be invoked. While recent research suggests that emphasizing mutual defence treaties can increase public support for defending an ally, prior work focuses on US opinion in a less fraught political environment. We constructed and fielded a survey experiment in Italy in the initial weeks of the Ukraine invasion to probe support for defending a NATO ally, the relevance of the Article 5 legal commitment on support for defending an ally, and the potential moderating influence of gender and political party. Our findings show that the Article 5 commitment significantly increased support for defending an ally. Consistent with past research, we find a significant gender gap, with men being more supportive of defending an ally than women; however, both men and women responded to the Article 5 commitment to virtually the same degree. The estimated treatment effect was larger for supporters of right‐wing parties than for the left; however, the difference was not statistically significant.

AbstractThe face of the government is the interface through which citizens come into contact with and perceive the government via representation and face‐to‐face encounters. This article focuses on Colombian government officials in charge of delivering 'peace pedagogy' to explain to society the peace negotiations with the FARC guerrillas, before and after a polarizing referendum which narrowly rejected the 2016 peace agreement that sought to end fifty years of war. It builds on their idiom of 'giving face' (dar la cara), denoting the work of representing the government to society in face‐to‐face encounters and assuming responsibility as the government, and explores its resonance with academic and popular discourses about the state having many 'faces'. It brings this idiom, and theories of the face, into the anthropology of the state, calling for the study of governments as discrete entities within states, and examining the way that a government's overarching character or 'face' is interactively co‐produced in the public gaze through embodied acts of representation by officials with their audiences, and intertwined with people's macro‐political opinions. It offers a framework for analysing government‐society relations, giving insight into how all governments 'face' society, and highlights presence and responsibility as key dimensions of this relationship.

As a result of the reforms of 1905–1907, an attempt was made to build a syncretic system — the Duma monarchy with an eye to the schemes of the parliamentary system of European countries, without conforming either to national traditions or to the historical conditions of Russia. The scheme of "right perestroika" proposed by L.A. Tikhomirov can be briefly defined as the introduction of a monarchical people's representation into the state system, the purpose of which is to represent the opinions and needs of the people under the supreme power of the Sovereign Emperor. Representation and legislation in this case should be carried out by two different State institutions in the field of public administration. The monarchical people's representation should be formed from the real-life estate and professional associations, as well as from newly emerging and recognized by the state, with the legitimized dominance of the voice of the Russian people in this representation. To do this, L.A. Tikhomirov proposed a new codification of the Basic Laws, which would consistently carry out the idea of the need for legislative freedom for the supreme power in its activities for the benefit of the Fatherland, which should be guaranteed by the autocracy and unlimited supreme power of the Sovereign Emperor.

Abstract
Think tanks and their roles in rendering expertise in policy advice have been the subject of historical and ongoing research in policy sciences. However, the widening trend of digital behaviors of think tanks in the social media era is yet to be investigated. While social media is reshaping the political ecology and challenging conventional sources of knowledge, it also serves as a potential channel for think tanks to publicly share their expertise and policy advice with the public and decision-makers, thus evolving into "digital advocators." Based on social media big data methods, this paper has constructed two sets of new think tank indicators with "network centrality" of social media accounts and "ripple effect" of social media citations from Facebook and Twitter to capture and observe the digital activities of 207 prominent think tanks in 62 countries or regions. We have concluded that think tanks have displayed their opinion and values and increased visibility as digital advocators by spreading expertise on social media platforms with online marketing skills. With various values and ideas, social media not only is hosting massive policy advocacy activities and being an expertise spreading arena for think tanks but has also been changing the ecology of the think tank industry and expertise markets.

This article is built on the reflections that the authors have had during their latest research on political participation in several municipalities of Mexico. Thus, based on the ethnographies conducted between 2006 and 2016, mainly in the town of Xico (Veracruz state), we set up as analyzing unities specific political interactions (including patronizing) among Mexican citizens within the five types recognized by Social Sciences: voting, campaigning, contacting political officials, working on public affairs and talking about politics. On this basis, we explore the articulation of the aforementioned interactions and, more specifically, of the roles adopted by the interacting citizens as identity markers linking these people in a highlighted way with a series of socio‑economic and socio‑territorial features, dimensions that, ultimately, turn out inseparable from the existing power relations in the local societies. In conclusion, we are of the opinion that, together with indicators of income, education, professional category or living nearby territory, it can be affirmed that the political behavior in Mexico is shown as both socio‑economic indicator and socio‑territorial belonging not because parties represent interests of class, but because there are well defined spheres of political behavior depending on the socio‑economic stratum and the socio‑territorial belonging of the individual.

This article focuses on the historical reasons, and the main political implications of Italy's anti-inflationary commitment between the mid-1970s and the early-1980s. This study examines the broader climate of opinion within which Italy's economic and monetary authorities – that is, the Bank of Italy – changed or adapted their main attitudes regarding the existence of high inflation rates throughout the 1970s and early 1980s in accordance with an emergent international (i.e. the European Monetary System) anti-inflationary consensus. This article first explores the main political and social steps of Italy's prioritization of anti-inflationary goals as they were envisaged by the central bank and its governmental interlocutors. Second, it retraces the run-up to the 'divorce' between the Bank of Italy and the Treasury in July 1981. Here the 'divorce' is conceptualized as a counter-reaction of specific strands of Italy's ruling class (namely those who revolved around the central bank) against the volatility of public finance performances and what was deemed as the seeming elusiveness of Italy's governmental parties regarding the need to restore the country's financial stability. Finally, this article reflects on the historical meaning of Italy's anti-inflationary commitment as part of the global emergence of stability-oriented monetary policies.