ÖZETMısır Arap Cumhuriyeti, Afrika'nın Kuzey Doğusunda 997,739 km2 alanı, 68,5 milyon nüfusu vardır. Yıllık nüfus artışı % 2,3 tür ve nüfus yoğunluğu 58,2 kişi/km2 dir. Erkler ayrılığı ilkesine dayanan başkanlık sitemi ve çok partili demokratik sistem ile yönetilmektedir. Mısır Arap Cumhuriyeti 1922 yılında bağımsızlığına kavuşmuştur. Ülke bulunduğu bölge nedeniyle dünyanın başlıca güçlerinin çekişme alanı olmuş ve bu yüzden yıllarca istikrara kavuşamamıştır. Mısır Arap Cumhuriyeti' de bağımsızlığından sonra İsrail ile savaşa girmiştir. 1978 yılında İsrail ile Camp Davit barış anlaşmasını imzalamıştır. İmzalanan anlaşma ile Arap Dünyasının tepkisini almasına rağmen ABD' nin tam desteğini arkasına almıştır. Batı Dünyası ile iyi ilişkiler kurarak ve ılımlı politikalar izleyerek istikrarlı bir dönem sürdürmektedir. Mısır Arap Cumhuriyeti'nin 2000 yılında 92,6 milyar Dolar Gayri Safi Milli Hasılası ile 3,4 reel büyüme gerçekleştirmiştir. Yıllık enflasyon 2000 yılında 2,7 olmuştur. Toplam dış borcu 29,5 milyar Dolardır. Bir Mısır Poundu 3,47 ABD Dolarına eşittir.Ülke 1990 yılından sonra kalkınma programlarına önem vermektedir ve bunun için çeşitli reformlar uygulamaktadır. Uygulamış olduğu mali politikalarda harcamaları kısıtlama, ithalatı azaltma ve ihracatı artırmak için çaba sarf etmektedir. Özelleştirme bütün kalkınmakta olan ülkelerin temel sorunu olduğu gibi beklenen hızın altında devam etmektedir. Fiyatlar serbest ekonomi kurallarına uygun olarak belirlenmektedir. 14 milyar dolar döviz rezervi bulunmaktadır. Üç aylık bono faiz oranları % 10 civarında seyretmektedir. Borsa 2000 yılını düşük bir trendle geçirmiştir. Çalışma hayatında nüfusun çoğunluğu tarımla uğraşmaktadır. İşsizlik oranı oldukça yüksektir. Tarım alanlarının yetersizliği nedeniyle Nis nehrinin sularıyla sulama alanları için projeler geliştirilmektedir. Ülkenin en önemli tarım ürünü pamuktur. İhracatta pamuk ve pirinç en önemli tarım ürünüdür.madencilikte petrol üretimi ve doğal gaz üretimi mevcuttur. Büyük miktarda doğal gaz rezervlerine sahiptir. Turizm sektörü ülkenin en önemli gelir kaynaklarındandır. Ülke turizminin en önemlisi ünlü Mısır piramitleridir. Turizm için önemli yatırımlarda bulunulmaktadır. Ulaşımda Nil nehri önemli bir yere ve gelire sahiptir. Nil nehrinde üzerinden büyük gemilerin geçişi için genişletme çalışmaları devam etmektedir. Sanayide, otomotiv sanayi başı çekmektedir. Uluslar arası büyük otomotiv üreticisi firmaların üretim ve montaj üssü olarak görülebilir. İmalat sanayiinde tekstil ürünleri üretimi yapılmaktadır. İnşaat sektöründe yeni yerleşim bölgeleri, otoyollar ve çimento fabrikaları ilk baştaki yatırımlarıdır. Mısır Arap Cumhuriyetinin 2000 yılında 4,689 milyon Dolar ihracatı, 14,010 milyon Dolar ithalatı vardır. İhracatında başlıca ürünleri, petrol ürünleri, tekstil ürünleri ve tarım ürünleri yer almaktadır. Başlıca ihracat yaptığı ülkelerin başında ABD. İtalya ve Hollanda gelmektedir. İthalatında ihracatının üç katına yakındır. İthalatta en önemli payı makineler, elektrikli aletler, taşıt araçları, gıda maddeleri ve petrol mamulü ürünler almaktadır. Ayrıca ithalatta sınai ve yatırım malları önemli yer tutmaktadır. Başlıca ithalat yaptığı ülkeler ABD, Almanya, İtalya'dır. Türkiye ile Mısır Arap Cumhuriyeti arasında ticari ilişkiler en son olarak Türkiye'nin 1/95 sayılı protokolde kendisin bağlayan anlaşmalar arasında olan, Mısır ile Avrupa Topluluğu arasında imzalanmış olan "Avrupa - Akdeniz ortaklık anlaşmasına" istinaden yürütülmektedir. İki ülke arasında ticaret hacmi 517,427 bin dolara ulaşmıştır. Türkiye' nin 2000 yılında Mısır Arap Cumhuriyetine ihracatı 376,7 milyon dolar olarak gerçekleşmiştir. Türkiye'nin Mısır Arap Cumhuriyetine ihraç ettiği ürünlerin başında motorlu kara taşıtları ve bunların parçaları, örülmemiş giyim eşyaları, demir ve çelik ürünleri ilk sıraları alır. Türkiye'nin Mısır Arap Cumhuriyetinden ithalatı 2000 yılında 140,7 milyon dolar olarak gerçekleşmiştir. Türkiye'nin Mısır Arap Cumhuriyetinden ithal ettiği ürünlerin bayında: petrol ürünleri, doğal gaz, pamuk ve pirinç ilk sıraları almaktadır. Türkiye ve Mısır Arap Cumhuriyetinin 1990 yılından itibaren artan miktarlarda bir ticaret hacmi gerçekleşmektedir. Bu artış her iki ülkenin faydasınadır. ABSTRACTARABIAN REPUCLIC OF EGYPT'S ECONOMY AND TURKEY - EGPYT ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIPSArabian republic of Egypt is located at the northeast of Africa covering 997,739 km2 with a population of 68,5 million. Annual population increase is % 2,3 and its density is 58,2 people per km2 . The country has been ruled by presidential system, based on principles of powers separations, and a democratic parliamentary. Arabian republic of Egypt had won her independence in 1922 due to her strategical importance, great powers of the world tried to dominate the region so the county became unsuccessfull to balance her economical and politikal stability for years. After her idebendence, Arabian republic of Egypt declared war on Israel. In 1978 the wor en ded with Camp David peace negotion signature for the sides. Although Arabic world's reactions against. This negotiation, Egypt is now continuing a normal period by establishing good relationships and following friendly political strategies with west. Arabian republic of Egypt obtained 92,6 milyard USD national income beside 3,4 percent real growthy in the year of 2000. statistics show that yearly infilation was % 2,7 in 2000. Total external debt is 29,5 milliard USD. An Egyption pound equals to 3,47 USD.Arabian republic of Egypt has been giving priority to development programmes and adapting various reforms since 1990. It is strived to restrict the spendings, to increase exportation but to decrease importation by means of practised financial politics. Privatization is the main similar problem of all developing countries like in Egypt; therefore it is going along under estimated speed. Prices are determined according to free economics rules. There is 14 milliard USD foreign exchange reserve 3 monthly bond interest rates are about % 10. Stock exchance closed the year of 2000 with a low trend.Majority population of working class are busy with agriculture. Unemployment rate is pretty high. It is tried to improve irrigation projects by using Nile River's water because of unsufficient agricultural gields cotton is the most important agricultural produce. Cotton and rice are the important items for exportation. Petroleum and natural gas production take place in the mining sector. The country has a huge natural gas rezerves. Tourism sector is one of the most essential income resorces of the Egypt. Egypt pyramids are among the famous touristic places. It's made big investments for transportation of large ships are continuing. Automotiv is the leader sector in country' industry. The country can be seen as an assembly and production base of international automotive manifacturers.Textille is produced for production industry.Hiyways,new centres of population and cement factories are the privileyed investment areas in construction industry.Figures show that Eygpt's exportation was 4,689 million USD while her impoctation was 14,010 million USD in 2000. petroleum, textile and agriculturel products can be calculated as country's main exportation goods. Holland, USA and Italy are Egypt's chiefly economical partners for her export. Importation has approximately tripled of exportation. The lion's share of importation are machines, electrical tools, vehicles, food staffs and made of petroleum products. In addition above, investment and industrial goods are playing important role for the country's importation. USA, Germany and Italy are her main importation partners.Turkey- Arabian republic of Egypt's economic relation are based on " European - mediterranen ded of partnership" signed between egypt and European union. This agreement is binding Turkey with a protocol number of 1/95 signed between Turkey and EU. And Turkey - Egypt relations are countinuing in this frame. Trading volume between Turkey and Egypt has reached 517 million USD. Turkey's exportation to Egypt was 376,7 million USD in 2000, Essetial exportation of Turkey to Egypt are vehicles and their spare parts, not knitted garments and iron-steel products. Turkey's importation from Egypt was 140,7 million USD in 2000. Turkey imports petroloum products, naturel gas, cotton and rice from Egypt.Turkey and Egypt economic relations has been tending to increase since 1990. It is benifical for both country.
A joint political project between al-Ghazālī and his Andalusian pupil, Abū Bakr Ibn al-'Arabī concerning the government of Spain can be uncovered from the documentary evidence and some reasoning about the chronology. The idea was apparently to gain a foothold for al-Ghazālī with the Almoravid ruler Yūsuf Ibn Tāshufín. Our conclusions about the existence of a political project are supported by documents which have been available for some time: the fatwā al-Ghazālī wrote in support of Yūsuf, the letter he wrote to Yūsuf praising Abū Bakr Ibn al-'Arabī and the letter he obtained from the caliph, all of which can be compared with al-Turtushī's letter to Yūsuf on the same subjects. The connecting idea is that this is part of a political project which would rely on a power base in the peninsula, most notably the Sufi militants and the previous ruling elite of the Taifa kings (Ibn 'Arabī's father had served Al-Mu'tamid, Prince of Seville). Al-Ghazālī's writings provide an ideological cement for this political alliance in that they praise sufism and criticize taqlīd, which was the standard approach to law used by the jurists who staffed the Almoravid hierachy. Because al-Ghazālī's discourse is far above the intellectual level of the ordinary jurist, either because they provided no immediate profit or because of the practical difficulty for simple people to get books and teachers on these subjects. Hence al-Ghazālī's discourse remains the property of an intellectual elite which is at the same time a social and economic elite, fluent in literary Classical Arabic and distilling the intellectual gains of many generations of educated Andalusians. To confront this group, the Almoravid jurists represented the urban middle class and could arouse the urban mob in their favor. Motivated by fear that the combination of Ibn al-'Arabī and al-Ghazālī could replace him in power, the most prominent among them, Ibn Hamdīn of Cordoba, was able to orchestrate the official burning of Al-Ghazālī's Iḥyā' throughout the realm. Thus we find that the conflict between these two groups was well defined even before Almohad rebellion in North Africa provided the intellectual elite a military champion. The intellectual elite in turn provided the North African Almohads with administrators and an ideology. Al-Ghazālī was identified as an enemy of the Almoravid regime even before Ibn Tūmart, the founder of the Almohad movement, returned from the East to launch his rebellion against the Almoravids from the Atlas mountains. We propose some changes in the previous picture of Al-Ghazālī's whereabouts at different times. Scholars have already accepted a basic modification of the idea that he left Baghdad definitively after he stopped giving his lectures to huge audiences at the Nizāmiyya school because they noticed that Abū Bakr Ibn al-'Arabī says he was tutored by Al-Ghazālī for two years in Baghdad after that period. Now we would like to draw attention to the fact that Ibn Khallikān says that Al-Ghazālī stayed in Alexandria, Egypt waiting for an answer from Yūsuf Ibn Tāshufīn. In the context of a shifting picture of the chronology of Al-Ghazālī's travels, the notion that Ibn Tūmart might have seen the famous scholar seems possible and even probable. ; A través de la documentación conservada y de una reflexión sobre la cronología, es posible descubrir la existencia de un proyecto político de al-Ghazālī y su discípulo andalusí, Abū Bakr Ibn al-'Arabī, con el propósito de ganar para al-Gazālī el favor del príncipe almorávide Yūsuf b. Tāšufīn. Los documentos que prueban la existencia de este proyecto se conocían desde hace algún tiempo: la fatwà que al-Gazālī escribió en apoyo de Yūsuf, la carta que le escribió en alabanza de Abū Bakr Ibn al-'Arabī y la carta que obtuvo del califa, todo lo cual puede compararse con la carta de al-Ṭurṭūšī a Yūsuf sobre los mismos asuntos. La idea que pone todo esto en conexión es que se trataba de un proyecto político con apoyo en la Península, sobre todo de los sufíes y de la elite de los reyes de Taifas (el padre de Ibn 'Arabī había servido a al-Mu'tamid de Sevilla). Los escritos de al-Gazālī suministraron una base ideológica a esta alianza política, puesto que alaban el sufismo y critican el taqlīd, la forma usual de interpretar la ley entre los juristas de la jerarquía almorávide. El discurso de al-Gazālī, muy por encima del nivel intelectual del jurista medio, se aceptó finalmente por la elite de los periodos califal y taifa que tenía interés en las ciencias naturales, la filosofía griega y la lógica. Estos temas eran innacesibles para el jurista medio, bien porque no procuraban un provecho inmediato, bien por la dificultad práctica de encontrar libros y profesores expertos en ellos. Por tanto, fue una elite intelectual (también social y económica) conocedora del árabe clásico y heredera de las adquisiciones intelectuales de muchas generaciones de andalusíes la que se apropió del discurso gazaliano. Frente a ese grupo, los juristas almorávides representaban a las clases medias urbanas y podían movilizar a su favor a las masas urbanas. El más importante de esos juristas, Ibn Ḥamdīn de Córdoba, temeroso de que la combinación de Ibn al-'Arabī y al-Gazālī le expulsara del poder, orquestó la quema oficial del Iḥyā' de al-Gazālī por todo el país. Así es posible observar que el conflicto entre esos dos grupos estaba bien definido incluso antes de que la rebelión almohade en el Norte de África proporcionase a la elite intelectual un adalid militar. A cambio, esa elite suministró a los Almohades una ideología y una clase administrativa. Al-Gazālī fue identificado como un enemigo del régimen almorávide incluso antes de que Ibn Tūmart, el fundador del movimiento almohade, volviese de Oriente para lanzar su rebelión contra los almorávides desde el Atlas.Proponemos algunos cambios en el panorama de las estancias de al-Gazālī en diferentes momentos. Se ha aceptado ya una modificación básica de la idea de que abandonó Bagdad definitivamente tras dejar de dar clases a gran número de personas en la Nizāmīya, al observarse que Abū Bakr Ibn al-'Arabī afirma haber estudiado con él en Bagdad dos años después. Aquí querríamos llamar la atención sobre el hecho de que Ibn Jallikān dice que al-Gazālī estuvo en Alejandría esperando una respuesta de Yusuf b. Tāšufīn. En el contexto de un panorama cambiante de la cronología de los viajes de al-Gazālī, la posibilidad de que Ibn Tūmart estuviera en contacto con él se convierte en una probabilidad.
In the 15-years I have served in the United States Army, the focal point of my tactical and academic study has been almost entirely centered on the Middle East and its unique cultural complexities. As an Infantryman, I was embroiled in the early efforts to prevent a Sunni-Shia civil war in post-invasion Iraq, while also hunting down al-Qaeda operatives under the leadership of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi. A year later, during General Patraeus's troop surge, I was in the urban sprawl of Northwest Baghdad fighting not only a Sunni insurgency, but also the Iranian-backed Jaysh al-Mahdi, comprised of local Shia militia groups. In 2010, I led a battalion reconnaissance team in the Arghandab River Valley of Afghanistan against the Taliban near the very birthplace of their Salafi-jihadist movement. In subsequent years, following my graduation from the Special Forces Qualification Course, I served in the 5th Special Forces Group (SFG) on a variety of missions in support of Operation Inherent Resolve in Turkey and Syria. As a fluent Arabic speaker, I was heavily involved in early efforts to train and equip the Free Syrian Army for its fight against the Islamic State. Following this deployment, I served as a liaison officer to the United States Embassy and Turkish General Staff in Ankara, having daily interaction with foreign dignitaries, defense attachés, and military officials in strategic level planning and coordination efforts. I culminated my time with 5th SFG as the assistant operations sergeant of a detachment fighting the Islamic State in Syria. My understanding of the culture of jihad, the various jihadist groups operating throughout the Central Command (CENTCOM) area of responsibility, and the intricacy of Middle Eastern problem sets as a whole, has come from years of dedicated cultural analysis, in-depth study of Sunni and Shia Islam, and field experience from the strategic to the tactical level. It is because of this experience that I am compelled to discuss the culture of jihad in the 21st Century. ; Winner of the 2020 Friends of the Kreitzberg Library Award for Outstanding Research in the College of Graduate and Continuing Studies Degree Completion category. ; 1 The Culture of Jihad in the 21st Century Michael J. Bearden Norwich University SOCI401: Cultural and Anthropology Studies Dr. Timothy Maynard April 30, 2020 2 The Culture of Jihad in the 21st Century In the 15-years I have served in the United States Army, the focal point of my tactical and academic study has been almost entirely centered on the Middle East and its unique cultural complexities. As an Infantryman, I was embroiled in the early efforts to prevent a Sunni-Shia civil war in post-invasion Iraq, while also hunting down al-Qaeda operatives under the leadership of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi. A year later, during General Patraeus's troop surge, I was in the urban sprawl of Northwest Baghdad fighting not only a Sunni insurgency, but also the Iranian-backed Jaysh al-Mahdi, comprised of local Shia militia groups. In 2010, I led a battalion reconnaissance team in the Arghandab River Valley of Afghanistan against the Taliban near the very birthplace of their Salafi-jihadist movement. In subsequent years, following my graduation from the Special Forces Qualification Course, I served in the 5th Special Forces Group (SFG) on a variety of missions in support of Operation Inherent Resolve in Turkey and Syria. As a fluent Arabic speaker, I was heavily involved in early efforts to train and equip the Free Syrian Army for its fight against the Islamic State. Following this deployment, I served as a liaison officer to the United States Embassy and Turkish General Staff in Ankara, having daily interaction with foreign dignitaries, defense attachés, and military officials in strategic level planning and coordination efforts. I culminated my time with 5th SFG as the assistant operations sergeant of a detachment fighting the Islamic State in Syria. My understanding of the culture of jihad, the various jihadist groups operating throughout the Central Command (CENTCOM) area of responsibility, and the intricacy of Middle Eastern problem sets as a whole, has come from years of dedicated cultural analysis, in-depth study of Sunni and Shia Islam, and field experience from the strategic to the tactical level. It is because of this experience that I am compelled to discuss the culture of jihad in the 21st Century. 3 Since its beginning in circa 610 CE, when the prophet Muhammad ibn Abdullah was visited by the angel Gabriel in a cave near Mecca, Islam has shaken the foundations of the Middle East and remained in a state of near-perpetual conflict with the Western world. Islam is an Arabic term most closely relating to the English words submission or surrender. Mujahedeen, or holy warriors, spread this new religion by the sword throughout Asia, forcing the "submission" of thousands, and have hardly been at peace with their neighbors since. Centuries later, in the two decades following the attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon in the United States, radical Islam's stance against the West has altered the diplomatic landscape between the world's great powers, fundamentally changed the United States' national strategic direction, and caused youth from all walks of life to sacrifice the best years of their lives in holy war to protect the supra-national community of Islam. From the invasion of Afghanistan to the subsequent invasions of Iraq and Syria to the ongoing peace talks with the Taliban, diplomatic and military efforts to eradicate jihadists from the Middle East have to-date been nearly ineffectual. Not only have these efforts failed to contain or defeat jihad, but at times have served to strengthen Islamic extremists' resolve in their call to arms against the West. Because jihad is such a fundamental part of the Islamic faith, it can never be "defeated" in the sense of traditional military eradication of an enemy force, but it can be confronted, contained, or refocused, as this paper will address. I argue that enabling local solutions and promoting education, alongside tailored surgical strike and security cooperation operations where necessary, are the keys to confronting, containing, and countering jihad. 4 Background Defining Jihad and Salafism Jihad is a transliterated form of the Arabic word meaning to struggle or to strive. In the traditional teachings of the Islamic faith, jihad is broken into two distinct categories: Greater jihad and lesser jihad. Greater jihad includes the personal struggle against selfish desires, emphasizing discipline and morality, as well as the struggle against Satan and the forces of evil. It includes jihad of the heart, jihad of the mind, and jihad of the tongue, involving praise for those who follow the will of Allah and correction for those who have gone astray (Gorka, 2016). The second category, lesser jihad, is viewed as the struggle against the enemies of Islam and the defense of its people. Lesser jihad is commonly referred to as Jihad of the Sword. Gorka (p. 60) reveals that, over time, this category of jihad has been used as justification for at least seven different subsets of holy war: 1. Using holy war to build an empire 2. Going after apostate regimes or individuals 3. Revolting against non-pious Muslim leaders 4. Fighting against the forces of imperialism in Muslim lands 5. Countering the West's pagan influence 6. Guerrilla warfare against a foreign invader 7. Using jihad as justification for terrorist attacks against civilian targets In a broad sense, lesser jihad can be viewed as offensive or defensive martial action. On the offensive side, jihadists use religion to justify building an empire, such as the Islamic State, attack apostate regimes, like those of the Taliban against Afghan government forces, and use terrorism against civilians, like the attacks on the World Trade Center. This offensive action 5 often takes jihadists beyond the borders of the ummah, or the people of Islam, striking fear into hearts of unbelievers around the globe. The defensive variety, especially in recent history, has most often correlated directly with the use of guerrilla warfare against foreign invaders, such as al-Qaeda's attacks on the international military coalitions that invaded Afghanistan and Iraq. This radical view of Islam is mostly practiced by those who follow the way of the Salafi, or the pious predecessors from the time of Muhammad, who experienced Islam in its purest form. It is believed that the first three generations who practiced the teachings of the prophet Muhammad are the ones who all Muslims thereafter should try to emulate. Themes of Salafism focus on complete adherence to sharia law, the fight against apostate Muslim regimes, and the spread and protection of Islam and its followers. At its core, Salafism is a very traditionalist view of Islam and has been practiced by multiple 21st Century terrorist organizations. The terms jihad and Salafi have shared such a close relationship in the last few decades that they have become nearly synonymous, at times described as Salafi-Jihadism or Jihadi-Salafism (Gorka, 2016; Nilsson, 2019) What Cultural Influences Lead One to the Path of Jihad? Before the attacks on 9/11, the largest call to jihad answered by the international Muslim community was in response to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. Stopping the spread of communism and defending the ummah against the atrocities of Russian ground forces was seen as a noble and just cause for young Muslim men, and not just among Muslims (Gorka, 2016; Nilsson, 2019). Many nations, including the United States, funded, equipped, and trained the Afghan mujahedeen (those who conduct jihad) for the fight against the Soviet empire. Jihad in the 21st Century has been viewed in a much different light, as it is most closely associated with acts of extreme violence against Western nations. While the piles of rubble that used to be the 6 World Trade Center smoldered, and a gaping hole scarred the wall of the Pentagon, people of the world were forced to ask themselves, "How could a person do this? Why would someone take their own lives and thousands of others in the name of Allah?" Religious Justification for Jihad. Though jihad has become almost entirely associated with Islamic holy war, the term itself is still simply the Arabic word for striving. Struggling against one's selfish desires, striving to maintain traditional values, and defending a community against a common enemy are not just Islamic concepts, they are universal to most tightly-knit cultures. Similarly, Christians and Jews are taught self-discipline, adherence to moral codes, and defending their belief against enemies of their faith. So, why has the Islamic flavor of this common cultural theme become so violent, causing deep unrest around the world in our modern era? Verses from the Qur'an can begin to unpack why horrific public executions, suicide bombings, and advocating for generalized violence against non-Muslims may be justifiable in jihadist culture. The Qur'an (2015) lays out the following decree in chapter 9, verse 29: Fight those from among the People of the Book who believe not in Allah, nor in the Last Day, nor hold as unlawful what Allah and His Messenger have declared to be unlawful, nor follow the true religion, until they pay the tax with their own hand and acknowledge their subjection (p. 208). My personal study of Islam and conversations with Muslims in the field revealed that this bit of prose has been used as motivation and justification for jihad by groups like al-Qaeda, the Taliban, the Islamic State, and Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham of our modern age. Some of the following themes are evident in the translation: 7 • Jews and Christians are recognized as People of the Book, but are required to accept the following—Allah as the one true god, sharia as the acceptable law, and Islam as the one true religion. • If Jews and Christians refuse to accept these statutes, they must pay a tax called the jizyah to show their subjugation. • If they refuse to do either of these, they are to be put to the sword (p. 208). Salafi-jihadist groups such as the Taliban and Islamic State have tried to revive the jizyah tax in areas under their control. Likewise, hundreds of Christians, Jews, and even Muslims who refuse to adhere to strict sharia law have been publicly executed. This vehement enforcement of arcane Islamic law is seen as a return to the purest form of Islam, as pious as the first few generations who followed the Prophet Muhammad. Another common religious cultural theme that ties these jihadist organizations together is a message of religious oppression. They preach to young Muslims that the Islamic world is under siege by the West and that their god, their value systems, and their way of life are being threatened by the evils of capitalism and democracy (Venhaus, 2010). In joining organizations like al-Qaeda or the Islamic State, young men from across the globe find a sense of purpose and direction in their cause to protect the ummah. This theme is manifested in the teachings of Anwar al-Awlaki, the spiritual leader of al-Qaeda and the father of home-grown terrorism in the United States. He calls on Muslims living among those in the West: How can your conscience allow you to live in peaceful coexistence with a nation that is responsible for the tyranny and crimes committed against your own brothers and sisters? How can you have your loyalty to a government that is leading the war against Islam and Muslims? Hence, my advice to you is this, you have two choices: either hijra [migration 8 to an Islamic land] or jihad. You either leave or you fight. You leave and live among Muslims or you stay behind and fight with your hand, your wealth, and your word. I specifically invite the youth to either fight in the West or join their brothers on the fronts of jihad: Afghanistan, Iraq, and Somalia (as cited in Gorka, 2016). This way of thinking is also captured in chapter 9, verse 5 of the Qur'an (2015): Kill the idolaters wherever you find them and take them prisoners, and beleaguer them, and lie in wait for them at every place of ambush. But if they repent and observe Prayer and pay the Zakat, then leave their way free (p. 204). When taken literally, as they are by followers of Salafi-jihad, scriptures such as these leave no choice. To these men who have committed themselves fully to the ways of the pious ones, they are compelled to become shahid, or martyrs in the protection of the ummah. The Qur'an promises paradise for those who do: Surely, Allah has purchased of the believers their persons and their property in return for the Garden they shall have; they fight in the cause of Allah, and they slay and are slain—a promise the He has made incumbent on Himself in the Torah, and the Gospel, and the Qur'an. And who is more faithful to his promise than Allah? Rejoice, then, in your bargain which you have made with Him; and that it is which is the supreme triumph (p. 222). The concept of becoming a martyr in the struggle for Islam is romanticized by jihadist groups, like al-Qaeda and the Islamic State, and even state governments in local programming. In Lebanon, Mothers of Martyrs are interviewed to share the stories of their sons' glorious end while fighting abroad against the infidels (Venhaus, 2010). The Qur'an itself calls this sacrifice the supreme triumph for a jihadist, striving for the glory of Allah. 9 Though enforcing the jizyah, publicly executing those who do not follow sharia law, and seeking opportunities to kill infidels through suicide attacks represent a very small, extremist cultural sect of Islam, each of these practices is still justifiable if one looks to the Qur'an. This could be viewed as no different than a rural Pentecostal church in the Deep South who maintains strict standards for how women must dress and act: it all comes down to interpretation and a community's willingness to subjugate themselves to these standards. Spiritual leaders of jihadist groups in the 21st Century have used the Qur'an as continued justification for a variety of cruel, inhumane, and brutal actions that served to shock the West. The holy book of Islam acts as the essential glue, binding together all facets of Arab and Islamic culture. Artistic Inspiration for Jihad. A far cry from the harsh proclamations of the Qur'an, Arabic poetry predates Islam by centuries and serves as a bedrock of Arabic culture across the Middle East. Early desert nomads composed poems mostly in mono-rhyme and in one of sixteen standard canonical measures, which made them easy to commit to memory (Creswell & Haykel, 2015). Naturally, this beautiful form of cultural expression has found a home in the modern jihadist movement, where it has become an inspiration for new recruits to join the cause and crucial in the sustainment of those already fighting infidels abroad. Creswell and Haykel assert that although analysts have generally ignored this facet of jihadist culture, it is woven deeply into the fabric of modern Islamic extremism. Osama bin Laden, most recognized as the former head of al-Qaeda, was also a highly-celebrated jihadist poet. Without question, his lyrical genius inspired young Arabs with stories of a return to the heroic and chivalrous past of Islam. One of his most famous works celebrates the martyrdom of the 9/11 hijackers. This is a theme among modern jihadist poetry, which preserves the tales of suicide bombers, the conquered apostate regimes of Iraq and Syria, and the glories of jihadist heroes (Creswell & Haykel). Likewise, in a 10 group of individuals who have each traveled far from home to defend Islam against the kuffar, these poems help to establish a sense of cultural identity, strengthening their wartime bond and solidifying their resolve. In seeing the videos of the Islamic State as they carved a path of destruction across large swathes of Iraq in early 2014, it may be difficult for one to believe that its members were motivated by the rhythmic lines of jihadist poetry. It is hard to accept that the same young fighter who is willing to behead an infidel for all the free world to see, could also be found passionately reciting lines celebrating the glorious return of an Islamic caliphate. During its rise, the Islamic State capitalized on the lyrical talent of a Damascus-born woman named Ahlam al-Nasr. In her first broadcast, called the Blaze of Truth, she sang each one of her 107 works a cappella, in accordance with the Islamic State's ban on musical instruments. The video was uploaded to Youtube, receiving thousands of views and further shares on multiple social media platforms (Creswell & Haykel, 2015). In the early days of the group's brutal campaign in Iraq, al-Nasr celebrated victory in Mosul as a new dawn for the country: "Ask Mosul, city of Islam, about the lions— how their fierce struggle brought liberation. The land of glory has shed its humiliation and defeat and put on the raiment of splendor" (as cited in Creswell & Haykel, 2015). Her choice of words helps one sense her deep passion for jihad, hidden within the lines. Mujahedeen are called lions and liberators. Mosul is called both a city of Islam and a land of 11 glory that, because of its liberation, has been released from the chains of shame and can now live in the splendor and pride of its former renown. Poetry has succored those serving in times of war for hundreds, even thousands of years. In the same manner, this key element of artistic cultural expression has helped bind together the modern jihadi movement, capturing the heroic deeds of martyrs who would otherwise remain nameless and unrecognized by the outside world. Serving in lands far away from home, young jihadists find inspiration, strength, and a renewed sense of identity in these haunting bits of rhyme. Social Pressure to Join Jihad. Abdullah Anas was an Algerian who served as one of the mujahedeen in Afghanistan in the 1980s and spent several years studying under Abdullah Azzam, the Palestinian "Father of Resistance to the Soviets" (Gall, 2020). Working to help Algerians achieve nonviolent change in their government, Anas, now in his 60s, has spent a life living and working among jihadists. To Anas, jihad is a fundamental principle of Muslim culture through which mujahedeen receive rewards in heaven: "I will never denounce jihad. As a Muslim, I know this to be a noble deed—where man can be the most beastly" (Gall). In a study of three Swedish jihadists, with experiences ranging from 1980s Afghanistan to the modern fight in Syria, Nilsson (2019) suggests that one of the fundamental social justifications for joining jihad is the sense that Islam and Muslims are collectively under attack. This, again, is a theme that applies to more than just the modern jihadist movement: Americans lined up in droves outside recruiting stations following the attacks on Pearl Harbor and decades later after September 11, 2001. Following the invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq, many Muslims from around the world began to see this not as just the West going after the 9/11 conspirators, but as a global attack on Islam. Each day, fresh news stories of coalition soldiers' crimes against 12 Muslim civilians and pictures of burning villages continued to motivate men to join the fight to protect the ummah from the foreign invaders. Nilsson contends that since most jihadists are very young, in their teens and early twenties, they are very susceptible to the influences of close friends and social groups. Safet, a young Muslim living in Sweden, was pressured by a friend to join the Islamic State in Syria, saying that he became convinced by his friend Ahmed that the group was fighting to protect Muslims (Nilsson). However, after realizing that the Islamic State was actually killing other Muslims in a practice called takfir, or excommunication, Safet became disillusioned and returned to Sweden (Nilsson). From the fight against the foreign invaders in the early 2000s in Afghanistan and Iraq, to the struggle for the establishment of an Islamic caliphate in 2015, it seems jihadists have most often been motivated by the need to protect the international Muslim community. Aside from the social responsibility of defending their faith and people, the need for adventure also seems to permeate the ideations of young men seeking to join a jihadist group. One of Nilsson's (2019) most interesting theories is that jihad is not the radicalization of Islam, but rather the Islamization of radicalism. Individuals who are already naturally predisposed to such adventurous or nihilistic behavior get caught up in the social dynamics of their time, ending up in a jihadist movement. Venhaus (2010) explains that in interviews with over 2,000 al-Qaeda prisoners from Iraq to Guantanamo Bay, he found that young Muslim men sought the cause of jihad for a number of normal social pressures felt by normal teens worldwide: "Revenge seekers need an outlet for their frustration, status seekers need recognition, identity seekers need a group to join, and thrill seekers need adventure" (Venhaus). The Effects of Social Media and Technology on Jihad. In the modern era, news is no longer bound by the time it takes for an article to be published, printed, and distributed across 13 great distance in a community. Social media platforms like Facebook, Youtube, Twitter, and Instagram have made sharing news instantaneous. Additionally, the advent of the smartphone, which acts simultaneously as a hand-held computer, high definition camera, and telephone with nearly world-wide coverage has forever changed the media landscape. In the era of modern jihad, one can post a single video that moves the minds of thousands in a matter of seconds. Following the 2003 invasion of Iraq to topple Saddam Hussein's regime, news stories of atrocity among the efforts of coalition troops over the next decade served to further the cause of local and foreign jihadists to protect the ummah from these invaders. Accidental bombing of civilians, mistreatment of the prisoners at Abu Ghraib, and a general ignorance toward Muslim culture were fueled by social media and smartphone technology. Venhaus (2010) claims that throughout this early phase of the war in Iraq, al-Qaeda very rarely had to actively recruit, their global brand was aggressively promoted through satellite television, internet chat rooms, and social media platforms; willing candidates sought them out. This use of media continued to be perfected by jihadist organizations like the Islamic State, who published a digital magazine called Dabiq, named for the ideological capital of the proposed caliphate, which rallied Muslims to jihad through stories of glory and heroism in the cause for Islam. The Islamic State also posted grisly execution videos, with stunning music and production value, including super high-definition shots of their brutality. Publications and videos such as these could be copied, saved, shared, and re-shared before any sort of government intervention could stop them. Creswell and Haykel (2015) reveal that jihadists were running a massive, secret network of social media websites and fake accounts that could be rapidly assembled and dissembled by hackers. The effects of social media and technology on modern jihadist culture are easy to understand, but challenging to measure in scope and reach. Just as easily as videos of Islamic 14 State propaganda or poetry can be shared, so too can stories of coalition force atrocities in Afghanistan and Iraq. This has put strategists in a unique position, where it is nearly impossible to control the narrative. Unfortunately, the story that breaks first is still the one that is liked and shared the most, even if the truth comes out after. Effects of Western Culture on Jihad. Rapid globalization, including the widespread diffusion of the internet and technology into the Middle East in the last two decades has continued to foment jihadist hatred for the West. Personal conversations with multiple Muslims in Iraq and Afghanistan revealed that the decadence, lavish richness, and sinful lifestyles portrayed by Western movies and media served to fuel the fires of disdain among the pious Salafi-jihadists. Additionally, Muslim men living in Western nations following the attacks on the World Trade Center were ostracized and feared by society, often leading them to an eventual radicalization process. Being denied a peaceful coexistence because of continued Western misperception, caused many young Muslims to become angry and seek community and brotherhood among other Muslims experiencing the same problems. Venhaus (2010) notes that out of the over 2,000 captured jihadists interviewed, more than 30 per cent of them sought al-Qaeda because they were angry. Under the tutelage of local al-Qaeda mentors, the frustrations of these young men were then turned upon their neighbors through careful instruction and manipulation. They were taught to see the West as the enemy of Islam, with hundreds of the ummah being harmed by their military coalitions in Afghanistan and Iraq each day. They were instructed in the ways of the pious ones who came before them, inspiring them to turn from the sinfulness of their Western neighbors and take pride in their newfound self-discipline and righteousness in the eyes of Allah. Eventually, many of these young men would travel to their 15 ancestral homelands to join the struggle, or conduct terrorist attacks on their own Western communities. Analysis A Unique Challenge Given the litany of reasons one might join jihad, the incredibly complex cultural and social environment, and the fluidity of the modern jihadist movement, how can the United States begin to contain this problem? The reasons one individual might join a jihadist cause are as various and sundry as why one might choose to join any movement or profession over another. As Nilsson (2019) and Venhaus (2010) have detailed, there appears to be no singular marker: one could be an extremely religious or a passive Muslim, rich or poor, single or married with a family, have a completely stable social life or be isolated with no friends. Jihadists can be from any country, any walk of life, and usually do not widely broadcast their intentions prior to taking part in acts of violence for the cause of Islam. It is because of the near-impossibility of clearly identifying a pattern of distinguishable cultural markers that make it such a challenge for the United States government and its allies to address the threat of jihad. Targeting an individual before they become a jihadist or before they commit a terrorist act has been one of the most formidable challenges of our time for military and law enforcement professionals alike. Usually, the much simpler job is finding a jihadist who has allowed their communications discipline to slip before an act, or catching them in a pitched battle on foreign soil. In order to protect citizens of the West and East alike against jihadists' aims, the United States Government must be prepared to confront, contain, and counter the jihadist narrative "left of bang," before an attack occurs. 16 The Global War on Terrorism: Taking the Fight to the Jihadists. In the months that followed September 11, 2001, President George W. Bush deployed Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) paramilitary officers and US Special Operations Forces (SOF) to find, fix, and finish pockets of al-Qaeda militants being harbored by the Taliban in Afghanistan. A fierce campaign of relentless aerial bombardment and mounted assaults by the forces of the Afghan Northern Alliance led to a swift and decisive defeat of al-Qaeda and the Taliban. With Kabul and Kandahar in allied hands, and an interim government established under the leadership of the Pashtun Hamid Karzai, the future of a free and prosperous Afghanistan seemed assured, but what came to be known as The Long War had only just begun. Trillions of dollars, thousands of lives, and 19 years later, the United States and its allies have been forced to the negotiating table with the Salafi-jihadist Taliban. Likewise, after Saddam Hussein's continued disregard for international law, threats against the United States, and open violence against his own people, the administration of President Bush decided again to pursue a military option. Much like Afghanistan, the coalition was led by CIA operatives and SOF operators, coordinating airstrikes on key positions in a tactical display of American firepower affectionately titled Shock and Awe. However, unlike Afghanistan, a massive conventional invasion followed the bombing campaign, bent on toppling the Baathist regime and finding Saddam's chemical weapons stockpiles. What followed was a series of policy failures, leading to a steady influx of jihadists partnering with local insurgents seeking to oust the foreign invaders and protect the ummah from the atrocities of the kuffar. In my professional opinion, Iraq is still recovering from the decade-long military occupation, cleaning up the destruction left by the Islamic State, and on the brink of civil war due to concerns about being an Iranian puppet state. 17 Ineffective Military Methods to Combat Jihad Operation Iraqi Freedom. During my first combat rotation as an Infantryman in the Triangle of Death in southern Iraq in 2005-2006, I experienced the initial rumblings of a civil war between the Sunni and Shia Muslims in Iraq, each wrestling for power in a post-Saddam world. I was also witness to the inundation of foreign jihadists, joining the ranks of al-Qaeda in Iraq under the leadership of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, who at times headquartered in my area of operations. As I analyze our highly-kinetic and aggressive initial campaigns years later, I can see that the coalition's fight, first against Saddam, then against al-Qaeda, only bolstered jihadist motivation. In being a foreign invader, we inadvertently created a jihadist resistance movement, bent on the removal of their occupiers. Kilcullen (2010) explains this dilemma by explaining that focusing on the wrong metrics in a fight against insurgents can be deceptive: If you kill 20 insurgents, they may have 40 relatives who are now in a blood feud with your unit and are compelled to take revenge. Again in 2007-2008, I was deployed to Iraq as an Infantry squad leader to the sacred city of Khadimiyah in Northwest Baghadad. This was during the famous troop surge, meant to fix the ongoing problems with stability throughout the country. Being in the home of the beautiful Shrine of the Seventh Imam, it was a predominantly Shia area. Over the course of 15 months, my unit fought several engagements against Iranian-backed Shia militias and worked on project after project to strengthen local civil infrastructure, all while maintaining the utmost discretion against damaging homes or creating civilian casualties. Yet again, although we had conducted a nearly perfect counterinsurgency fight, it seemed that Kilcullen's insurgent math still applied: Fighting the jihadists only served to create more unrest within the population, no matter if we were restoring essential services and reducing damage to homes or not. 18 Operation Enduring Freedom. Nearly a decade after the fall of al-Qaeda and its Taliban hosts, I was deployed to the mountains of Afghanistan from 2010-2011. Stationed along the Arghandab River, just north of Kandahar, we were in the heart of the Pashtun Taliban. Again, the same story remained true: We fought the Taliban jihadists almost daily, but could not seem to win over the true key terrain in a counterinsurgency fight: The hearts and minds of the people. The Taliban would harass our unit's base of operations with a few pop shots as we called them, which would unleash a massive response in firepower and resources. Thousands of rounds of machine gun ammunition would be fired into the farm fields surrounding our Combat Out Post (COP), squads would be sent in pursuit of the attackers, and helicopters would spend hours scouring the terrain in an attempt to heap justice on the insurgents. This massive effort against so few served to erode the unit's motivation, exhaust our supplies, and alienate the civilian population whose homes and fields had been damaged in the process. Reflections on Personal Combat Experience. After years of combat experience and deeply studying Muslim culture, I can now see how the mistakes the coalitions made early-on in both operations only fueled the fires of insurgency, resistance to foreign occupiers, and generalized hatred for the West. Porch (2013) argues brilliantly that US counterinsurgency doctrine made the same mistake as its imperialistic predecessors of centuries before: Believing that military action was a proper vehicle for providing Middle Easterners with Western values, as well as a foundation for governance, social programs, and economic transformation in a region. This became evident in my own experience, realizing that no matter what sort of social, infrastructure, or economic programs ran alongside our military efforts, the people of both Afghanistan and Iraq felt the enormous social weight of being occupied by a foreign power, rendering these efforts nearly ineffectual. On the contrary, local and foreign jihadist movements 19 capitalized on each and every mistake of coalition forces, increasing their recruitment and resolve against the West. Though our military may have been winning every major battle against the jihadists, our policy makers and field commanders made the fundamental mistake of believing that these non-Western nations lived in some sort of time-warp, in which the adoption of Western democracy, rule of law, and capitalism would allow them to thrive as a nation (Porch). Effective Military Methods to Combat Jihad Surgical Strike and Precision Targeting. A unique feature of the Global War on Terrorism was the US military's continued perfection of covert strike operations with surgical precision deep into enemy safe havens. This was put on display in the rout of al-Qaeda by CIA and SOF in Afghanistan, in the kill/capture missions against the Baathists in the deck of cards in Iraq, and later in the killing of Osama bin Laden in Pakistan and Sheik Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi in Iraq. Having the ability to appear out of nowhere in the middle of the night, kill or capture an intended target with zero damage to infrastructure or civilian casualties, and leave within minutes of arrival struck fear into the hearts and minds of jihadists across the globe. The success and efficacy of this type of operation was acknowledged in the 2015 National Military Strategy, which stated: "The best way to counter VEOs [violent extremist organizations] is by way of.military strengths such as ISR, precision strike [emphasis added], training, and logistical support" (p.11). Likewise, President Obama's massive expansion of the use of drones, which could watch individuals for days and execute a precise strike that only touched the intended target, has continued to sow fear and deny jihadists' freedom of maneuver on a global scale. The US military and its allies have only continued to master these types of operations throughout the 20 fights in Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, and other locations. The jihadists know this, and realize that one wrong move at any time could mean disaster. Security Cooperation. An additional theme that has spelled the end for jihadists throughout the globe has been the training, advising, and equipping of security forces and partners within Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, and other nations. Enabling the host-nation military to handle jihadist movements on their own helps the United States military work itself out of a job. US Army Special Forces are uniquely suited to accomplish this mission: With specialized training, language capability, and cultural understanding, they are able to train foreign security forces through a variety of Principle Tasks. These tasks include Foreign Internal Defense, which focuses on a holistic approach to internal security and protection of citizens against lawlessness and insurgency, and Security Force Assistance, which can be focused internally or externally against threats to a nation's stability and security. The success of these mission sets was evident in 2014, during my own experience with the Afghan Commando Kandaks' continued fight against the Taliban and in closely following the Iraqi Counterterrorism Service's efforts against the Islamic State. Both of these forces, built from the ground-up by US Army Special Forces have continually fortified weak conventional military force operations against jihadist groups in their respective nations. Muslim Youth Efforts Against Jihad Globalization, though it has been proven to bolster the jihadists' narrative against the West, has also been beneficial to the movement against jihad itself. Because youth of the world have access to technology that allows them to see the atrocities and lies associated with global jihadist organizations, they are beginning to turn the tide. During the Islamic State's rise to power in Iraq and Syria, Muslim youth from across Europe travelled to join the jihadists in their 21 fight against the West. However, groups of Muslim youth also spoke up to counter this narrative. In 2015 the Muslim Youth League, an anti-Islamic State cultural movement, declared a holy war against all extremist organizations (Dearden, 2015). The group called on all Muslims to stand united against those who have hijacked Islam and misrepresented the faith. Through engagement work in schools and communities, as well as a robust online campaign, the Muslim Youth League is fighting back against jihadist propaganda that bids young Muslims join the Islamic State and other extremist groups (Dearden). Since the time of this publication, the Muslim Youth League has spread to several countries throughout the Middle East, Asia, and Europe, each with their own social media presence, outreach programs, community events, and websites. Local Government Efforts Against Jihad In the years following the Islamic State's spread across Iraq and Syria, the United Kingdom has developed a robust strategy to help at-risk Muslims avoid the radicalization process. The program itself is called Contest, and includes four distinct categories: Prevent, Prepare, Protect, and Pursue (British Broadcasting Corporation [BBC], 2017). Police departments and social organizations have built relationships with doctors, faith leaders, teachers and others, who are required to report suspicious persons to the proper authorities. In response to these reporting requirements and recommendations, over 7,500 reports were filed between 2015-2016, with one in 10 being actionable intelligence for government and police forces (BBC). In 2015 alone, over 150 people, including 50 children, were kept from traveling to conflict zones in Iraq and Syria (BBC). The strategy has of course drawn criticism, for fear that it will further alienate Muslims from their local communities, but it presents as an excellent plan of action for identifying individuals who are at risk beyond just using traditional signals intelligence and 22 surveillance techniques. It does more than just target the individual, it also seeks to reform them through education, outreach, and community programs. Counterarguments You Can Kill an Idea. I have heard the opinion throughout my time in the military that jihad and the idea of Islamic supremacy can be completely eradicated. The example most often given is that Nazism, including the idea that the Aryan race was superior to all others, was effectively destroyed by a global military campaign. This argument is weak. The Nazis represented a very small portion of German culture, including among those serving in the military, so it was relatively easy to contain once there was an overwhelming military victory by the Allies. However, although the German Army of the 1940s was defeated militarily, the idea of white supremacy lives on in small social groups throughout the world to this day. The Ongoing Taliban Peace Talks. I have colleagues throughout the military who are convinced that the current negotiations with the Taliban are a key indicator of success in our two decades at war against the Salafi-jihadist group. The issue with this is that temporary cease fires have already been violated several times, leading one to believe that the strategic level leadership's messages are simply not reaching their subordinates or that local factions are not adhering to the agreement. Trusting that radical Muslim extremists will not allow Afghanistan to become a future safe haven for other jihadists, as it has in the past, is simply unrealistic. Believing some sort of quasi peace deal is going to miraculously pacify an organization that hates everything the West stands for is misguided. My own experiences throughout the Middle East have proven that the spirit of jihad and hatred will live on in Afghanistan. The Islamic State is Nearly Defeated. Multiple global media outlets continue to run stories about the dismantling of the Islamic State, as though the battle is won. Though Sheik Abu 23 Bakr al-Baghdadi has been killed, and the proposed Islamic caliphate was never fully realized, it would be naïve to think that the Islamic State's jihad is over. The movement will metastasize and take on new forms in other parts of the globe: It is already happening. Jihadists are continually leaving the battlefields of Iraq and Syria, headed back to their former homes in mainland Europe. As these individuals reenter the diaspora, the concern is that they will radicalize other individuals and conduct terrorist attacks within the continent. Conclusion The reasons an individual seeks to join a jihadist movement are deeply rooted in personal social dynamics, the security situation of their country, and a multitude of other religious, cultural, and economic factors. I agree with Venhaus (2010) and Gorka (2016) who assert that there is no singular military operation or strategy that can bring about a decisive victory against something so intangible as why one might join the modern jihadist movement. Use of the US military as a vehicle for the establishment of Western democracy and nation-building efforts in tribal nations like Afghanistan and Iraq only served to invigorate the jihadists' call to arms. Jihad is not something that can be eradicated completely by military force. Jihad must be confronted, contained, and countered through a comprehensive approach that empowers state and non-state actors to develop local solutions and directs expeditious military applications only where completely necessary. Recommendations Promote and Protect the Muslim Youth Leagues In order to truly create a cultural paradigm shift in Muslim youth at risk of radicalization, groups like the Muslim Youth League (BBC, 2017) should be promoted by governments worldwide as a bastion of true and peaceful Islam. While they should no doubt be supported, 24 governments must also protect these organizations from becoming targets for violent acts of terrorism or influence operations by jihadists. Through a combination of deep cultural understanding and positive messaging, the Muslim Youth League has already shown its effectiveness in the United Kingdom and beyond. Because the youth of each nation understand the social pressures and cultural influences that may lead one to seek jihad, they can effectively develop tailored, local solutions to persuade at-risk individuals. The Muslim Youth Leagues are on the front lines of countering the jihadist worldview, taking a stand and declaring war on jihad and its misrepresentations of Islam. Enable Local Solutions for Local Problems This should be accomplished through unified government action that involves all the United States' instruments of national power including diplomacy, information sharing, military action where necessary, and economic stimulus as needed. The specific issue with efforts like these, is that they cannot be accomplished during what is perceived by locals as a military occupation. This was proven true in Afghanistan and later in Iraq. Despite massive efforts to rebuild infrastructure, aid in agricultural processes, build schools, and organize community projects, the United States and its allies were still viewed as pushing Western values and democracy on nations through military occupation. As much as possible, we must limit our military presence in areas that are ripe for developing a jihadist movement, or in ones that are recovering. I have seen firsthand that government efforts against jihadist organizations or at-risk communities have often been fragmented, poorly staffed, and uncoordinated. Venhaus (2010) suggests the creation of an agency that is staffed, trained, funded, enabled, and equipped for strategic communications, calling it the United States Strategic Communications Agency. An 25 agency like this could ensure that a comprehensive national communications strategy is developed and achieved, with a focus on enabling local community efforts to counter the jihadist narrative. By promoting social outreach, religious education, and community programs, this agency could bolster the efforts of community leaders and stifle jihadist aims in their areas. Support Religious Education and Reintegration Reintegration programs in Saudi Arabia, Indonesia, Singapore and elsewhere have successfully rehabilitated former jihadists through religious education (Venhaus, 2010). Countering the apocalyptic world view of jihadist groups like al-Qaeda and the Islamic State requires local religious leaders who understand their community's issues to band together and refute the extremist narrative. Through careful, patient, and individually-tailored instruction, Muslim religious leaders can invalidate each and every one of the extremists' claims. Individuals who turn to jihad are often seeking this type of direction, they just find it in the wrong places. Counter Threats with Tailored Military Force Packages Continued themes among the military failures in counterinsurgency and counterterrorism operations during the early years of the Global War on Terrorism are indiscriminate use of force, lack of cultural understanding, and hyper-focus on tactical gains while failing at the strategic level. US government nation-building efforts on the backs of the military cost our country trillions of dollars, thousands of lives, and years of frustration, bogged-down in an endless quagmire of misunderstanding. US Army Special Forces are selected, trained, equipped, and enabled to clandestinely handle complex problem sets in denied or politically-sensitive environments. Each Special Forces Group is regionally-aligned, with Operational Detachments developing deep cultural understanding through Area Studies and continuous relationship-building with regional state and 26 non-state actors. Special Forces operators understand the complex cultural and security situations in their areas of responsibility and have the language capability and strategic understanding to operate with complete independence of outside support. Frankly, if given the authority and autonomy to do their jobs, Special Forces can coerce, disrupt, or overthrow jihadist organizations unilaterally, or train, advise, and equip foreign security forces to accomplish this task on their own. This can all be done independent of a large, slow, and expensive conventional military occupation. Organizations like al-Qaeda must be kept in a state of constant fear and uncertainty. US Special Operations Forces are uniquely suited to this task. Through structured, rapid application of military force, SOF can find, fix, and finish intended targets with surgical precision. This has proven true in the capture of Saddam Hussein and the elimination of Osama bin Laden and Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, among numerous other targets throughout the Global War on Terrorism. Continuing to deny safe havens through short, precise applications of combat power is crucial and does not rely on a conventional military occupation of the target area. Operations such as these, characterized by discriminate use of force and strategic impact, should be the main avenue for denying the relative safety, security, and freedom of maneuver of jihadist organizations. 27 References British Broadcasting Corporation (2017, June 4). Reality check: What is the prevent strategy? Reality Check. https://www.bbc.com/news/election-2017-40151991. Creswell, R., & Haykel, B. (2015, June 1). Battle lines: Want to understand the jihadis? Read their poetry. The New Yorker. https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2015/06/08/battle-lines-jihad-creswell-and-haykel. Dearden, L. (2015, March 21). Young British Muslims declare own jihad against ISIS and other terrorists who 'hijack' Islam. Independent. https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/young-british-muslims-declare-own-jihad-against-isis-and-other-terrorists-who-hijack-islam-10146534.html. Dempsey, M. (2015). The national military strategy of the United States of America 2015: The United States military's contribution to national security. The Joint Staff. https://www.jcs.mil/Portals/36/Documents/Publications/UNCLASS_2018_National_Military_Strategy_Description.pdf. Gall, C. (2020, January 31). From armed struggle to peaceful protest, a road still to travel: A veteran of the Afghan jihad working for nonviolent change in Algeria. The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/31/world/middleeast/from-armed-struggle-to-peaceful-protest-a-road-still-to-travel.html. Gorka, S. L. (2016). Defeating jihad: The winnable war. Regnery Publishing. Kilcullen, D. J. (2010). Counterinsurgency. Oxford University Press. Nilsson, M. (2019, 18 June) Motivations for jihad and cognitive dissonance: A qualitative analysis of former Swedish jihadists. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism. https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2019.1626091. 28 Porch, D. (2013). Counterinsurgency: Exposing the myths of the new way of war. Cambridge University Press. Qur'an (M. Ali, Trans.; 7th ed.) (2015). Islam International Publications. (Original work published ca. 1537). Venhaus, J. (2010). Why youth join al-Qaeda. Special Report, 236(1), 1-12. https://www.usip. org/sites/default/files/SR236Venhaus.pdf.
Confession without Borders: 1st Wave Feminism against Woman's Right Disproportion in AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone TitikHariPangestu English Literature Faculty of Languages and Arts State University of Surabaya Titik_hari@ymail.com Diana Budi Darma, SS. M.Pd. English Department Faculty of Languages and Arts State University of Surabaya Dianabd9@gmail.com Abstrak Penelitianinimemfokuskanpadaketidakseimbanganatashak-hakperempuan di Afghanistan denganmenggunakantindakantokohutamadalam novel inisebagaisumberdalamtesisini. Ktidakseimbanganhakmunculsebagaiakibatdaridominasisatusisikesisi lain. Masalahpertamadalamtesisiniberbicaratentangdominasilaki-laki. Yang keduamengungkapkanpengakuanperempuansebagaicerminandarifeminismegelombangpertama. Dalammenjawabpertanyaanpertama, penelitianinididukungolehteoripatriarki, sertadidukungolehbukuNawal El – Saadawi, dimanabukuiniberfokuspadadominasilaki-laki di wilayahArab. Permasalahankeduaakandijawabdenganmenggunakanteoridarifeminism, yang mengkhususkanpada feminismgelombangpertama. Analisisiniakanmenunjukkanbahwaketidakseimbanganperempuandisebabkanolehadanyawarisan agama danbudayasecaraturuntemurundalamkomunitasini. Setelahmenggambarkandoominasikaumpria, selanjutnyatesisiniakanmenggambarkanbagaimanaperempuan di wilayahinimenghadapiketidakseimbanganini. Tesisiniakanmengemukakan,sistemPatriarki yangdinilaisebagaipenyebabmunculnyaketidakseimbangantersebut,.Ketidakseimbanganinimemberikantekananbesartercermindalampengakuanistri, yang padaakhirnyamemberinyakekuatanuntukmelawanterhadapketidakseimbanganini. Kata kunci: Patriarki ,FeminismeGelombangPertama Abstract This study focuses on depicting Afghan women's rights disproportion by using main character's act inside this novel. Right disproportion appears as a result of the domination of one sides to the other. The first problem talks about the domination of men's. The second reveal the women's confession represent first wave feminism. In answering first question, this research is supported by patriarchy theory, and supported by Nawal-El-Saadawi's book which focus on men's domination in this region. The second statement of problem will be answered by using a theory from the first wave feminism. The analysis reveals the disproportion of women right caused by hereditary thought of their religion and cultural and also how women in this region face this disproportion. Patriarchal believes is use as a cause of the disproportion. Furthermore, this disproportion which cause a huge pressure analyzing by wife's confession finally give her a power to fight back against this disproportion. Keywords: Patriarchy, First Wave Feminism INTRODUCTION Offending to women in the society, especially to traditional system, it must dribble a fact of disproportion of women within it. This fact finally grounds the responder of it, especially to whom it may concern with cultural study to talk to. Besides that, this phenomenon also creates an unforgettable experience to author to write it down in utterance of beautiful work, especially novel that brings conflicts in detail. According to Rene Wellek and Austin Warren say that literary work is the representation of the author toward social life and society (Wellek & Warren, 1949: 90). According those quotation, literary can be affected by society because the author is part of the society. His idea can come from his or her society. The author combining his experience with some fiction than use this as the main source of literary works. In other word, between literary work and society or social life is tightly related each other. By using particular literary work, a researcher can identify a social condition in a particular area. Empirically, women are seen as the weakness subject. They are only put in in the second position in this life. Their duties only focus on domestic area such as bearing a child, cook for the household, and clean the house. Functionally, in war era women are only used for king and warrior sex satisfaction. They do not have any important role struggling for the war. Women's involvement in the war seen as a problem. They are seen as the weakness creature that will cause difficulties and also seen as a stupid creature who does not understand about war strategy. So, in this era, they were only used as the object for the warrior's sexual desire. Institutionally women are consider as the womb of baby child before it is born to the world. Unfortunately after their birth, the right of their naming is totally in their father hands. For example, in Chines system of family name, the structural of their kids name is come from their father family name. From those explanation, it can be conclude that women only seen from their function rather than their role. Women do not have their own in making important decision, to give their opinions, especially deliver about their feeling. They cannot live with their own will. Their man is the center of their live. They have to fulfill what their man need. This Traditional gender role cast men as rational, strong, protective, and decisive. They cast women as emotional (irrational), weak, nurturing, and submissive (Lois Tyson, 2006: 84). Men is the leader of their women, they have total control in decide how the women behave and act. However, in fact this traditional gender role still occur in this modern era, especially in Middle East country such as Afghanistan. This country known as an Islamic country which is uses Koran as their main laws, and guidance of their live. In Koran. Islam had been stated that "Men are the protectors and maintainers of women, because God has made one of them to excel the other, and because they spend from their means. Therefore the righteous women are devoutly obedient and guard in the husband's absence what God orders them to guard. It is also said that men are little bit higher than women and they are oblised to protect and save the women. Patriarchy has become an inevitable issue of the growth of Afghanistan as a Muslim country. Especially during the Taliban leadership, which began in 1996 till 2001. Taliban as a part of Arabian world has different perception in apply Islamic laws. The Taliban's version ofIslamappears too many Muslims to be a new-bornfaithdeveloped, canonized, and interpreted by Taliban scholars with the reclusive supreme leader, Mohammed Omar at the helm giving his stamp of approval for implementation. Afghan women were forced to wear theburqaat all times in public which is quite different with burqa from Arabian women. Afghan women cover all of parts their body including their face except their eyes area. Taliban see face of a woman is a source of corruption for men who are not related to them.In a systematic segregation sometimes referred to asgender apartheid, women were not allowed to work, they were not allowed to be educated after the age of eight, and until then were permitted only to study theQur'an. Women were beaten for showing a bit of ankle or wearing noisy shoes. They could not speak in public or to men who were not relatives. They were beaten, even killed, for minor violations of these rules. But all of that oppression does not make women in Afghanistan hate Taliban men. Marrying Taliban warrior seen as one of the pride in their life. It cause the Taliban warrior seen as the hero in Afghanistan. They were struggling for their freedom from the western shackles, even in fact their coming give another suffering for women in Afghanistan. Marry them can increase the assessed value and the social status of a family. They will be considered as a family of heroes who fought for his country. So, it is pride for any Afghanistan women to married a Taliban warrior even they know what kind of consequence that they will face. Finally, it sharpen to a problem about the relation of them, Islam, Taliban, Patriarchy, and women in the world, especially to the facts reflected in Atiq Rahimi's The Patience Stone. Generally, religion have a patriarchal view of the relationship between the genders. The relation between Adam and Eve how many religion view woman. As Al-Hibri writes, God was declared male, and man was declared to be created in His likeness. Eve became the symbol of temptation and sin. The woman was consequently judged as a less likely candidate for salvation and an everlasting life in heaven than man. (Al-Hibri, 1981:176). Islam inherited the old image of Eve and of women that depict them as the close followers and instrument of Satan, the body of women being his abode (Saadawi, 2001:274). So, it is important to envelop them in veils and flowing robes (Saadawi, 2001:275). As the living carrier of the danger of sexuality and its infinite social destructive forces, women have to be controlled. Since Islam regards women as an active sexual power, it is important to restrict women's sexual power over men. The result is isolating women and men in different worlds. In talking about women's oppression, feminism thought as the appropriate philosophy in investigate this phenomenon. Feminism is an awareness of women's oppression and exploitation in society. This theory is struggling to achieve dignity, rights, and freedom for women to control their lives and bodies within home and outside. According to its movement, this philosophy were divided into three waves, first wave, second and third wave. First wave is concern about equality, second wave concern about the commitment of diversity, and third wave concern in diversity in specific normative. And according to the problem which is appear in the explanation above, the first wave movement of feminism, is appropriate movement that will be used to answer this question. Originally it focus on the promotion of equal contract and property rights for women and the opposition to chattel marriage and ownership of married women (and their children) by their husbands. This movement begin with Mary Wollstonecraft's Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792). Wollstonecraft's was the first to issue an outspoken rallying cry to middle-class women, especially mothers, as major influences on society (Gamble, 2001:15). Her emphasis was on the need to make women rational, till women are more rationally educated. Furthermore, this thesis will become a great analysis when it is known that the object of this thesis, AtiqRahimi's The Patience Stone, is the winner of prestigious Goncourt Prize in France, and is a deceptively simple book written in a spare, poetic style. It is rich read, part allegory, part of tale of retribution, part an exploration of honour, love sex, marriage, and war. It is without doubt an important and courageous book. This voice is in giving voice to those who, as the fable goes, suffer the most and cry out the least (Khaled Hosseini, The Patience Stone's Preface). The Patient Stone is a France novel which is translated in English version. Set almost entirely in one room - the bedroom of the husband and just about the only character who talks is the wife. The woman open up her feeling and thought to the men in her society, confronting the taboo of female oppression and sexuality. Her voice can describe the darkness in her live, her painful and her sorrow for being as a women. Her monologue definitely drive out the reader to think as the woman side, without eliminating the other character in this novel. Besides The Patience StoneAtiqRahimi also wrote some canon novel and won some prestigious appreciation. The first novel is Earth and Ashes, written in Persian and become an instant best seller in Europe and South America. A movie based on this book, directed by Rahimi, was awarded the Prix du Regard versl'Avenir at the 2004 Cannes Film Festival. The film was featured in 50 festivals, winning a total of 25 awards including the one at Cannes and a Golden Dhow award for best feature film at the Zanzibar International Film Festival. And the others work is A thousand Rooms of Dream and Fear. Working on disproportion of women right for study is always an interesting and courageous idea. Through the confession of "Wife" character in this novel, this study can reveal that there is a rebellion and courageous, and how this character survive from the disproportion in Taliban era. Wife already thought since she was young that man is leader for woman, so she must obey him. Rather than fight back against her husband, she choose to use her silence as a form of rebellion. By using this character, it is can be seen that there is a rebellion inside of hereditary understanding regarding woman and man positioned. With discussing this topic, there is a description about what happened in this country especially about the inequality and also how far the disproportion of the women right still exist in this country. RESEARCH METHOD As has been stated in the description above, literature is a reflection of a society portray and the combination of the author fiction. Literary work is meaningful. Hence, it delivers many meanings and interpretations that can be caught by the reader as an interpreter. In other word, to find the accounted result, it needs a method that is based on the problems to avoid the blurry result. This study take novel from Atiq Rahimi The Patience Stone as the main source, and using some quotation inside it as the data. The type of this research is qualitative research because it produces descriptive data. The problem in this study is concerning about man's domination and woman's inequality treatment that will be analyzed by using patriarchy and first wave feminism from several feminists. WOMAN IN ISLAM Islam already stated that man is a leader for woman so they obliged to educate, protect and maintain the woman. God had been created man little bit more than the woman. It can be seen by the existence of their muscle. This gift, make man as the stronger one so they are seen as the appropriate one to be a leader while woman is the follower. So, woman must follow and obey their husband. According to Saadawi's book, Islam inherited the old image of Eve and of women that depict them as the close followers and instrument of Satan, the body of women being his abode (Saadawi, 2001:274). So, it is important to envelop them in veils and flowing robes (Saadawi, 2001:275). In other word, this society position woman as the guilty one dealing with their body and sexuality. That is why, woman in Islam, especially in Patriarchy country must get married, so they need man to control their temptation. Islam makes marriage as the only institution where sex between men and women can be done in a way that is more moral (Saadawi, 2001:280). Sex is done outside this institution directly transformed into an act of sin and evil, even masturbation was not permitted. Based on Ibnu Abbas' (friend of Prophet Muhammad) statement "and married a slave is better than masturbation and fornication (zina)". Therefore an unmarried men divided into three sins, first married a slave, then masturbation the foremost is fornication (zina). In other words, marriage is an established system for sex where one part uses to avoid slander (fitnah) and the other side used it as the legalization for reproduction as much as they want, and off course get good agreement to acquire pleasure within the bounds of Islam (Saadawi, 2001:281). Based on the Al-Ghazali an Arabian philosopher statement in Nawal's book, besides for reproduction, the purpose marital is immunity against demons, break the sharp tip of the desire, distance from danger of lust, keep our eye from what who supposed not to be seen, protect male sexual organ, as well as follow the advice our prophet (Saadawi, 2001:276). But this institution is still different for men and women, especially dealing with their rights and obligations not only inside in their house hold but also in their society. In their household activities, wife only concern about their domestic business. Their main job only raising their children, cleaning their house and satisfying their husband in bed. They do not allowed to care about what happened outside their area. Marriage makes men's heart free from household and clean their house, so they can concern to their job, religion and science in other word, they can concern in developing themselves. Al-Ghazali states in Saadawi's book "In fact, your wife let you to work on the final day and she concern about your house and relieve your lust" (Saadawi, 2001:284). Therefore, a man is seen not able to devote themself in science development and religion unless they have a wife that can handle their household. ARABIC SOCIETY Arabic culture is male centered. Males dominate most cultural, political and social institutions. This has a direct impact on the cultural status of women in both Arabic and Islamic countries. While Islam emphasizes the equality of men and women, Arabic culture minimizes it. A Jewish Arab in Morocco or a Christian Arab in Syria adheres to the same system and thus would have the same views on the role and status of women. The socially-rooted conceptualizations of differences in women's and men's sexualities and their biological nature are so frequently evoked to the extent that they become part and parcel of the individual and collective consciousness. In this regard, the "natural role" of women is one of the most deeply rooted interventions at the conscious and unconscious levels. Consequently, women's fulfillment of their "natural role" associated with the reproductive process becomes compulsory and coercive. In the end, this leads to women's lives becoming regulated through the sharia, constitutions, laws, and predominant social norms, in ways that far exceed what applies to men. In Arab societies, women's status is mainly defined by their roles as mothers and wives. Their main job only concern about raising children, cleaning their house and also serve their husband (Saadawi, 2001:285). Different from the husband's position as head of the family, they are taking control over their families, so that the actual duty as a husband in this culture region is to control and supervise the family and finally it position woman in second position after their husband. Women could not make decisions based on their own beliefs, and had little control over their marriages. Society create that the noble obligation for a wife to completely obedient to their husband, they cannot be different, no asking a question or refused their orders, (Saadawi, 2001:286). In other words, there is no independent decision for women. Their freedom is limited or moreover it is deleted because the ideal women in this society is a woman who can follow her husband without complaining about anything. Essentially. So, it can be conclude women were slaves to men and made no decisions on anything, whether it be something that directly impacted them or not. LOVE AND SEX IN ARABIC SOCIETY The strong influence of the cultural background of the Arab and Islamic values which strongly stuck in Arabic life makes this nation see love and sex as something taboo and full of mystery. In this region, woman take crucial part in this ritual. As the legacy from cultural background and also religion values the Arabic seen women without exception as cause of fitnah (fornication). Arab woman adorned with temptation and fitnah. Where in this sense they become part of the spirit of Islam, which force women into sexual temptation in the community who bring libel. In this case is related to a conspiracy libel, resistance, which interfere with any order that has been built by the gods. So, they are very closely related to sex and sin (Saadawi, 2001:273). Men on the other hand, though had great sex appetite, not accused of sin unless driven by temptation and seduction of women. The power of the male sex being a part of the soul of the Arabs and its soul is connected with virility (Saadawi, 2001:294). Thus, man is ordered to marry in order to defeat the evil and the woman temptation. Despite the desire of sex are owned by both parties, but in fact women in this region bear all the restraints. Man sexuality is connected with virility different with women sexuality which their sex connected with sins and devil. So, it will be ashamed if men in this region have a problem in their sexuality that is impotent and the only one who can know this, is woman. But the solution taken upon of these problem were quite surprisingly. As quoted in Saadawi's book "Virgins were not permitted to know far about sex, while a widow who already have experience from her previous marriage definitely can recognize this weakness. That is why they give "Lower" for their label" (Saadawi, 2001:295). These restraints were taken up in order to protect men from women so they cannot drop them. Women must keep their virginity by their own self. A woman who lost her virginity before marriage will be confuse and fear of family rejection both from family or society, but men who come save her will be seen as a hero and respectful (Mernissi, 1999:86). In a marriage, blood of virginity is very important. In the first night after their marriage, commonly they will use white sheet in order to see virginity blood and this blood is an evidence of chastity and honor of family (Saadawi, 2001: 295). Contrary with men who cannot be identified their virginity from their physical and the limitation of the girls knowledge about sex, it makes them do not have any burden even they already ever had sex out of the marriage. So it can be said that Arabic society were more tolerate to men in their sexuality rather than women. Beside virginity blood, the other blood which is very crucial for Arabian society is menstruation "haid". In Islam haidseen as a dirt. In an authoritative Arab dictionary named Lisa Al'-Arab menstruation mean al- khubts (Viciousness combined with cruelty), al-makr (the desire to destroy been prepared with despicable). Menstruation for women is related with their sexuality. They are seen ready for their sexuality when they already in this period. So, when they arrive in this period, in Arabian culture means that their temptation was completed. And based on Surah above women in this period time were seen as the impurity women. PATRIARCHY IN TALIBAN When the Taliban took control of Afghanistan in 1996, the status of women declined rapidly until women were completely confined to home, or only allowed to leave home with a male escort while wearing a burqa. If a woman seen outside without being covered from head to toe, even if only a little skin was exposed, she would be beaten. These rules complicated things completely for women who no longer have a living male relative, or women who are too poor to be able to purchase a burqa.The other extreme rules confining women during Taliban are, the window in homes to be painted to prevent others from viewing women from the outside, women must not laugh, talk loudly, or make any noise at all when in public. All of these rules among others made women prisoners in their own homes, unable to go anywhere or do anything without being under the watch of man. Based on the explanation above, it can be conclude that there is a disproportion of rights in this sexes. The sense of patriarchy is definitely appear in regime. Taliban imposed straight rules for women or it is also can be said they tend to jail women., limited their access, hide them from worldwide and also do whatever they want to women. According to Millet, patriarchy's chief institution is family, where patriarchal ideology well maintained traditionally and modern. As the smallest unit, family contribute in strengthening this ideology (Millet, 1970:33). Encourage every family members to think and behave in accordance with the rules of the community who embraced the patriarchy. In this institution, commonly this ideology will be It will be taught into two categorize, that is how girl's role and boy's role. They will learn character, role and status between wife and husband and also father and mother. According to Millet, patriarchal ideology socialized into three categories. First, temperament involves the formation of human personality along stereotyped line of sex category ("masculine" and feminine), based on the needs and values of the dominant group and dictated by what its members cherish an themselves and find convenient in subordinates: aggression, intelligence, force, and efficacy in the male: passivity, ignorance, docility, "virtue" and ineffectuality in the female. This is complemented by a second factor, sex role, which decrees a consonant and highly elaborate code of conduct, gesture and attitude for each sex. In terms of activity, sex role assigns domestic service and attendance upon infants to the female, the rest of human achievement interest and ambition to the male (Millet 1970:26). Patriarchal ideology is very difficult to remove from this society because they still maintain it. Stereotypes attached to women as domestic workers made him weak because they did not get money from their work to take care of the household. Domestic work is taken for granted and it was her duty as a woman. She does not need to earn money from their work and the result she always dependent on her husband. Millet stated that patriarchal ideology cannot be torn down because women are economically dependent on men. Dependence that occurs throughout life. Conventionally men are the main source of income in the family while the woman is the housekeeper. Men worked outside for their economy and women living at home to do all the housework. Women are not allowed to make money, because men make it as property when they got married (Millet, 1970: 40). In a patriarchal system, men have full power to women so that they can do whatever it wants with his wife. Women economically dependent on her husband because they did not earn his money out of pain. According to De Beauvoir, regarded as a slave wife, while the husband is her master. This can lead to the occurrence of domestic violence (Beauvoir, 1989: xv). FIRST WAVE FEMINISM Feminist theory addresses two fundamental differences in the view of women and men. Expression of male-female differences in the biological aspects of the show as the essence of natural, innate. While expression masculine feminine is psychological and cultural aspects of difference (Megawangi, 2004: 184). Si mon de Beauvoir stated that in a patriarchal society, women are placed as the "Other", as second-class human beings, lower by nature (Selden, 1985: 137). Position as the "Other" affect all forms of social and cultural existence of women (Cavallaro, 2001: 202). Patriarchal society using a certain fact about the physiology of women and men as a basis to build a series of identity and masculine and feminine behaviors are enacted to empower men on one side and women on the other weakens. Patriarchal society convince themself that the construction of culture is "natural" and therefore "normality" depends on one's ability to demonstrate gender identity and behavior. This behavior is culturally associated with one's biological sex. Patriarchal society uses rigid gender roles to ensure women remain passive (loving, obedient, responsive to sympathy and approval, cheerful, kind, friendly) and men remain active (strong, aggressive, inquisitive, ambitious, full of plans, responsible, original, and competitive) Meanwhile, according to Millet, patriarchal ideology in academia, religious institutions, and family justify and affirm the subordination of women to men who lead for most women to internalize self to men (Millet, 1970:26). One way to understand the various dimensions of feminist theories and their theoretical approaches to understand patriarchy is to locate them within the broader philosophical and political perspectives that have been broadly classified as first, second and third feminism movement. This theory were categorize in three waves according to its concern about. First wave is concern about equality, second wave concern about the commitment of diversity, and third wave concern in diversity in specific normative. However, there are some ideological differences among the feminist groups, they are united in struggle against women inequality and hierarchical relationship between women and men. To be more focused on equality of women phenomenon, the first wave of this movement thought as the appropriate approach in analyzing this issue. The first wave of feminism took place in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, emerging out of an environment of urban industrialism and liberal, social politics. The goal of this wave was to open up opportunities for women, with a focus on suffrage.The feminist in this movement assumes that there is basically no difference between men and women. Therefore, women should have the same rights as men. Nevertheless, liberal feminists reject the overall equation between men and women. In some cases remain distinction (distinction) between men and women. However, the function of the female reproductive organs logical consequences in social life (Ratna Megawangi, 1999: 228). Mary Wollstonecraft is one of the pioneer for this movement. In her book Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792) she talked about her life and personal significance as an icon of the women's movement. Wollstonecraft's was the first to issue an outspoken rallying cry to middle-classwomen, especially mothers, as major influences on society (Gamble, 2001:15). Her emphasis was on the need to make women rational. Far from portraying women as superior to men, Wollstonecraft wanted to raise their overall moral and intellectual stature to make them into more rational citizens. For the most part, she did not envisage their leaving the domesticsphere, nor did she ask for anything as radical as the vote. Even she accepted that women in middle-class would marry and remain at home, but she want every girls get same education as a purpose for their freedom and dignity rather than the ability to fascinate potential husband (Gamble, 2001:16). Not only Wollstonecraft who does not agree with this disproportion. Rosemarie Putnam Tong in her books "Feminist-Though: A More Comprehensive Introduction" imply that there is a restriction of women's activity and it cause they lack of power and knowledge so that they cannot develop themselves. DOMINATION REPRESENTED IN NOVEL The Arabian world are very thick by the influence of their culture either before or after Islam. Where both are directly or indirectly gave a special position for men rather than women. If the granting of this position was originally intended to separate human's daily task, but in fact this positioning has grown to become a leader and the led. Develop as the domination of one side to the other sides. Through this novel, this domination will be exposed as a reflection of the real condition in the country inside this novel. In this region Patriarchy ideology has been used as root for society structural in this region. This ideology still maintained in this modern era, make this ideology quite difficult to be changed or removed (Millet, 1970:40). Since their a little, boys and girl were already given an example by their parents behave, and when their already in their puberty time, they were thought how man and woman behave, and unconsciously differentiate them in two different position. As an example in this passage, 'When I got engaged, I knew nothing of men. Nothing of married life. I knew only my Parents. And what an example! All my dad cared about were his quails, his fighting quails! I often saw him kissing those quail but never my mother, nor us, his children. There were seven of us. Seven girls starved of affection (Rahimi, 2010:57). In this passage can be criticize that family is chief institution for this ideology to get developed. Family has huge contribution in strengthening this ideology. According to this passage, her family was the only example for her to understand about how is marriage life. Her father only care about his quails and never the girls and also her mother, but she never saw her mother complain about it. Made this situation seems normal and that how it was supposed to. Wife should not disturb her husband, especially complaining about what they do. Because wife's job only concern about their household and fulfill husband's satisfaction (Millet, 1970:40). Concerning about husband satisfaction, letting him do what they want to do can also meant as an effort in satisfying her husband and women is this family was supposed to be quite and submissively. In this group, women are defined as something odd, deviate from a prototype of human's body, physically passive and contain of emotional, different with man's body who have active and ably mind result a conclusion that women considered as a carrier for men's seed, so the real creator is the men (Millet, 1970:54) As what the author had been explained above, men is leader for women because God create them a little bit more than women, so they should follow their command. (Back to the passage 'Look, I breathe just like you! (Rahimi, 2008:7), and also in the passage "You know that I live only for you, at your side, by your breath" (Rahimi, 2010:9). Through those passage, women should follow their husband in every way. They led them in every case, metaphor with "breath" which can be meant that women should follow them in every way, and bow down to their rule (HR. Tirmidzi verse. 1159). Women must following the rhythm of their husband breath, walk inside their shadow, and hide behind their shoulders. It is also mean that men are take control of women's life. Mean have a charge to change the rhythm to their breath or even stop it when they want it, it is all their right, and women should follow them. No asking and complaining as can be seen in this part 'I hope you are able to think, to hear, to see…to see, and hear me…' (Rahimi, 2010: 52). This part can be used as a reflection that women in this society do not have a voice to deliver their feeling, never have a chance to be thought, and seen as the important subject. Those description can be used as the early indication about how men dominate women's life in this region especially in their marital section. Human in this region separated into two different world, women's world and men's world. As the author already said, men have their special world as a heritage from their culture and also their religion. Men in this regime do not have any straight boundaries. Start from how their outfit and also how they behave. Different with women which have to concern about what they do, and how they do it. Man created a little bit more. It can be seen with their muscle, where muscle is related with physically power, and finally spread in many aspect. In other hand, women who are created without muscle are directly related to the weakness and finally prison them in domestic job. The differences of their body led different attitude towards both. Women in this society who does not penis considered less than man is seen as the embracing one. Penis who located in outside seen as sign of autonomy and power, while women's genital are putted inside and hide (Beauvoir, 1989:18). As an example in this novel 'I was a piece of meat, into which you could stuff your dirty dick. (Rahimi, 2010:112). According to this passage penetrate woman also can be meant show their authority and power while woman only used as a bowl to put this power. According those explanation, women in this ideology were putted in inferior position which mean that they only putted in second class. Their existence indirectly eliminated in this regime. In order to keep maintain this existence patriarchy ideology woman only have one conditional, that is companied by her mahram, or husband (Beauvoir, 1989; 225). Patriarchal society provide scary threat for women who is living without men beside her. As can be seen in the page 17 in this novel, 'And you leaving him in this state? What about his children? And me? You can't, you can't, you've no right to leave us like this, without a man!' (Rahimi, 2010:17). In this passage, wife feels afraid if her husband died and let her alone. It is because she will be left alone, not only by her husband but also because of the society and her family. Hence, they should get married. Women in this ideology does not allowed to choose their husband. As can be seen in this monologue before her marriage, her mother-in-law came to her house and asked her to married her son (Rahimi, 2010:53). According this passage, women in this region do not have any right to choose their husband. Her father or family never asked about her opinion or her criteria about her ideal man, and accepted without slightest hesitation. In contrary, men can choose which one they want to get married. Married in this region also can be criticized as a transaction. They used Maharas a tool in this transaction, (Saadawi, 2001: 283) a transaction between abolishing family anxiety because of their virgin daughter and find the legality of fulfillment of lust. But if be observed further marriage can be said as announcement for their leadership, and independence for a man, different with the women. As the consequence, a virgin who agree to get married must throw their freedom and get ready of any rules that had been made by her husband. When a man had married they have a freedom in sexual intercourse that just being a story when they were teenagers. They also allowed to set up a small country named family that ultimately gave them a power. And women, unconsciously walk into a trap which restrictive their freedom as seen in this part, 'Three years! For three years I wasn't allowed to see my friend, or my family…It wasn't allowed to see my friends, or my family…it was considered proper for a young married virgin to spend time with other married women. Such rubbish! (Rahimi, 2010: 54). This passage can reflect the exile from the association in women side, different with man which does not any significance differences, or limitation of their association. Seems like marriage is also a way for them develop themselves about science and knowledge, as an example is a war. Commonly when a women marry because of arranged marriage, usually their marriage are not based on love. For woman in this ideology love is not always about feelings, but also about the commitment throughout body and soul unconditionally (Beauvoir, 1989:526). In fact love is very important for a woman, they can sacrifice anything while she did not realize that this feeling can make her suffering. Love can be illustrated as an essence of sexual oppression for women, because men can used it as cultural power to dominate women (firestone, 1972:121). As an example, when wife decided to accept her mother-in-law proposed "Who were you, really? No one knew. To all of us, you were just a title: the Hero! And like every hero, far away. Engagement to a hero was a lovely thing, for a seventeen- years-old girl. (Rahimi, 2010:54). She directly falling in love with someone that she never known before. The reason was because of he was a hero, and it was a lovely thing married with a hero. But in fact, this love unconsciously made her sacrifice her freedom, and prepare to be a slave for her husband. He use her love to satisfy her lust, to bear their child and to clean and prepare for their meal. Love beat the rational thought of women, it was realize that the bride got married without her groom presence, 'At the ceremony, you were present in the form a photo, and that wretched khanjar, which they put next to me in place of you' (Rahimi, 2010:54). In this snippet of her monologue can be interpret the importance of man in women life. Even they have to marry with a strange men, whom only known from his photograph. This stage of live can be said as the place where patriarchy is definitely felt by women. Men have huge chance in developing their self because the already have wife who will concern about the domestic job (Ghazali,IhyaUlum ad-Din, 1964:699). As reflected in this passage 'Did you think about us for even a second, when you shouldered that fucking Kalashnikov? You son of a…'.the word suppressed again. (Rahimi, 2010:14). This passage can reflect that husband only concern about his struggle toward his enemy. Totally concern about his war, without understand his family. He throw domestic responsibility to his wife, and use her natural fate as his justification. Women should run in her roles as a wife who must serve their husband, bear a child, and satisfied her husband in their bed. This ideology see everything including about women with the male point of view (Beauvoir, 1989:xx). By using men likeness or dislike, patriarchy ideology make rule and prison them under men feet. As can be seen in this passage, It was not considered proper for a young married virgin to spend time with other married women, (Rahimi, 2010:54). Based on the passage above, woman could not see her friend or more is gossiping about many thing. Gossiping is not allowed in Taliban regime, because they see it as something useful. But if it see deeper, they are not allowed to see their friend especially among marriage woman because they afraid of being betrayed. Men never directly deliver this fears, they hide it hereditary. That is why they used this banning as law in their family. They use women's fear to control their behavior. And women who hereditary not rewarded by any right against her husband, do not have any effort except silent and following their command. Beside become the follower for the men, this region also put woman as place for bearing a child. This society make that women should birth a child, because it is their natural faith, and with that you will be the perfect women. So, it will be a huge problem if woman is infertile, they will be seen as imperfect or unideal woman because she cannot fulfill her nature destiny as a mother, she face divorce threat, and get low view from her society. As can be seen in aunt character. She got divorce because she cannot bear a child, and finally get exiled by her family. Society unilaterally blame her without care with her feeling and sadness because she cannot perfect as a woman. Different in man sides. If woman have their infertile problem, man will feel ashamed if he is impotence. But through this novel, it is not a big deal for men because the society seems like protect them for their weakness. In this novel there is a big secret that had been hidden since their marriage, the secret that only known by wife and her mother in–law. Start from her mother in-law unilateral decision that she was barren, 'Your mother had decided I was barren, and kept hassling me all the time' (Rahimi, 2010:65). From this part it can be used as an identification that in this region woman is the most important part in bearing a child, without care that woman also need man so they can bear a child. They blame all in woman shoulder, and try to find a solution as an interest of a descendant. And polygamy is the able solution for this case. Polygamy is allowed by the religion and of course make man have a big smile because of this policy. As reflected in the passage 'Your mother was dying to see you to take a second wife' (Rahmi, 2010:66). Based on this monologue, her mother in-law only concern about the real function of woman as a child bearing rather than a human. However unexpected situation came up and reveal that her husband is the infertile one. 'Because that child was not yours!' She falls silent, impatient to see her man finally crack. (Rahimi, 2010:131), 'Yes my sang-e sabur, those two girls are not yours! 'She sits up. 'And do you know why? Because you were the infertile one. Not me!' (Rahimi, 2010:132). The fact is, now they have two beautiful daughters and they are their real parent. Nobody know the secret except those women. Seems like everything was fine, and they can fulfill their natural fate. But if it is seen deeper, they create this scenario in order to keep save a husband. After her mother in-law knew that hers son is the weakness son, she did something that is contrary with her religion. She sent her to a Hakim, a kind of shaman until she is going to pregnant, as reflected in this passage 'She spent a lot of cash that day, I can tell you. And then I visited the Hakim several times, until I feel pregnant. As if by magic! But you know what, that Hakim was just my aunt's pimp. He mated me with a guy they had blindfolded '(Rahimi, 2010:132). The mother-in-law was willing to do anything for saving her son from bad view of social groups even she have to turn aside from her religion. In contrary with wife's aunt, because she is the infertile one, her family never look for a solution to save her, but they directly throw her from her family and forget about her. From those example can be criticize that society give a huge tolerant for men, gave more privilege to be understanding for their weakness. Hereditary it is done by the society. Give men some privilege either it is openly such as polygamy or closely by protecting their weakness. By sacrificing women's feeling. This condition finally raised women's anxiety for her husband satisfaction. According to this passage 'Although it often seemed to me that you weren't satisfied. And then I would guilty. I told myself that it was my fault, that I didn't know how to do it right. (Rahimi, 2010:105). According to this passage, wife feels guilty because of she believe that she cannot satisfied her husband. It was her fault because she believe that it was her duty as a field for her husband. Lacking of sexual knowledge make her blame herself (Saadawi, 2001:295). But after have several sexual intercourse she realize that it was her husband weakness, 'After a year, I discovered that actually, it was all coming from you, you gave nothing. Nothing' (Rahimi, 2010:105). Now he can find her husband weakness, but because of her position as woman which is does not have any voice, make her only keep inside her mouth. In sexual intercourse, although it was done by two subjects but in fact man is taking control for any movement or position in this intercourse. It because man is a leader for woman according to the religion. State by Al-Hasan an Islamic scholar in Saadawi's book state that man does not allowed to fulfill his woman command because he will throw into hell in the judgment day (Saadawi, 2001:286).In this monologue "If I'd asked all that to you…my God! I'd have got a broken nose! And yet it's not difficult…you just have to listen to your body. But you never listened to it (Rahimi, 2010:111). A woman can't make a favor though is aimed for their satisfaction. Women only follow the men, but in the end blame themselves if the husband feel unsatisfied in this intercourse. If in their personal intercourse, women must keep silent how about their daily live. Monologue above can used as the example that women in this region are completely silent. They feel afraid because they will get a punishment because of their favor. Men are allowed to beat their wife after they do advise and forsake them from bed. But in fact, for any reason that make her husband angry, he will directly beat them. As an example in this monologue, 'He beat up my mother, my sister and me, because we hadn't kept watch over his quail' (Rahimi, 2010:60). Her father beat them without clear reason. Because of he cannot find his quail make him angry and find an impingement. It is can be seen that his father forget about several steps before beating her wife, he only see "beat" word which is mean it was legally done by any chance. From those example above women in this region had already knew that marriage is not always beautiful like what they thought. But because of they live in patriarchy circle which put men as the central part make women in this region, completely need men. It would really frighten for a woman living without a man beside her, although it was just a name. In this novel wife only live with her husband name for three years, she must deal with her husband absence as a consequence having a hero husband. But it is fine for her, because she now has a man beside her, have somebody who is believed as her guardian, give her a distance as an accusation of temptation carrier. But when the husband back in a dying state and his wife, are required to maintain him, she still afraid of her society view, especially threat of widowed. In her monologue she stated 'She stands up. 'Even injured, you've been spared suffering' (Rahimi, 2010: 21). It can interpret even her husband lay down, suffering because of the shot, he never feel suffer because all of social cruelty come to her. She is afraid if her husband died brother in-law will come and harassing her. Afraid for become a widow and get exiled from her family. In other words it can be inferred that marriage is very important for a woman in compare man. Without marriage, which also mean that there is no man beside her, woman cannot retain their existence as part of their society. Excommunicated by the negative view about woman that hereditary this society inherited either from their religion and cultural background. Without marriage they will be seen as a devil with the temptation inside it. The devil who can bring trouble for their family and society. Always seen as the imperfect creature, which full of dirt and irrational emotion. CONFESSION WITHOUT BORDERS AGAINST DISPROPORTION Essentially, gender differences are not a problem as long as this difference create discriminative for one sides. There is a significance differences of the rights between women and men in this patriarchal world. Men are placed as the central, leader, and finally named as "The self"' while women who is seen physically weakness later differentiate as "the other" (Selden, 1985:137). As can be seen in this quotation, "There were seven of us. Seven girls starved of affection" (Rahimi, 2010:57). In this quotation, this girls feel starving of affection, although they have complete family. By using Selden's quotation above, seven of them feels less of affection because they do not get a figure of a father, in other hand their father only concern about his quail, and love it more than his family. This cold attitude can be seen as a disappointed feeling because they do not have a son, a son that can be a symbol of power, and heir his leadership. In other word, he see women as the unimportant one. As a formed of this disappointed, he use a quail. A quail is better than women, at least his quail can won and be a subject that he can proud of. In this regime, women in this region is not more meaningful rather than a display, 'She is still laughing. 'That story is so true. "You men! As soon have you have guns, you forget your women." (Rahimi, 2010:57), same like the theory about "women as the other". According this quotation, women are alienate with inanimate object or this inanimate is more prestigious than a women. When she speak about it she is laughing, this laugh can be seen as an expression that she has same level with that thing. But she cannot do anything against this attitude, except smile as her laugh at her sex bad destiny. Since in childhood she always alienate with inanimate, either with quail or a gun the positioning of women as "the other" has been tough since their childhood (Nunuk, 2004:76), so that they will adapt and unconsciously get usual with this called. According this situation it also can be imply that Family played a major role in this believed (Millet, 1970:26), parents become main teacher of this situation, especially mother who is seen as the real example for her daughter. In this region, where women performed as en-soi(Being-in-itself), while men performed as pour-soi(Being-for-itself) (Tong, 1998:181) will attempt to free from men's pressure. This is how was the normal human will struggle when they were in huge pressure. 'At that time, I was only ten …no…'She thinks about it. 'Yes, ten years old. I was scared. Scared that I too would become the stakes of a bet. So, do you know what I did with the quail?' She pauses a moment. It is unclear whether this is to make her story more exciting, or because she is afraid to reveal the next part (Rahimi, 2010:59).She was afraid, a quail is a danger for her. If it was lose, she will sent to live with a man like what happened with her sister. So, she will do anything to eliminate this danger. According this passage, there is a power inside this women's silence. She eliminate the quail to keep save, hope that by killed that bird she will not be used as bet. Using theory from Sartre, when there is a subject trying to free itself from the other, there is another subject who want to enslave it (Sartre, 1956:362). When her father trying to enslave her by using her as a bet, or beat her when he lose he find a way to free from him, that is by killed his bird. Started from this step, she finds a way to still save. And when she had enough to marry, she choose it as a solution for her to free from his father, but in fact after she got married, her husband enslave her. He put her as place to fulfill his sexual and also rearing a child. In other word it can be conclude that marriage is not a place to get a freedom, it is a form of slavery (Beauvoir, 1989:500). It is ultimately wrong if this society put women as the weak and fool creature only by using the weakness of their body. Because of they do not have a muscle and penis which always as a form of power because it penetrate women, does not mean that they are fool (Beauvoir, 1989:41). It is not enough use their body as the reason to put them as the inferior one. In those quotation we can see how women ability in order to protect themselves and the people she loves. She was lying, but it is work. She did keep her husband alive from the other shoot which directly kill him. She use her brain, her ability, her experience, and also the society norm to fight back. So it can be conclude that woman is not the other because of their lack of penis, but because of their lack of power,( Beauvoir, 1989:55), or it is also can be said that they were not allowed to get this power. In other word, if women put in same position with men, they would develop the same character (Wollstonecraft, 1975:23). But because of this society hereditary thought that women is lower than men, makes them deny their ability, which finally force them to keep silence, and killed their self-development. From this confession, she hide the fact, she did not want people to know about this, because she would be seen as a demon. So she kept silence, keep hide her power but indirectly she still use it to save her. But unconsciously she confess to her husband while he was lying powerless. Make her afraid if her husband hear it and finally beat her without understanding what will happened to her if this quail still alive. So it can conclude, because of this society treatment, who only blame women and hereditary this sex with the foulness of Eve (Saadawi, 2001: 278), they must hide it. Even use these weapons are not because they want to fight against their husband, but they use it in order to keep them save. Psychology and biological differences in the most contribute aspect in this disproportion. Men with their sperm give a life for the wife with their egg inside (Beauvoir, 1974:24), so it can be conclude that women is place while men is the real creature. CONCLUSION Live in patriarchy circle, make this women cannot do anything they want. As had been explain by the Beauvoir, women in this circle putted as passive, and submissive. Because of they are the weakness they need the superiority one to keep them as a part of this society. In other word, they need marriage to keep save inside this circle. In this region marriage can be seen as turning point that bestows prestige, recognition, and societal approval on both partners, particularly the bride. It also can be said as a social and economic contract between two families. But in other hand, marriage in this region is a new beginning of slavery that will happened to women. They have to sacrifice their freedom and concern about their household, but for men side marriage is a declaration for their leadership. And finally make them can be more focus in their self-development. Marriage is a form of slavery in all aspect related to women's body and sexuality including blood inside them. This research reveal the importance of virginity blood that is so important for women as its used as a proved that they can keep their dignity, and it is also make them as the ideal women that deserve to be married, contrary with menstruation blood which drop them in the lowest point as a women. It is happened because this society see menstruation blood as a dirt according by their holly book in verse 2:222. This research also reveal the differences treatment between a virgin and a widow. By using Saadawi's statement, based on the knowledge, this society limited virgin knowledge about sexuality, and widow is putted in bottom position as seen as the embracing one. This effort is taken as a way to protect men from their virility problem. So, it can be conclude that this society is more tolerant to men rather than to women. The Second statement of problem is the confession of women voiced by wife character in this novel. She reveal the real condition caused by the pressure that the society gave to her sex. Inside this confession, she deliver the disproportion that she gave in order to save her husband. As had been explained by Putnam Tong, this confession explicitly imply that she was created inside a men (en-soi), hide inside their body and shadow while men was created for their own self (pour-soi). This society believed that it was a natural faith that women must sacrifice themselves, and also follow what the leader had been said. But even it was already thought as their norm since their childhood, by using her confession this research reveal that they do not accept it totally. By using her husband dying body confess all her depress and her disappointed to her world. According her monologue, there are senses of hatred, insult, and harassment that happened to this woman, that make her angry and hate them. But because of the society will gave worse punishment to the women who against her husband who also seen as the rebellion, she only keep silence, but inside this silence she struggling by using her innocence, sexual and temptation . But this struggling is more to protect herself rather than fight back to her husband. Finally this confession make her realize what happened to her, how her society was being unfair to her. The accumulation of these unfair treatment make finally fight back and finally kill her husband by a Khanjar. REFERENCES Abrams, Meyer. H. 1971. The Mirror and The Lamp: Romantic Theory and The Critical Tradition. London: Oxford University Press. Rahimi, Atiq. 2010. The Patient Stone. London: Chatto&Windus.New Burke, Edmund. 1999. The social History of the Modern Middle East. Colorado:Westview Press. Millet, Kate. 1970. Sexual Politics, New York: Doubleday. Beauvoir, De. 1989. The Second Sex. New York: Vintage Books Shulamith, Firestone. 1972. The dialectic of sex, the case for feminist revolution. USA: William Morrow and company Inc. Gamble, Sarah. 2006. The Routlege Companion to Feminism and Post Feminism. New York. Routlege. Saadawi, El-Nawal. 2001. PerempuanDalamBudayaPatriarki. Yogyakarta: PustakaBelajar Mernissi, Fatima. 1999. PemberontakanWanita: PeranIntelektualKaumWanitaDalamSejarah Muslim. Yogyakarta: Mizan. Gorsky, Susan Robinov. 1992. Feminity to Feminism: Women and Literature in the Nineteenth Century, New York: Twayne Publisher. Tong, Putnam. 1998. Feminist Thought: A more Comprehensive Introduction. Colorado: Westview Press. Sumbulah, Umi. 2008. Spektrum Gender, KilasanInsklusi Gender di PerguruanTinggi. Malang: UIN. ARTICLE SOURCE MARRIAGE IN THE ARAB WORLD by Hoda Rashad, Magued Osman, and FarzanehRoudi-Fahimi INTERNET SOURCES www.mtholyoke.edu/-macne. www.Astyariah.com/godaan-dunia-dan-wanita.html.
Economic, strategic and cultural connections to Japan have never been stronger and more students across the breadth of our education system, primary through to tertiary, continue to be interested in studying Japanese. But what, beyond Demon Slayer and Pokemon, motivates them and how can that knowledge help universities to build effective and engaging language programs? Japanese is one of the most popular Asian languages taught at tertiary institutions around the world. According to the Survey Report on Japanese-language Education Abroad 2018 (Japan Foundation, 2020), the number of learners outside Japan reached 3,851,774, the second highest on record, and the number of institutions and teachers was the highest since the Foundation's 1979 survey. Despite the COVID-19 pandemic, enrolment in Japanese language subjects has remained relatively strong, even in 2021. Oceania (the majority from Australia and New Zealand) has the highest number of learners per 100,000 population globally. However, as the authors of this article, we have become increasingly concerned about the sustainability of advanced Japanese language programs in our region—specifically Australia, New Zealand and Singapore. Language education policies (at the governmental and institutional level) and diminishing investment into language education in the higher education sector have put many Japanese Studies/language programs under strain. Advanced-level subjects generally have lower enrolment numbers than beginner- and intermediate-level subjects, and so are most at risk of being merged, cut back or dropped altogether. According to the US Foreign Services Institute (FSI), Japanese is considered to be one of the 'super-hard languages' that require English native speakers three times as long as French or Italian to attain 'professional working proficiency'. This means that without students' long-term commitment (retention to advanced levels) and well supported, quality education, there can be no sustainable future for Japanese language programs producing highly advanced users of Japanese in those nations. Against this backdrop, we recently launched the Network for Teaching Advanced Japanese Project (上級日本語Network), supported by a Japan Foundation Sakura Mini Grant 2020. This project provides a platform to collect data through surveys and interviews to better understand the current state of advanced Japanese language programs at university level in Australia, New Zealand and Singapore, and advocate for communities of practice and ongoing support across the sector. This collaboration involves countries that are members of the Commonwealth. Not only are their universities' medium of instruction English, but they also share similar program structures. The Network for Teaching Advanced Japanese Project approached colleagues from universities in Australia, New Zealand and Singapore in 2020, gathering data on Japanese language programs at 25 institutions in total (Australia 19, New Zealand four, Singapore two). In total, 76 participants responded to the survey and among those respondents, 38 teachers (34 from Australia, two from New Zeland and two from Singapore) participated in online interviews between December 2020 and January 2021. Our survey results show that the 'advanced' level was broadly defined by: the stage of progression at the institution, a proficiency level equivalent to external criteria such as the Japanese Language Proficiency Test or the Common European Framework of Reference for Languages; and the demonstration of specific skills through engagement with types of learning activities or resources (eg progression through language textbooks). What emerged from this is that there is a disparity in what is categorised as constituting the 'advanced level' within different institutional frameworks. Although this may seem merely a comparison with European languages these definitions have significant impact on institutional support for Japanese language. If institutions only support languages through to what we as teachers define as intermediate then it becomes harder for us to graduate advanced users of Japanese. We found that there are subjects with similar content and resources (for example the same textbook) that are called 'advanced' by some universities and 'intermediate' by others. It is common practice that in a three-year university degree program, students who start as beginners can progress to an 'advanced' level in their final year of study, but in many cases, realistically speaking, this 'advanced' level of study is nevertheless perceived as an 'intermediate' level of language acquisition by tertiary teachers of Japanese. The majority of students from the institutions we surveyed usually have three to four hours of class per week (five to six hours at most) during the semester or term. This gives them an average of around 100 class hours per year, and a total of around 300 over their three-year university degree program. It is clear this is insufficient when compared with 2,200 class hours deemed necessary to reach 'professional working proficiency' for Japanese in the aforementioned FSI estimate (for French and Spanish 600-700 and for German 900 class hours). It should be noted that 'class hours' here may assume that language learning does not occur beyond the classroom. Thus, the need to take account of the fact that tertiary students in Australia, New Zealand and Singapore increasingly engage in language learning outside the classroom, for example doing online tasks as part of a blended-learning curriculum, watching Japanese dramas or participating in in-country studies. Our project also found that there is a tendency for the teaching of Asian languages to be adapted to the framework used in the teaching of European languages. It is for example, common practice for universities to offer Levels 1 – 6 in each language with Levels 5 – 6 defined as 'advanced'. This ignores the fact that students progress differently in different languages. The proficiency level reached by students in Japanese language programs at the official 'advanced' level may well be behind those in European language programs. All three countries involved in this project—Australia, New Zealand and Singapore—operate in an English-speaking context associated with the UK tradition of language education which may explain why European languages (which share the Roman alphabet based writing system with English) tend to be privileged in the institutional frameworks. There has been enthusiastic promotion of Asian language education (including Japanese) by the Australian and New Zealand governments since late 1990s, and the ongoing social commitment to multiculturalism. Australia, for example, has released several strategic plans such as the National Asian Language Studies in Australian Schools Strategy (NALSAS, 1995-2002) and recommendations on Asian language studies in the Australia in the Asian Century White Paper (2012). The New Zealand government implemented the Asian Language Learning in Schools (ALLiS) program in 2014, and have committed to a total of $10 million over five years, aiming to support schools by setting up new Asian language learning programs, or strengthening existing ones. In Singapore, mainly in response to industrial demand, the Ministry of Education established their Foreign Language Centre in 1978 to offer couses of French, German and Japanese for secondary school students (the Centre expanded to Ministry of Education Language Centre to offer language couses in wider age groups). Universities and polytechnics in Singapore also established Japanese language programs from the1980s. The development of Asian literacy can be better supported with a less Eurocentric and less English-monolingual mindset. A recent report (May 30, 2021) on the current state of school language programs and assessment in the Australian state of New South Wales suggests European languages such as French are advantaged over Japanese and Arabic, pointing to just such a bias. Further, the dominance of English in the global arena is creating a societal apathy for learning languages other than English. Despite acknowledgement that languages provide a key pathway to fostering 'generalised national multilingualism, social harmony, and economic prosperity' as noted by scholars Shannon Mason and John Hajek, representations of language education in the media can often exacerbate the precarious position of language education in Australia by presenting only superficial, narrow and negative editorial debate.
Göçmen ve Mülteci Kadınlar için Fiziksel Aktivite Rehberi, Hacettepe Üniversitesi Bilimsel Araştırma Projeleri Koordinasyon Birimi tarafından desteklenen "Türkiye'de Yaşayan Suriyeli Göçmen Kadınların Güçlenmelerinde ve Toplumsal Entegrasyonunda Bir Sosyal Politika Aracı Olarak Fiziksel Aktivitenin Kullanılması" isimli araştırma projesi kapsamında hazırlanmıştır. Projede, mülteci kadınların güçlenmelerinde ve sosyal uyumun sağlanmasında fiziksel aktivite bir araç olarak kullanılmıştır. Projenin birinci basamağında Suriyeli mülteci kadınların fiziksel aktivite düzeyi kültürleşme bağlamında incelenmiştir. Projenin ikinci basamağında, Suriyeli, Afganistanlı, Iraklı ve Türkiyeli kadınlardan oluşan 25 kişilik bir grupla 12 haftalık fiziksel aktivite programı uygulanmıştır. Sosyal uyumu hedefleyen bu uygulama sonrasında elde edilen bulgular ve deneyimler doğrultusunda, mülteci kadınlar için geliştirilecek bir fiziksel aktivite programının kavramsal çerçevesini, hedeflerini ve pedagojik ilkelerini içeren bir rehber kitap hazırlanmıştır. Geçtiğimiz on yılda artan göç oranları, birçok göç edilen ülkede göç ve toplumsal bütünleşme politikaları konusundaki tartışmaları hızlandırmıştır. Dünyada Suriyeli mülteci sayısının en fazla olduğu Türkiye'de, Suriyeli ve son zamanlarda Afganistanlı ve Iraklı mültecilerin sosyal uyumuna yönelik çeşitli araştırma verilerine dayalı politikalar üretilmektir. Bu politikalara dayanak olan bilimsel araştırma verileri, fiziksel aktivite ve sporun göçmen ve mülteci bireylerin yaşamlarına olumlu katkılarını ortaya koyarken, göçmenlerle ve mültecilerle ilgili politikaları geliştiren uluslararası kurumlar tarafından fiziksel aktivite ve sporun birleştirici gücü vurgulanmaktadır. 2016-2018 yılları arasında Avrupa Birliği Komisyonu, Avrupa Birliği üye ülkelerdeki mültecilerin iyi olma hali ve sosyal uyumlarını artırmak için fiziksel aktivite ve spor fırsatları sunan yaklaşık 3 milyon Avro tutarındaki 54 projeyi desteklemiştir. Birleşmiş Milletler 2030 Sürdürülebilir Kalkınma Amaçlarının "Toplumsal Cinsiyet Eşitliği" başlıklı 5. Maddesi kapsamında kadınların her seviyede güçlenmesi ve kadına yönelik her türlü istismarı kapsayan şiddetin ortadan kaldırılması gerekmektedir. Göçmen ve Mülteci Kadınlar İçin Fiziksel Aktivite Rehberi, hedefleri itibariyle Türkiye'de yaşayan mülteci kadınların fiziksel, psikolojik, sosyal ve kültürel güçlenmelerinde bir sosyal politika aracı olarak fiziksel aktivitenin kullanımına örnektir. Kadının güçlenmesini hedefleyen bilimsel araştırmalarda ve sosyal sorumluluk projelerinde yararlanılabilecek nitelikte bir rehberdir. Rehberin Türkçe, Arapça ve İngilizce dillerinde yazılmış olması, bilgilerin doğrudan göçmen ve mülteci kadınlar tarafından erişilebilir olmasını sağlamaktadır. Ayrıca, uluslararası platformlar için de kullanılabilir bir uluslararası rehber niteliği de taşımaktadır. Proje faaliyetlerinin gerçekleştirilmesinde hep birlikte çalıştığımız katılımcılara, eğitmenlere, gönüllülere, kurum çalışanlarına ve yöneticilere çok teşekkür ederiz. Birlikte hareket ettiğimiz, birlikte dans ettiğimiz, farklılıkları ve benzerlikleriyle kültürlerimizi, gündelik yaşamlarımızı paylaştığımız ve birlikte güçlendiğimiz projemizin, benzer hedeflerdeki çalışmalara rehberlik yapabilmesini umuyoruz. ; Physical Activity Program Guide for Migrant and Refugee Women was prepared within the scope of the Project titled "Using Physical Activity as a Social Policy Tool in the Empowerment and Social Integration of Syrian Migrant Women Living in Turkey", supported by Hacettepe University Scientific Research Projects Coordination Unit. In the project, physical activity is used as a tool in empowering refugee women and ensuring social integration. In the first phase of the project, physical activity levels of Syrian refugee women were investigated with regard to acculturation. In the second phase of the project, a 12-week physical activity program was implemented in a group consisting of 25 Syrian, Afghan, Iraqi and Turkish women. In accordance with the findings and the experiences obtained as a result of this physical activity intervention aimed at social integration, The Physical Activity Guide for Migrant and Refugee Women was developed. Increasing rates of migration in the last decade have accelerated debates about migration and social integration policies in many countries. In Turkey, where the number of Syrian refugees is the highest in the world, policies are being made based on various research data regarding the social integration of Syrian and, more recently, Afghan and Iraqi refugees. Not enough importance has been ascribed to sport and physical activity in these policies yet. However, while data from scientific research exhibit favourable impacts of physical activity and sport on the lives of migrant and refugee individuals, the unifying power of physical activity and sport is emphasised by international organizations. Between 2016 and 2018, the European Commission supported 54 projects, totalling a sum of approximately 3 million Euros, offering physical activity and sport opportunities to improve the well-being and social engagement of refugees in the European Union member states. Within the scope of Article 5 of the United Nations (UN) 2030 Sustainable Development Goals, titled "Promoting Gender Equality", it is required to ensure women's empowerment at all levels and to eliminate violence including all forms of abuse against women. The Physical Activity Guide for Migrant and Refugee Women, with regard to its objectives, is a model for the use of physical activity as a social policy tool in the physical, mental and social empowerment of refugee women living in Turkey. It is a guide that can be used in academic studies and social responsibility projects aimed at women's empowerment within the scope of UN Goals. The availability of the guide in Turkish, Arabic, and English languages makes the information directly accessible to migrant and refugee women. Moreover, it features as an international guide available to international platforms. We would like to thank the participants, trainers, volunteers, staff and managers with whom we work together in the realization of project activities. We moved together, danced together, we shared our cultures, our daily lives. We embraced our differences and similarities and became empowered together. We hope that our project will be able to guide work with similar goals. ; " بـ الموسوم البحثي المشروع نطاق ضمن د ّ أُع الالجئة، و المهاجرة للمرأة البدني النشاط دليل إن و المرأة لتمكين اجتماعية سياسة كأداة استعمالها و الالجئة السورية للمرأة البدني النشاط ممارسة هاجات بجامعة العلمية البحثية المشاريع تنسيق قسم قبل من المدعوم و االجتماعي" إندماجها تعزيز االجتماعي. التماسك ضمان و الالجئات لتعزيز كأداة البدني النشاط استخدام المشروع، في تم تبة. في السوريات الالجئات للنساء البدني النشاط مستوى فحص تم المشروع، من األولى الخطوة في 12 لمدة البدني النشاط برنامج تنفيذ تم المشروع، من الثانية الخطوة في الثقافي. التمازج سياق و التركية. كذلك و العراقية األفغانية، السورية، القومية من امرأة 25 من مؤلفة لمجموعة ً أسبوعا إعداد تم ، االجتماعي التماسك تستهدف التي الفعالية هذه بعد المكتسبة الخبرات و النتائج مع ً تمشيا البدني النشاط لبرنامج التربوية المبادئ و األهداف و المفاهيمي اإلطار على يحتوي إرشادي دليل الالجئات تلك أجل من تطويره سيتم .الذي االندماج و الهجرة سياسات حول النقاش تسريع إلى الماضي العقد في المتزايدة الهجرة معدالت أدت عدد أقصى فيها بلغ حيث أيضاً، تركيا في و العالم ففي المهاجرة. البلدان من العديد في االجتماعي البحثية البيانات على المبنية المختلفة السياسات من الكثير إعداد يتم العالم، في السوريين الالجئين من العراق. من ً مؤخرا و أفغانستان سوريا، من القادمين الالجئين لهؤالء االجتماعي االندماج تحقيق بغية بيانات تكشف حين في بعد. البدني والنشاط للرياضة الالزمة األهمية تُعطى لم السياسات، هذه في ، الالجئين و المهاجرين حياة في الرياضة و البدني للنشاط اإليجابية المساهمة عن العلمي البحث الترابط قوة على الالجئين، و للمهاجرين سياسات تطوير على تعمل التي الدولية المؤسسات تؤكد أستراليا و الشمالية أمريكا و األوروبي االتحاد إستثمر المثال، سبيل على الرياضي. و البدني للنشاط النشاط في للمشاركة اللجوء طالبي و لالجئين التدخل برامج و الرياضية البرامج في كبير بشكل 2016 عامي بين االجتماعية. األغراض و التأهيل إعادة و الصحة ألغراض الرياضي و البدني أنشطة وفرت حيث ، يورو ماليين 3 بقيمة ا ع مشرو 54 األوروبية المفوضية دعمت ، 2018 و األوروبي االتحاد في األعضاء الدول في اجتماعيًا وإدماجهم الالجئين رفاهية لزيادة رياضية و بدنية 2019 ، آخرون و ().سبايـج بين المساواة "ضمان بعنوان 2030 المتحدة لألمم المستدامة التنمية أهداف من 5 المادة نطاق ضمن المستويات جميع على المرأة تمكين ضمان الضروري من ، الفتيات" و النساء جميع تمكين و الجنسين الالجئات، و المهاجرات للنساء البدني النشاط دليل إن المرأة. ضد العنف أشكال جميع على القضاء و االجتماعية للسياسة كأداة تركيا في للالجئات البدني النشاط الستخدام ً جيدا ً نموذجا يعتبر ، أهدافه بحكم و األكاديمية الدراسات في استخدامه يمكن ً هاما ً مرجعا يعتبر و االجتماعي. التمكين و النفسية و المتحدة األمم أهداف نطاق في المرأة تمكين إلى تهدف التي االجتماعية المسؤولية .مشاريع المتاحة المعلومات وصول يضمن اإلنجليزية و العربية و التركية باللغات مكتوب الدليل هذا كون إن المحافل أغلب في استخدامه يمكن دولي دليل فهو ذلك، على عالوة الالجئات. و للمهاجرات مباشرة .الدولية
Подано інформацію про історію метода лікування кіньми – іпотерапію, її позитивний вплив на здоров'я дорослих і дітей, особливо хворих на дитячий церебральний параліч (ДЦП). Розглянуто необхідні вимоги для створення центрів з лікувальної верхової їзди.Пропонується вважати іпотерапію комплексним багатофункціональним методом реабілітації дітей, де інструментом реабілітації слугують коні, процес верхової їзди і фізичні вправи.Позитивний результат іпотерапії здебільшого залежить від правильного відбору коней та вимог, що до них висуваються (норов, тип конституції, екстер'єр, витривалість та ін.). Розглянуто систему заходів з відбору коней, призначених для іпотерапії, та їх підготовку із врахуванням зоопсихології і взаємодії складових системи «кінь-пацієнт-інструктор-лікар».Робиться висновок, що механізм взаємодії «людина-кінь» потрібно ретельно вивчати, а для збереження здоров'я нації – мати фінансову допомогу держави на розвиток іпотерапії, реабілітаційних центрів та кінного спорту для інвалідів. Positive effects on the health of adults and children are reached with the help of "therapeutic" abilities of pets: cats, dogs, rabbits, guinea pigs, hamsters, and horses. Hippotherapy (ride therapy), a treatment mode based on the interaction of humans and horses specially trained to meet the needs of the patient, is increasingly spreading in the treatment of patients. Today, hippotherapy is used to treat gastrointestinal disorders, diseases and injuries of the musculoskeletal system, cardiovascular disorders, neurological disorders, multiple sclerosis, prostatitis, oligophrenia, infantile cerebral palsy, and others.Medical professionals have proved that communication with a horse calms people well, boosts their self-esteem, gives them a sense of confidence and safety. And the best recovery results are achieved with the use of hippotherapy in the treatment of musculoskeletal disorders and problems with movements' control.During the therapeutic riding, the body swings in three dimensions: left-right, forward-back, and up-down. The affected muscle groups and nervous structures start working. It develops mobility, a sense of balance, and motion coordination in patients suffering from paralysis.In the process of horse riding, all the major groups of body muscles are engaged. This happens at the reflex level, as the rider, moving along with the horse, instinctively seeks to maintain a balance not to fall, thereby inducing both healthy and affected muscles to work actively, without even noticing it. Hippotherapy acts upon the human body in the same way as any other form of physical therapy – under the influence of physical exercises the functions of vegetative systems are enhanced.Hippotherapy has received a well-deserved recognition. Children confined to wheelchair due to their illness, which traditional medicine was powerless to cope with, were up and about again thanks to training with horses. No special simulator has a look in with what a contact with a live horse gives to a child. While the horse is on the move, the rider's body performs the same movements as during their independent walking. Riding a rhythmically moving horse, the rider instinctively seeks to maintain balance. At the same time, all muscles of their body, both healthy and affected by the disease, are engaged. It is achieving the synchrony of the movements of the child and the horse, in other words, creating a unified biological system that is the basis of self-correction of the curved spine.With each hippotherapy session, the patient's back muscles get stronger, and legs muscles and tendons warm up, increasing blood circulation in the limbs and blood supply to the brain. This contributes to the creation of a strong muscle corset around the spine.Positive results in hippotherapy in many respects depend on the correct selection of horses. There are certain requirements to the character, temperament, endurance, type and exterior which the horse that is used for therapeutic riding should meet. In addition, each horse must undergo a special training, which will develop and enhance the necessary qualities, for example, a horse should be able to ease the possible fear of a rider and dampen down their aggression.Therefore, the purpose of the study was to examine the selection parameters for horses intended for hippotherapy and to explore the existing training systems, taking into account the mechanism of "human-horse" interaction.It is hippotherapy and therapeutic (adaptive) horse riding that requires horse's maximum discipline and responsibility, since it's not just about children, but about the children working with whom there is no room for mistake. However, it should be remembered that even a horse with an ideal temper can be spoiled by negligence of an unskilled groom, their rudeness and indifference, harshness of a coach or doctor.In the stables meant for hippotherapy, all those basic humanitarian principles that have been implemented and mastered in the course of many centuries in the relationship between humans and horses must be respected. In view of therapeutic specifics, such relationships are crucial. Horses should have optimal conditions for a full-fledged manifestation of kindness and mercy.Therefore, the most important criterion for selecting a horse is its temperament. Horses used in the therapy should be friendly, trusting, calm, patient and balanced animals. It is important that the horse remains frisky and vigorous, since only such horses may have an appropriate therapeutic step, and it is difficult to work with feeble and apathy animals. Of course, the horses that bite, kick and are aggressive to people cannot be used for the therapy.In hippotherapy, mares and gelded horses are mainly used, which is due to the fact that they have the most appropriate temperament. Stallions, as a rule, are not used, but there are no severe restrictions here. It happens that stallions also work effectively, but in the case there is always a risk factor.Horse's exterior is the next criterion for assessing its suitability. Preferably, it should not be too height (145-160 cm in the withers), as high horses complicate the patient's safeguarding. Being not high, the horse should have a wide and rather long back with well-developed muscles, middle or low withers, and its legs should have the correct position.It has been proved that in view of these characteristics the best breeds are the following: Huzul horses, Arabic horses, Novooleksandrivska Heavy Draft horses and others with a strong balanced type of higher nervous activity. The horses of the elder age (7-10 years old) are selected, mainly gelded horses and mares with a characteristic exterior: short, stretched, with a wide back, with a step at a trot of 80-90 cm, a step of 68-76 cm, with strong limbs, but the main thing is their well-balanced nature.In addition, a horse possessing all the necessary therapeutic qualities should be well prepared for certain exercises during therapy. Therefore, the horse-doctor, whatever happens, should be calm, obedient, and steady, accustomed to be touched everywhere, attentive to the voice of the instructor and to what is happening. Thus, the horse should accept any human action absolutely positively.A comprehensive study of the interaction of all participants of animal-assisted therapy: animals, patients, therapists (instructors, psychologists, doctors) is carried out according to the methodology of animal psychology. Ideally, the instructor and the horse should form a coordinated team, and not only during hippotherapy sessions.Duration of hippotherapy sessions varies depending on the illness and physical fitness of the rider. The loads are given purposefully.It would be wrong to say that horses are recommended only if there is some kind of physical problem. A healthy person will be really amused and delighted after the interaction with these cute and graceful creatures. Taking care of the animal develops a person's communicative skills, helps them overcome emotional barriers, and promotes social rehabilitation.Each horse is a personality. During hippotherapy they are expected to do almost an impossible thing: to become a reliable and safe simulator, to clearly and unconditionally carry out our orders. This can be achieved only if we treat the horse as a partner, with due respect, and give them time and space to satisfy our requirements.Thus, the "human-horse" interaction mechanism needs to be thoroughly investigated, and in order to preserve the health of the nation, the government should provide financial assistance for the development of hippotherapy, rehabilitation centers and equestrian sport for the disabled.
In Canada, translation has been conceptualized within multi-layered and interwoven historical and political processes of nation building. One strand of these processes is the country's language policy, known as "official bilingualism". This national construct is so entrenched that the Federal government has not perceived a need to pair Canada's language laws with any legislation on translation. Despite this void, or perhaps because of it, the professional translation market first emerged as a corollary of official bilingualism, and it remains inflected by its a priori, which have also driven the design of university translator training programs. In giving English and French preferred status over all other "minority" languages that once were (i.e. Indigenous languages) and/or might become (i.e. Ukrainian, Spanish, Chinese, Arabic, Urdu, etc.) vehicular languages in certain regions or cities, public policy, which includes content and funding of university programs, has also restricted translator training to "official languages". This paper presents some preliminary data from a project aimed at proposing models for "post-bilingual" language and translation policies. More precisely, it focuses on one of Canada's most linguistically heterogeneous spaces–Toronto–and its multilingual translation policy. Drawing on González Núñez' adaptation of Spolsky's language planning model, I argue in favour of a new set of language and translation policies that countenance disparate and, at times, contradictory linguistic realities across and within Canada's post-bilingual zones, foregrounding elements that might inform evidence-based policies. Also informed by language rights research (e.g. De Schutter), this paper also serves as a preliminary discussion of language and translation policies that might be the springboard for new models of translator training that would ensure equal access to translation services for speakers of minority languages. ; En Canadá, la conceptualización de la traducción ha estado imbricada en complejos procesos históricos y políticos de construcción de la nación. Una de las vertientes de estos procesos es la política lingüística, conocida en Canadá como el "bilingüismo oficial". Este modelo nacional se ha arraigado a tal punto que el gobierno federal canadiense no ha percibido la necesidad de acompañar las leyes lingüísticas del país con legislación relativa a la traducción. A pesar de este vacío, o quizás incluso a causa del mismo, el mercado de la traducción profesional surgió inicialmente como un corolario del bilingüismo oficial, y sigue estando bajo la influencia de esta relación de origen, la cual ha también orientado el diseño curricular de los programas de formación universitarios. Al otorgarle al francés y al inglés un estatus preferencial con respecto a otras lenguas "minoritarias", algunas de las cuales eran lenguas vehiculares en ciertas regiones o ciudades (tales como las lenguas Indígenas) y otras que podrían serlo (tales como el ucraniano, el español, el chino, el árabe, el urdu, etc.) la política pública, que contempla el contenido y la financiación de los programas universitarios, también ha restringido la formación de traductoras y traductores a las "lenguas oficiales". Este trabajo presenta datos preliminares de un proyecto cuyo objetivo es el de proponer modelos de políticas lingüísticas y de traducción "postbilingües". Específicamente, se centra en Toronto, uno de los espacios canadienses de mayor heterogeneidad lingüística, y en su política de traducción multilíngüe. Con base en la adaptación del modelo de planeación lingüística de Spolsky que realizó González Núñez, el artículo presenta un argumento en favor de políticas lingüísticas y de traducción nuevas que respondan a las realidades lingüísticas marcadamente distintas y en ocasiones incluso contradictorias que se encuentran a lo largo de las zonas postbilingües de Canadá. La propuesta resalta elementos para una política basada en datos empíricos. El artículo parte también de investigaciones sobre derechos linguísticos (tal como el de De Schutter) y busca, desde este punto de vista, servir de base para una discusión preliminar para la creación de políticas lingüísticas y de traducción que sirvan para generar nuevos modelos de formación de traductoras y traductores orientados hacia la igualdad de acceso a servicios de traducción para los hablantes de lenguas minoritarias. ; Au Canada, la traduction est née de processus de construction de la nation, qu'ils fussent historiques ou politiques, imbriqués et multi-couches. Un des volets de ces processus est la politique linguistique du pays, « le bilinguisime officiel ». Cette construction nationale est tellement enracinée que le gouvernement fédéral n'a aucunement ressenti le besoin de conjuguer aux lois linguistiques une législation de la traduction. Malgré ce vide, ou peut-être grâce à lui, le marché professionnel de la traduction est né en réponse au bilinguisme officiel et il reste influencé par ses a priori, qui ont, par là même, conditionné la conception des programmes universitaires de formation des traducteurs. En donnant à l'anglais et au français un statut privilégié par rapport à toutes les autres langues « minoritaires » existant autrefois (les langues autochtones) et/ou les langues véhiculaires (ukrainien, espagnol, chinois, arabe, urdu, etc.) de certaines régions ou villes, les politiques publiques, qui touchent le contenu et le financement des programmes universitaires, ont également restreint les formations en traduction aux « langues officielles ». Cet article présente les données préliminaires d'un projet dont le but est de proposer des modèles de politiques linguistiques post-bilingues et une politique de la traduction. Plus précisément, ce travail s'attache à un des espaces les plus hétérogènes au niveau linguistique au Canada, Toronto, et à sa politique de traduction multilingue. En s'appuyant sur l'adaptation que González Núñez fait du modèle d'aménagement linguistique de Spolsky, je propose un nouvel ensemble de politiques linguistiques et de la traduction qui inclut des réalités linguistiques disparates, et parfois contradictoires, dans les zones post-bilingues au Canada, mettant en avant des éléments qui pourraient façonner des politiques qui seraient fondées sur des informations factuelles. Cet article, également inspiré par la recherche en droits linguistiques (par ex. De Schutter), sert de discussion préliminaire au sujet de politiques linguistiques et de politiques de traduction qui pourraient servir de tremplin pour de nouveaux modèles de formation des traducteurs, lesquels garantiraient un accès égal aux services de traduction pour les locuteurs de langues minoritaires. ; No Canadá, a tradução sempre foi conceituada no seio de processos históricos e politicos multidimensionais e imbricados, ligados à construção da nação. Uma das vertentes destes processos é a política linguística, conhecida como "bilinguismo official". Este construto nacional é tão enraizado, que o Governo Federal não reconhece a necessidade de adequar as leis canadenses relacionadas às línguas com qualquer legislação sobre a tradução. Apesar dessa lacuna – ou, talvez, em decorrência dela – o mercado profissional de tradução surgiu inicialmente como um corolário do bilinguismo official e se mantém determinado por este a priori, o que também orientou a formulação de programas de treinamento de tradutoras nas universidades. Ao privilegiar o inglês e o francês em detrimento de outras línguas "minoritárias" que já foram (ex., línguas indígenas) e/ou podem se tornar (ex. ucraniano, espanhol, chinês, árabe, urdu, etc) veiculares em certas regiões ou cidades, as políticas públicas, que incluem o conteúdo curricular e o financiamento de programas de formação universitária, têm também restringido o treinamento de tradutoras às "línguas oficiais". Este trabalho apresenta dados preliminares de um projeto que propõe modelos para políticas linguísticas pós-bilíngues e relacionadas à tradução. De modo específico, focalizamos Toronto, um dos espaços mais heterogêneos linguisticamente, e sua política de tradução multilíngue. Com base na adaptação do modelo de planejamento linguístico de Spolsky, proposta por González Núñez, defendemos uma série de políticas linguísticas e de tradução para compor as realidades díspares e, não raro, contraditórias nas regiões pós-bilíngues do Canadá, ressaltando os elementos que poderão informar as políticas de base empírica. Com o respaldo de pesquisa no campo dos direitos linguísticos (ex. De Schutter), este trabalho também apresenta uma discussão preliminar sobre políticas linguísticas e de tradução que poderá impulsionar a elaboração de novos modelos de formação para tradutoras, que garantam às falantes de línguas minoritárias acesso igualitário aos serviços de tradução.
[spa] Esta Tesis es la biografía de Simón de Rojas Clemente y Rubio (1777-1827), botánico (naturalista en general) que pertenece a la Ilustración tardía ya rayana con el Romanticismo, pero como buen ilustrado tocó muchos temas: fue profesor de árabe y hebreo en la Universidad, fue un buen conocedor de lenguas modernas, diputado por Valencia en el Trienio Liberal, fue perseguido como afrancesado y la Inquisición le abrió un proceso que finalmente se archivó. Desde el punto de vista académico su grado más alto era el de Doctor en Teología. Otra vertiente de su vida es la de aventurero ya que en 1802 y 1803 estuvo, junto con Domingo Badía (más conocido como Alí Bey), en París y en Londres, viaje sufragado por el gobierno de Manuel Godoy con el fin de preparar una incursión a África de carácter científico, por lo menos en principio, después el asunto tomó un giro claramente político, lo cierto es que el de Titaguas al final no realizó ese viaje. Otros méritos suyos son el haber sido bibliotecario del Jardín Botánico de Madrid y director del mismo, miembro de diversas asociaciones como la Sociedad Linneana de París, el primero en medir el pico del Mulhacén, etc. Todo lo que antecede ha sido desglosado en la Tesis de la manera que sigue. El primer capítulo nos introduce en las raíces del biografiado que no son otras que las de la Ilustración, la cual determinará toda la vida y la obra de Simón de Rojas (sin olvidar el Romanticismo que también imprimió caracteres a algunos escritos y comportamientos suyos). Después, en el capítulo 2, entramos en su infancia y juventud ya en Madrid, desde donde parte su viaje por París y Londres que llena el capítulo 3, y llegamos a Andalucía donde sufre la decepción de haber acabado allí su periplo viajero, pues en principio tenía que haber continuado junto a Alí Bey hasta África (capítulo 4). En Andalucía se queda precisamente para realizar la "Historia natural del Reino de Granada" (publicada como "Viaje a Andalucía") y otros trabajos (capítulo 5); el capítulo siguiente es su vuelta a Madrid como bibliotecario del Jardín Botánico –cargo que nunca abandonará-, y la publicación del "Ensayo sobre las variedades de la vid común que vegetan en Andalucía" (1807). La Guerra de la Independencia lo sorprende en Sanlúcar de Barrameda y su continuación es un continuo ir de un lado a otro (física pero incluso políticamente), y si se me apura de unos a otros pero estando siempre con los mismos: con sus amigos científicos fueran del lado que fueran; es desde este punto de vista desde el que hay que comprender sus vaivenes con respecto a los distintos regímenes que le tocó vivir, desde sus inquebrantables apetitos científicos que nombra en sus memorias, lo que se evidencia no sólo en estos capítulos 7 y 8 sino también en el resto de la Tesis. A la guerra le sucede una etapa florida en cuanto a investigaciones (Ceres hispanica, la Agricultura general de Herrera) pero llena de penurias económicas e ideológicas; fue además cuando pudo tener problemas con la Inquisición (capítulo 9 y 10). En el Trienio Liberal tomó partido por el liberalismo siendo además diputado a Cortes pero con escasa participación; en este tiempo fue acechado por la enfermedad y hasta tuvo que enfrentarse a los involucionistas en su pueblo, lo cual se refleja en el capítulo 11. Y tras ese periodo, en el capítulo 12 se cuenta su obligada partida a Titaguas, su pueblo, a vivir su exilio interior hasta que el rey lo llamó para acabar la "Historia natural del Reino de Granada" siendo elegido director del Jardín Botánico de Madrid, pero donde vivió "acorralado por los enemigos de las luces" en expresión de Godoy; hasta que le llegó la muerte y el cumplimiento de lo dispuesto en el testamento y hasta de los deberes morales de unos y de otros, que es el capítulo 13. Después, como es natural, viene la bibliografía utilizada y los apéndices. ; [eng] This thesis is the biography of Simón de Rojas Clemente y Rubio (1777-1827), botanical (naturalist in general) that belongs to the late Enlightenment, already bordering with Romanticism, but as a good illustrated touched many subjects: he was professor of Arabic and Hebrew University, was a connoisseur of modern languages, deputy for Valencia in the Liberal Triennium, was Frenchified and the Inquisition opened a process that finally shelved. From the academic point of view their highest degree was that of Doctor of Theology. Another aspect of his life is adventurous since in 1802 and 1803 was, along with Ali Bey in Paris and London, trip funded by the government of Manuel Godoy in order to prepare a raid Africa scientific, at least in principle, then the issue clearly took a political turn, the fact is that at the end Simón de Rojas not made that trip. His other merits are being librarian of the Botanical Garden of Madrid and director, member of various associations like the Linnean Society of Paris, the first to measure the peak of Mulhacen. The first Chapter introduces us to the roots of the biography which are none other than those of the Enlightenment, which will determine life and work of Simon de Rojas. Then, in Chapter 2, we entered his childhood and youth in Madrid, from where his journey through Paris and London that fills Chapter 3, and came to Andalusia where having suffered the disappointment of his journey ended there, because in principle had to be continued with Ali Bey to Africa (Chapter 4). In Andalusia is precisely for Historia natural del Reino de Granada (published as Viaje a Andalucía) and other work (Chapter 5), the next Chapter is his return to Madrid as librarian of Botanical Garden - position he will never abandon-, and the publication of the Ensayo sobre las variedades de la vid común que vegetan en Andalucía ( 1807). The War of Independence surprises in Sanlucar de Barrameda and then is a continual back and forth of (physical but even politically) but being always the same: with his scientific friends were the side that were, it is from this point of view from which we must understand their ups and downs with respect to the various schemes which he lived, from its unbreakable scientific appetites named in his memoirs, as evidenced not only in these Chapters 7 and 8 but also in the rest of the thesis. After the war happens florida stage in terms of research (Ceres hispánica, Agricultura General de Herrera) but full of economic and ideological hardship; was also when he could have trouble with the Inquisition (Chapter 9 and 10). In the Liberal Triennium sided with liberalism also being Member of Parliament but with limited participation, in this time was stalked by disease and even had to face the regressive in its people, which is reflected in Chapter 11. And after that period, in Chapter 12 has his forced departure to Titaguas, his village, to live his internal exile until the king called to finish the Historia natural del Reino de Granada, being elected director of the Botanical Garden of Madrid, until death came and compliance with the provisions of the will and even the moral duties of one or the other, which is Chapter 13.
The subject deals with the Roman activity(occupation) of the Western Borders of the Maurétanie Caesarian. The territory being vast, we limited him(it), from east to west, from the oued El Mellah to the oued Moulouya, from north to south, of the coast in knotted(tied) her(it) praetentura (south extreme Roman way of occupied territories). The studied historic phases are: the period maurétanienne [XIIth century in 40] and the Roman provincial period until the Arabic conquest [dynasty of Idrissides 40 in 68]. Three sets(groups) studies structured this search(research): a study of sites, a study of the archaeological material(equipment) [registrations(inscriptions) and objects], finally a historical pageant of the military, civil and religious activity(occupation) of the western borders of the Maurétanie Caesarian. ; Le sujet traite de l'occupation romaine des Confins Occidentaux de la Maurétanie Césarienne. Le territoire étant vaste, nous l'avons limité, d'est en ouest, de l'oued El Mellah à l'oued Moulouya, du nord au sud, du littoral à la noua praetentura (voie romaine extrême sud des territoires occupés). Les phases historiques étudiées sont : la période maurétanienne [XIIe siècle à +40] et la période provinciale romaine jusqu'à la conquête arabe [ dynastie des Idrissides +40 à +68]. Trois ensembles d'études ont structuré cette recherche : une étude des sites, une étude du matériel archéologique [inscriptions et objets], enfin une reconstitution historique de l'occupation militaire, civile et religieuse des confins occidentaux de la Maurétanie Césarienne. La première étape indispensable à mon sens fut l'étude géographique des territoires concernés, en vue d'une reconstitution de la géographie antique. Pour cela nous commençons par localiser et identifier tous les sites antiques de ces confins de la Césarienne. La géographie de Ptolémée et l'Itinéraire d'Antonin sont les premières données que nous traitons. Elles sont suivies des informations laissées par les auteurs arabes du moyen âge, dont les deux principaux sont El Bekri et Al Hassan al Wazzân dit Léon l'Africain. Cela ne va pas sans une étude toponymique des sites, basée sur les données des auteurs antiques et des auteurs arabes, visant à comprendre le mode d'occupation romain : militaire et urbain. Nous constatons que ces toponymes sont plus souvent d'origine romaine que d'origine africaine, ce qui révèle le premier mode de l'occupation romaine, à savoir militaire. Cette localisation des sites est suivie d'une étude proprement géographique : géomorphologie, hydrologie, climat et conséquences sur la flore et la faune. La restitution géographique repose également sur les informations des auteurs anciens (grecs et latins) et des auteurs arabes. Nous en venons à une première partie de l'étude historique de ces confins césariens : la période maurétanienne, avec l'étude de la population autochtone ; suivie de la phase de l'occupation militaire romaine. La localisation des tribus est possible à partir des informations laissées en grande partie par Ptolémée, puis d'autres auteurs grecs et latins, enfin par les auteurs arabes du moyen âge dont Ibn Khaldoun. C'est donc à partir de ces données qu'il est possible de dresser une carte des tribus maures (sous réserve de nouvelles donnes). Il s'ensuit une chronique de la période maure, allant de la période libyco-punique à la royauté maurétanienne, jusqu'à l'arrivée des Romains ; enfin les différentes révoltes africaines en réponse à cette occupation romaine. Avec cet ensemble d'informations nous sommes plus disposés à comprendre les témoignages visibles : l'étude archéologique des sites que nous avons répartis en deux groupes selon leur position géographique. Les sites des territoires du littoral sont : Mersa Ben Mehidi [Lemnis ?], Tabarit, Ghazaouet [Ad Fratres], Honaïne [Gypsaria / Artisiga], Rachgoun et Takembrit [Portus Sigensis et Siga], Camérata [Camarata], Aïn Temouchent [Albulae]. Les sites des territoires intérieurs sont : Aïn el Hammam [Tepidae], Damous [Calama ?], Ouled Mimoun [Altava], Tlemcen [Pomaria], Maghnia [Numerus Syrorum], Aïn Reggada. L'étude de chaque site comprend un historique des recherches, les différentes publications, les témoignages des anciens, la position topographique du site, les vestiges visibles, les vestiges probables, les environs du site enfin la chronologie historique du site ; tout cela variant en fonction des données acquises. Le matériel archéologique dont nous avons fait usage pour cette thèse est composé de : - Quatre-vingt seize inscriptions de toutes celles qui furent inventoriées dans le Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, dans l'Année Epigraphique et dans divers articles spécifiques. Nous avons considérés toutes les inscriptions pourvues d'un intérêt historique. Elles sont de cinq natures : politiques, civiles, religieuses, funéraires et militaires. Les sites pour lesquels il fut possible de regrouper de tels documents sont : - Albulae et sa région [23 inscriptions allant, pour celles qui sont datables, de 117/118 à 501], - Siga [2 inscriptions, l'une civile datée entre 218 et 222 et une militaire non datée], - Altava et sa région [39 inscriptions allant, pour celles qui sont datables, de 201/209 à 529], - Pomaria et sa région [12 inscriptions allant, pour celles qui sont datables, de 217/218 au IIIe siècle], - Numerus Syrorum [17 inscriptions allant, pour celles qui sont datables, de 217/218 à 402]. Toutes ces inscriptions sont un support d'étude nous permettant d'analyser le présence humaine des confins occidentaux de la Maurétanie Césarienne, à savoir les différentes occupations romaines, ou influences, dans le cadre militaire, civil et religieux. - Le matériel archéologique en général. Il est davantage le résultat de découvertes fortuites que celui de réelles fouilles. Seule Siga connu de telles investigations. C'est dans ce site que fut découvert le plus grand nombre d'objets remontant à l'époque punique. Quatre catégories d'objets : les céramiques, les lampes, les pierres et marbres, puis les divers : - Siga [le matériel est très important : céramiques, lampes, pierres et divers autres objets pour la plupart découverts dans la nécropole romaine], - Albulae [céramique, lampes, marbres, pierres, bronzes et fer ; les endroits exacts et les conditions de découverte sont souvent inconnus], - Altava [céramique, lampes, pierres, métal, bronzes, argent, fers ; une bonne partie du matériel fut découvert dans les deux nécropoles d'Altava], - Pomaria [une céramique, une lampe, et un cadran solaire], Aïn Reggada [une table d'autel paléochrétien]. Le traitement des données des, différents sites, documents, inscriptions et matériels archéologiques, qu'il me fut possible d'amasser, permet d'établir une reconstitution de l'histoire antique de l'ensemble des confins occidentaux de la Maurétanie Césarienne. L'occupation militaire de ces confins fut la première approche physique des Romains. La question qui se pose alors est de savoir si l'intention première des Romains était une simple exploitation ou une implantation durable. Cette occupation militaire est matérialisée par des postes militaires [Altava, Pomaria, Numerus Syrorum, Aïn Khial, Albulae] recouvrant le territoire de manière à occuper tous le points stratégiques. Les voies romaines sont des impératifs d'organisation stratégique militaire, des obligations d'approvisionnement et des nécessités économiques pour le drainage des marchandises. L'étude de ces voies s'établi à partir des bornes milliaires, des témoignages antiques et témoignages des auteurs arabes. Ces voies recouvrent tout l'espace, du nord au sud [la Noua praetentura limite le sud] et d'est en ouest [la voie de Numerus Syrorum / Siga étant la dernière voie officielle à notre stade de connaissance]. Nous soulevons également le problème de ralliement entre les confins extrêmes ouest de la Césarienne et les confins extrêmes est de la Tingitane. Ce chapitre prend fin avec deux grandes interrogations : le retrait des troupes romaines à la fin du IIIe siècle met-il fin à l'Afrique romaine ? De quelle manière s'est fait le retour de la domination romaine au lendemain du passage des Vandales ? Dans un second temps nous abordons l'organisation civile, en commençant par les structures institutionnelles : la Maurétanie Césarienne, province impériale, le statut administratif des sites de ces confins [du cantonnement militaire au rang de "cité romaine"] ; les structures fiscales et commerciales : l'urbanisme, la ville, le mode fiscale et ses ressources, le monde rural et les exploitations des ressources.
International audience ; El Magrib apareix com un soci permanent de França i dels països del Mediterrani occidental, notablement Espanya i Catalunya. El que passa aquí des de fa segles i el que podria succeir aviat té un gran interès per a historiadors, antropòlegs, lingüistes i polítics.Quins mecanismes específics de creació de les identitats socials, culturals i lingüístiques podem identificar? Com es va establir aquesta part del món en una «francophonie» sovint apassionada però de vegades rebutjada?En aquest treball, s'esmenten regularment els espais occità, català i espanyol per tal de comprendre millor la dinàmica històrica dels contactes en un espai geo-històric situat entre el golf del Lleó i el nord d'Àfrica. De la mateixa manera, un moment d'observació de la llengua maltesa és necessari i això permet entendre com es formen i es transmeten les identitats i les pràctiques lingüístiques en aquesta part del món. ; Der Maghreb (oder Nordafrika) ist ein ständiger Partner Frankreichs und der Anrainerstaaten des westlichen Mittelmeers. Was hier seit Jahrhunderten passiert und was bald passieren könnte, ist von großem Interesse für Historiker, Anthropologen, Linguisten und Politiker.Welche spezifischen Mechanismen zur Schaffung sozialer, kultureller und sprachlicher Identitäten können wir identifizieren? Wie hat sich dieser Teil der Welt in einer «Frankophonie» etabliert, die oft leidenschaftlich, aber manchmal abgelehnt wird?Auf jeden Fall enthüllt dieser Subkontinent sehr alte Kontakte, die uns viel darüber lehren, wie Sprachidentitäten gebildet und weitergegeben werden.Aus diesem Grund werden regelmäßig die okzitanischen, katalanischen und spanischen Räume erwähnt, um die historische Dynamik der Kontakte in einem Raum zwischen dem Golf von Lion und Nordafrika besser zu verstehen. In diesem Zusammenhang erhält die maltesische Sprache auch einen strategischen und heuristischen Platz. ; Just a stone's throw from Europe, the Maghreb (or North-Africa) has been a permanent partner of France, Spain and Italy. What ...
Das Buch Futūḥ aš-Šām, das üblicherweise in der Wissenschaft dem bekannten Historiker des 8. und Anfang des 9. Jh. Muḥammad b. ʿUmar al-Wāqidī (g. 207/823) zugeschrieben wird, gilt seit zwei Jahrhunderten als ein gefälschtes Buch, das in einer späteren Zeit (Zeit der Kreuzzüge) verfasst und al-Wāqidī zugeschrieben wurde. Es wurde in dieser Dissertation anhand der Ergebnisse der Untersuchung der Struktur, des Inhalts und der Isnāde des Futūḥ aš-Šām die These aufstellt, dass dieses Werk im Kern das ursprüngliche Futūḥ aš-Šām al-Wāqidīs ist, das nach dessen Lebenszeit eine Veränderung seiner Form und seines Inhalts erlebt hat. Im Folgenden werden die Ergebnisse sowie die Thesen der Arbeit vorgestellt: Es wurde durch die Analyse der Struktur des Futūḥ aš-Šām gezeigt, dass das Narrativ dieses Werkes ein homogenes Narrativ ist, das eine lückenfreie Struktur aufzeigt. Deswegen scheint die vorgenommene Veränderung eine systematische Redaktion des ursprünglichen Futūḥ aš-Šām gewesen zu sein. Diese Redaktionsarbeit besteht scheinbar aus den zwei folgenden Änderungen: Erstens: Die Berichte des ursprünglichen Futūḥ aš-Šām al-Wāqidīs wurden zusammengelegt und seine Isnāde wurden verkürzt bzw. gelöscht, um eine im größeren Maße ununterbrochene fließende Berichtserstattung in Form einer Erzählung herzustellen; Zweitens: religiöse Details und Elemente wurden zum Narrativ des ursprünglichen Futūḥ aš-Šām hinzugefügt, anscheinend um die Rolle der Religion zu verstärken, ein idealisiertes Bild des Islams und der Muslime aus der Zeit der Eroberungen zu vermitteln und den Islam gegenüber dem Christentum zu verherrlichen. Zu der Frage nach der Verfassungszeit wurde festgestellt, dass diese Redaktion vermutlich zwischen dem 12. und 13. Jh. vorgenommen wurde, denn zum einen sind direkte Zitate aus dem ursprünglichen Futūḥ aš-Šām in Ibn ʿAsākirs Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq nachzuweisen, die formale und zum Teil inhaltliche Unterschiede zum al-Wāqidī zugeschriebenen Futūḥ aš-Šām aufzeigen. Das bedeutet, dass zur Lebenszeit Ibn ʿAsākirs (499/1106–571/1175) das ursprüngliche Futūḥ aš-Šām vorhanden war und immer noch seine ursprüngliche Form und Inhalt hatte. Zum anderen ist die älteste bekannte Handschrift des Futūḥ aš-Šām (Saray Ahmet III 2886), d. h. die älteste bekannte Version dieses Werkes, im Jahr 678/1279 verfasst worden. So wurde für den Zeitraum zwischen dem 12 und 13. Jh. als Entstehungszeit des Futūḥ aš-Šām argumentiert. Ein weiteres Indiz für diese These war, dass die angeblichen direkten Zitate aus dem ursprünglichen Futūḥ aš-Šām aus dem 14 Jh. eine sehr deutliche Ähnlichkeit mit dem Inhalt des Futūḥ aš-Šām aufzeigen, während die Zitate Ibn ʿAsākirs aus dem 12. Jh. nur gewisse inhaltliche Ähnlichkeit mit dem Inhalt dieses Werkes nachweisen. Zur Frage nach der Authentizität des Futūḥ aš-Šām wurde festgestellt, dass aufgrund der Hinzufügung von Inhalten im Redaktionsprozess nicht alle Inhalte dieses Werks al-Wāqidī zugeschrieben werden können. Die vorgeschlagene Zeit zur Verfassung des Futūḥ aš-Šām (zwischen dem 12. und 13. Jh.) fällt in die Zeit der Kreuzzüge im Nahen Osten. Es ist in der Forschung zum Futūḥ aš-Šām bereits gezeigt worden, dass einige in diesem Werk auftauchende Begriffe aus der Zeit der Kreuzzüge stammen können (wie z. B. afranǧ und al-muḥammadīyūn). Aus diesem Grund ist es vorstellbar, dass dieses Werk beim Redaktionsprozess Inhalte aus dieser Zeit übernommen habe. Es sieht so aus, dass vor allem die Betonung der religiösen Elemente, die auf die Verherrlichung des Islam gegenüber dem Christentum abzielen, zum Teil aus dieser Zeit stammt. Deswegen könnte man die These aufstellen, dass diese Redaktion hauptsächlich aus religiösen Gründen vorgenommen worden ist. Darüber hinaus, da im Futūḥ aš-Šām eine Neigung zur Herstellung einer fließenden und lückenlosen Erzählung beobachtet werden kann, sieht es so aus, dass man diese Redaktion ursprünglich als eine Erzählung für ein breiteres Publikum angefertigt hat. Wir wissen, dass bereits im 10 und 11. Jh. futūḥ-Werke (angeblich in den arabischsprachigen Regionen der islamischen Welt) einem breiteren Publikum vorgelesen wurden. Aus diesem Grund ist es durchaus vorstellbar, dass diese Redaktion vorgenommen wurde, um einem breiteren muslimischen Publikum während der Kreuzzüge die Superiorität ihrer Religion einzuprägen. Bezüglich der Frage, wo das Futūḥ aš-Šām redigiert worden sein könnte, gibt der Text keinen Hinweis darauf. Man könnte argumentieren, dass der Redaktionsprozess in einer Region stattgefunden haben müsse, die von den Kreuzzügen betroffen war, weil dieses Werk Hinweise auf diese beinhaltet. Dies könnte entweder Ägypten oder Syrien sein. Zwischen dem 12. und 13. Jh. haben die Ayyubiden (reg. 1174-1260) in Ägypten und Syrien regiert, die u. a. von religiösen Gedanken als ein Element zur Vereinigung der muslimischen Welt gegen die Kreuzfahrer profitiert haben. Man könnte also vermuten, dass die Redaktion des ursprünglichen Futūḥ aš-Šām al-Wāqidīs in diesem Kontext in Auftrag gegeben worden sei, so dass die Leserschaft nicht nur eine politische sondern auch eine religiöse Wahrnehmung von den Kreuzzügen erhält. Darüber hinaus wissen wir, dass gegen Ende des 12. Jh. und in der frühen Ayyubidenzeit eine Wiederbelebung der Geschichtsschreibug beobachtet werden kann, die dann unter den Mamluken weiter fortgesetzt wird. Man könnte die Aussage treffen, dass auch dieser Kontext zur Herstellung von zahlreichen Geschichtswerken zur Rehabilitierung des Futūḥ aš-Šām al-Wāqidīs in Form einer Redaktion dieses Werkes, was uns heute unter dem Namen al-Wāqidī zugeschriebenen Futūḥ aš-Šām vorliegt, beigetragen habe. ; The book Futūḥ al-Shām which is commonly ascribed in the scholarship to the distinguished historian of the 8th and early 9th centuries Muḥammad b. 'Umar al-Wāqidī (d. 207/823), has been considered for more than two centuries as a forged work, which was compiled in a later period (time of the Crusades) and was attributed to al-Wāqidī. Based on the results of an analysis of the structure, the content and the isnāds of the Futūḥ al-Shām, the thesis was suggested in this dissertation, that this work is essentially the original Futūḥ al-Shām of al-Wāqidī, whose form and content, however, was modified after al-Wāqidīs lifetime. In the following the results of the research as well as the theses of the dissertation are presented: By the analysis of the structure of the Futūḥ al-Shām, it was shown that the narrative of this work is a homogeneous narrative, which demonstrates a complete and gap-free structure. Therefore, the undertaken alteration in the original Futūḥ al-Shām seems to have been a systematic editorial work on this work. This redaction consists apparently of the following two types of modifications: firstly, the reports contained in the original Futūḥ al-Šām have been merged and the isnāds have been shortened or deleted, apparently in order to produce a larger uninterrupted fluent narrative than the original narrative of the work; secondly, religious details and elements have been added to the narrative of the original Futūḥ al-Shām, seemingly to enhance the role of religion, to convey an idealized image of Islam and Muslims from the time of the conquests, and to glorify Islam over Christianity. On the question of the time of the editorship, it was proposed that it was probably made between the 12th and 13th centuries, since on the one hand, direct quotations from the original Futūḥ al-Shām in Ibn'Asākirs Ta'rīkh madīnat Dimashq are in terms of form and to some extent content at difference with relevant places in the present Futūḥ al-Shām attributed to al-Wāqidī. This means that during the lifetime of Ibn 'Asākir (499/1106 - 571/1175) the original Futūḥ al-Shām existed and had still its original form and content. On the other hand, the oldest known manuscript of the present Futūḥ al-Shām (Saray Ahmet III 2886), i. e. the oldest known version of this work, has been written in 678/1279. Hence, it was argued for the period between the 12th and 13th centuries as the date of the development of the present Futūḥ al-Shām. An additional indication which speaks for this thesis was that the alleged direct quotes from the original Futūḥ al-Shām in 14th centry display a clear resemblance to the content of the present Futūḥ al-Shām, while the 12th-century quotes by Ibn'Asākirs show only a certain similarity. Regarding the question of the authenticity of this work, it was suggested that due to the addition of contents in the editorial process, not all of the contents of this work can be attributed to al-Wāqidī. The proposed period for the development of the present Futūḥ al-Shām (between the 12th and 13th centuries) falls into the time of the Crusades in the Middle East. It has already been shown in the scholarship on the present Futūḥ al-Shām that some of the terms appearing in this work can originate from the time of the Crusades (such as "afranj" and "al-muḥammadīyūn"). For this reason it is conceivable that contents from this period was adopted in this work in the editorial process. It seems that, above all, the emphasis on religious elements, which are aimed at the glorification of Islam against Christianity, comes partly from this period. Hence, one could suggest the thesis that this editorial work has had mainly a religious agenda. In addition, since the present Futūḥ al-Shām has a tendency to produce a fluid and complete narrative, it seems that this redaction was made, also to serve as a narrative for a wider Muslim audience. We know that in the 10th and 11th centuries, futuḥ works (supposedly in the Arabic-speaking regions of the Islamic world) were read to a wider audience. Therefore, it is conceivable that this editorial work was done to memorialize the superiority of Islam over Christianity to a wider Muslim audience during the Crusades. Regarding the question, where the present Futūḥ al-Shām was developed, this work provides no clue. It could be argued that the editorial process must have taken place in a region affected by the crusades, since the work contains indications to it. Given its content, it could be either Egypt or Syria. Between the 12th and 13th century, the Ayyubids (reigned 1174-1260) ruled Egypt and Syria and have benefited from religious thoughts as a strong element to unite the Muslim world against the crusaders. It could therefore be assumed that the editor(s) of the original Futūḥ al-Shām were commissioned in this context to undertake the redaction, so that the readership receives not only a political but also a religious perception of the crusades. Moreover, we know that in the late 12th and early Ayyubid periods, a revival of the historical writing can be observed, which then continues under the Mamluks. It could be suggested that this context of the production of numerous historical works also contributed to the rehabilitation of the original Futūḥ al-Shām of al-Wāqidī in the form of a redaction of this work.
The Situation In The Middle East Letter Dated 1 February 2018 From The Secretary-General Addressed To The President Of The Security Council (S/2018/84) ; United Nations S/PV.8174 Security Council Seventy-third year 8174th meeting Monday, 5 February 2018, 10 a.m. New York Provisional President: Mr. Alotaibi. . (Kuwait) Members: Bolivia (Plurinational State of). . Mr. Llorentty Solíz China. . Mr. Wu Haitao Côte d'Ivoire. . Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue Equatorial Guinea. . Mr. Ndong Mba Ethiopia. . Mr. Alemu France. . Mr. Delattre Kazakhstan. . Mr. Umarov Netherlands. . Mr. Van Oosterom Peru. . Mr. Meza-Cuadra Poland. . Ms. Wronecka Russian Federation. . Mr. Nebenzia Sweden . Mr. Skoog United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland . Mr. Allen United States of America. . Mrs. Haley Agenda The situation in the Middle East Letter dated 1 February 2018 from the Secretary-General addressed to the President of the Security Council (S/2018/84) This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the translation of speeches delivered in other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room U-0506 (verbatimrecords@un.org). Corrected records will be reissued electronically on the Official Document System of the United Nations (http://documents.un.org). 18-03099 (E) *1803099* S/PV.8174 The situation in the Middle East 05/02/2018 2/17 18-03099 The meeting was called to order at 10.05 a.m. Expression of thanks to the outgoing President The President (spoke in Arabic): As this is the first public meeting of the Security Council for the month of February, I should like to take this opportunity to pay tribute, on behalf of the Council, to His Excellency Ambassador Kairat Umarov, Permanent Representative of Kazakhstan, for his service as President of the Council for the month of January. I am sure I speak for all members of the Council in expressing deep appreciation to Ambassador Umarov and his team for the great diplomatic skill with which they conducted the Council's business last month. Adoption of the agenda The agenda was adopted. The situation in the Middle East Letter dated 1 February 2018 from the Secretary-General addressed to the President of the Security Council (S/2018/84) The President (spoke in Arabic): In accordance with rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite Ms. Izumi Nakamitsu, High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, to participate in this meeting. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I wish to draw the attention of Council members to document S/2018/84, which contains the text of a letter dated 1 February 2018 from the Secretary-General addressed to the President of the Security Council. I now give the floor to Ms. Nakamitsu. Ms. Nakamitsu: I would like to thank you, Mr. President, for this opportunity to brief the Security Council once again on the implementation of resolution 2118 (2013), on the elimination of the Syrian Arab Republic's chemical-weapons programme. I remain in regular contact with the Director- General of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) to discuss matters related to this issue; I spoke to him last week. In addition, I met with the Chargé d'affaires of the Permanent Mission of the Syrian Arab Republic to the United Nations this past Friday. At the time of my previous briefing, planning was under way with regard to the destruction of the remaining two stationary above-ground facilities of the 27 declared by the Syrian Arab Republic. I am informed that the OPCW, working with the United Nations Office for Project Services, is currently at the stage of finalizing a contract with a private company to carry out the destruction, which I understand could be completed within two months. There have been some developments on the issues related to Syria's initial declaration and subsequent amendments. The translation and analysis of documents that were provided to the OPCW by the Government of the Syrian Arab Republic in November have been completed. The OPCW has indicated that this information provided clarifications on some issues. However, the OPCW is continuing to follow up with the Government of Syria on the remaining gaps, inconsistencies and discrepancies. The Director- General will submit a report in that regard to the next session of the OPCW Executive Council, which will take place in March. Further to its routine inspections in Syria, samples taken by the OPCW team during its second inspection at the Syrian Scientific Studies and Research Centre are currently being analysed by two OPCW-designated laboratories. The Executive Council will be informed of the results of the inspection via a separate note from the Director-General to the next session of the Executive Council. The OPCW Fact-finding Mission continues to look into all allegations of the use of chemical weapons in Syria, the majority of which involve the use of toxic chemicals, such a chlorine, in areas not under the control of the Government. The Fact-finding Mission expects to submit a report on the allegations very soon. In addition, another Fact-finding Mission team has been looking into allegations of the use of chemical weapons brought to the attention of the OPCW by the Government of Syria. At the time of our previous briefing, a Fact-finding Mission team was in Damascus, at the invitation of the Government, to look into several of those allegations. I am informed that a report in that regard is also pending. 05/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8174 18-03099 3/17 There is still work to do before resolution 2118 (2013) can be considered to have been fully implemented, and for the international community to have shared confidence that the chemical-weapons programme of the Syrian Arab Republic has been fully eliminated. Moreover, allegations of the use of chemical weapons in Syria have continued, including just this past weekend in the town of Saraqeb. That makes abundantly clear our continuing and collective responsibility to ensure that those responsible are held to account. New reports by the Fact-finding Mission are pending. Should they conclude that there has been the use, or likely use, of chemical weapons in any of those alleged incidents, our obligation to enact a meaningful response will be further intensified. It is my hope, and the hope of the Secretary-General, that such a response will favour unity, not impunity. As always, the Office for Disarmament Affairs stands ready to provide whatever support and assistance it can. The President (spoke in Arabic): I thank Ms. Nakamitsu for her briefing. I shall now give the floor to those Council members who wish to make statements. Mrs. Haley (United States of America): The news out of Syria this morning is following a troubling pattern. There are reports of yet another chemical-weapon attack on Sunday. Victims of what appears to be chlorine gas are pouring into hospitals. Few things have horrified my country and the world as much as the Al-Assad regime's use of chemical weapons against its people. The Security Council has been outspoken on ending Syria's use of chemical weapons, and yet they continue. Under the Chemical Weapons Convention and resolution 2118 (2013), the Al-Assad regime's obligations are clear: it must immediately stop using all chemical weapons. It must address the gaps and inconsistencies in its Chemical Weapons Convention declaration. And it must destroy all of its remaining chemical weapons under the supervision of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW). These are worthy goals. These are urgent goals. Yet we spent much of last year in the Council watching one country protect the Al-Assad regime's use of chemical weapons by refusing to hold them responsible. What do the American people see? What do people of all countries see? They see a Council that cannot agree to take action, even after the OPCW-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism, created by the Council, found that the Al-Assad regime used chemical weapons. Now we have reports that the Al-Assad regime has used chlorine gas against its people multiple times in recent weeks, including just yesterday. There is obvious evidence from dozens of victims, and therefore we proposed a draft press statement by the Security Council condemning these attacks. So far, Russia has delayed the adoption of the draft statement — a simple condemnation of Syrian children being suffocated by chlorine gas. I hope Russia takes the appropriate step to adopt the draft text, thus showing that the Council is unified in condemning chemical-weapon attacks. Accountability is a fundamental principle, but it is just the first step. Our goal must be to end the use of these evil, unjustifiable weapons. When actions have consequences — when perpetrators are identified and punished — we come closer to reaching our goal. But if we cannot even take the first step of establishing accountability for the use of chemical weapons, we have to seriously ask ourselves why we are here. The requirements for establishing accountability for the use of chemical weapons have not changed since the Council voted unanimously to create the Joint Investigative Mechanism, in 2015. They have not changed since Russia acted alone to kill the Mechanism last year. Such a mechanism must be independent and impartial. It must be free of politics. It must be controlled by experts, not politicians or diplomats. And it must be definitive. The latest Russian draft resolution does not meet any of those criteria. Russia's draft resolution completely ignores the findings of the Joint Investigative Mechanism, which was an investigation that Russia supported until the investigators found the Al-Assad regime to be responsible. That should already be enough to make us sceptical. However, there are other deep problems. For their new investigation, Russia wants to be able to cherry-pick the investigators. It wants to insert unnecessary and arbitrary investigative standards. And it wants the Security Council to be able to review all the findings of this investigation and decide what makes it into the final report. That is not an impartial mechanism; it is a way to whitewash the findings of the last investigation that Russia desperately wants to bury. No one should believe that the draft resolution is a good basis for discussion, when it is designed to undermine our core principles on chemical weapons. We cannot S/PV.8174 The situation in the Middle East 05/02/2018 4/17 18-03099 hope to end the use of chemical weapons if those who use them escape the consequences of their actions. Therefore, while we regret the need for its creation, we applaud the efforts of France to launch the International Partnership against Impunity for the Use of Chemical Weapons. That is yet another way to hold accountable the Al-Assad regime and any group that uses chemical weapons. The United States has also announced that we will contribute to the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism to Assist in the Investigation and Prosecution of Persons Responsible for the Most Serious Crimes under International Law Committed in the Syrian Arab Republic since March 2011. The United States strongly supports the Mechanism as a valuable tool to hold the Al-Assad regime accountable for its atrocities, including its repeated and ongoing use of chemical weapons. It is a true tragedy that Russia has sent us back to square one in the effort to end the use of chemical weapons in Syria. But we will not cease in our efforts to know the truth of the Al-Assad regime — and ensure that the truth is known and acted on by the international community. That is why we hosted all 15 members of the Council at the United States Holocaust Museum last week. The exhibit was called "Syria: Please Don't Forget Us". All of us saw undeniable evidence of the Al-Assad regime's atrocities and human rights violations. We cannot, and should not, forget the Syrian people. The United States will not forget them. While the Council has not yet been able to act to provide real accountability for the use of chemical weapons in Syria, the United States will not give up on the responsibility to do so. That is the sincere wish of the American people, and I know that it is shared by many on the Council. We are not motivated by score-settling, payback or power politics. We are motivated by the urgent need to end the unique and horrible suffering that chemical weapons have inflicted on innocent men, women and children in Syria. The Syrian people are counting on us. Mr. Allen (United Kingdom): I would like to thank High Representative Nakamitsu for her briefing. We are holding this meeting in the open Chamber today after reports of a series of chemical attacks in eastern Ghouta within the past month, as the Al-Assad regime continues its merciless bombing and killing of civilians. Over the weekend, there were further allegations of the use of chemical weapons in Idlib, as well as air strikes by pro-regime forces that reportedly hit three hospitals, leaving doctors scrambling to remove premature babies from their incubators in order to move them. I cannot say that they were moving them to safety, because the reality is that for the citizens of Idlib and eastern Ghouta, nowhere is safe. We are appalled by this violence and the reports of deliberate targeting of civilians and civilian infrastructure, and we call on all parties to the conflict to uphold international humanitarian law and protect civilians. The Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) is already investigating reports of the use of chemical weapons in recent weeks, but establishing who is responsible for that use will be much more difficult, because Russia has vetoed the continuation of the independent, expert OPCW-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM) three times, in order to protect the Al-Assad regime. We would welcome any serious attempt to re-establish a properly independent investigative and attribution mechanism for continuing the JIM's meticulous work. Sadly, we do not yet see that in the Russian proposal. Any successor investigation must be empowered to investigate all use of chemical weapons, whoever the perpetrator may be. Yet the Russian proposal focuses only on non-State actors. We have repeatedly condemned Da'esh for its use of chemical weapons, which the JIM clearly reported. But given Al-Assad's track record of chemical-weapon use and its failure to comply with the Chemical Weapons Convention, it is imperative to ensure that any new mechanism also investigates the use of chemical weapons by the Syrian regime. A second objection is the proposal that experts would merely gather evidence, leaving the Council to decide what it meant. No other United Nations expert panel that I know of is specifically prohibited from reaching conclusions and reporting to the Council on its findings on what has happened. We are not specialists on chemical weapons around this table. We rely on independent, United Nations-selected expert panels. The entire purpose of the JIM was that an independent panel would reach conclusions on the basis of the evidence, taking the issue out of the hands of us, the Member States and Council members, because we have been unable to agree. Russia's proposal looks as if it is designed to avoid the political embarrassment of having to use its veto power to defend the indefensible when independent bodies report on what has truly happened. The underlying intent seems to be to ensure that there are no clear conclusions in future reports. 05/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8174 18-03099 5/17 Thirdly, we object to the proposal's demands that the standard of proof should be beyond reasonable doubt. That standard has not been used in any other comparable past or current United Nations investigation. It is used in relation to criminal prosecutions in courts of law, which have significantly greater investigative powers and independence than those envisaged in Russia's text. Finally, the proposal insists on site visits, despite the explicit provision in the Chemical Weapons Convention for other ways to gather relevant evidence, recognizing the difficulty of safe and timely visits. There is no scientific basis for this proposal. It is simply an attempt to hamstring future investigations and discredit the JIM. Of course, Russia made much of the lack of a site visit to Khan Shaykhun, despite the fact that the Al-Assad regime handed over to the United Nations samples from the site that contained chemical signatures unique to regime sarin, obviating the need for such a visit. It is for those reasons that the current text is unacceptable. The JIM set a high standard of impartiality and expertise. We expect that standard from any future mechanism. The Syrian regime, of course, claims not to have used chemical weapons. Yet over the years two separate reports from the JIM, under separate leadership panels, drawing on a broad range of respected independent international experts, concluded that the regime had used chlorine at least three times — in Talmenes in April 2014 and in Sarmin and Qmenas in March 2015 — and had used sarin to attack Khan Shaykhun in April 2017. We should also remember the infamous attack in eastern Ghouta in August 2013, when a separate United Nations investigation found that sarin was used to kill hundreds and injure thousands. That attack brought near-universal international condemnation, and following our concerted international pressure, Syria joined the Chemical Weapons Convention. Syria promised, as it was legally obliged to do, to destroy and abandon its chemical-weapon programme. Yet it has been unable to satisfy inspectors that it has done so. We have to ask ourselves why that is. In 2013 Russia promised to act as a guarantor for the Al-Assad regime's compliance with the Chemical Weapons Convention. Yet month after month we all sit here and hear that Al-Assad has not done so. Why does Russia not compel the Syrian regime to comply with its obligations and make it impossible for it to use chemical weapons? Tragically, for the people of Syria, the regime continues to use chemical weapons with impunity. If it is confirmed that Al-Assad has again used chemical weapons on his own people, it would not only be another entry in the catalogue of his war crimes, it would also be another attack on us all, Members of the United Nations who have worked for decades — in the words of the Chemical Weapons Convention, for the sake of all mankind — to completely exclude the possibility of the use of chemical weapons. Throughout history, our peoples have said "never again" — among others, starting with the First World War battlefields, in Ethiopia, in Manchuria and in Saddam Hussein's attacks on Iran and on Iraqi Kurds. Let us, the members of the Council, stand up for the peoples of the United Nations, determined that such abhorrent chemical weapons should never be used. Let us stand up for the people of Syria and give them a real investigation into those responsible for the use of chemical weapons — an investigation that pursues justice for the horrific crimes committed against them. Let us signal our determination to pursue accountability by all means available, even if one member of the Security Council is currently preventing us from taking action here. Mr. Delattre (France) (spoke in French): I would first like to congratulate Kuwait through you, Mr. President, on the start of its presidency of the Security Council. You can rely on France's support in the month to come. I would also like to thank Izumi Nakamitsu for her usual very informative briefing. This is the second time we have met in less than two weeks after reports of four new cases of the use of chlorine against Syria's civilian population, some of them in Idlib province, which is a de-escalation zone. We are examining the information that is available and waiting for the conclusions of the investigative mechanism, but the reality is that resorting to toxic substances as weapons has never ended in Syria. I would like to remind the Council that the Syrian regime has already been identified as the perpetrator in four such cases, one of which involved the use of sarin, in violation of international humanitarian law and the obligations that Syria assumed when it acceded to the Chemical Weapons Convention. The challenges go beyond the Syrian issue. A century after the end of the First World War, in which mustard gas was used on a massive scale against civilians, what we are seeing is shocking. These weapons, which we had thought were a thing of the past, are once again being used methodically and systematically by the Syrian regime against its own people. Furthermore, there is a real threat of such S/PV.8174 The situation in the Middle East 05/02/2018 6/17 18-03099 weapons falling into the hands of terrorists. The threat is all the greater given the fact that the dismantling of the Syrian chemical-weapon programme remains at a deadlock. The cooperation of the Syrian regime with the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) has for months taken place in a piecemeal manner, and suspicions remain about the status of Syrian stockpiles. I would recall that OPCW expert teams have repeatedly found at Syrian sites indicators of undeclared substances, without any convincing explanation being provided by the country. Given that chemical weapons continue to be used, it seems that Syria has lied and maintained clandestine capacities. The situation is aggravating regional instability, undermining the non-proliferation regime and weakening the international security architecture, as well as jeopardizing the security of each of our States. It represents a violation of the law and flouts the most fundamental principles of humanity. The international community cannot downplay the situation and allow the perpetrators of these heinous crimes to remain unpunished. It is the responsibility of the Security Council to prevent this; it is our shared responsibility. The criminals who chose to design and use these barbaric weapons must be punished. At stake is the future of our collective security system; no one can be allowed to undermine its foundations without facing consequences. The hindrances and obstructions facing the international community's initiatives within existing bodies contribute to promoting impunity, and this we cannot accept. For that reason, France launched in Paris an open, pragmatic partnership that brings together States that reject impunity for individuals involved in chemical-weapon attacks or in the development of chemical-weapon programmes. It brings together all the States concerned about the threat of erosion of the non-proliferation regime and of strategic stability. It was designed to support all international bodies and investigative mechanisms in their efforts. This universal partnership applies to all instances of the use of such weapons throughout the world by all perpetrators, be they State or non-State actors. The partnership is open, and States that embrace these principles are invited to join. Like everyone else here, we hope that a mechanism for the identification of those responsible will be recreated as soon as possible. However, any sincere and credible effort to that end must align with the basic standards of independence, impartiality and professionalism that underpinned the Joint Investigative Mechanism, as the very reason for the establishment of such a regime is to determine the truth. Within the Council, France will be very vigilant with respect to the principles listed and will not accept a lesser mechanism. Impunity in Syria is not an option. The perpetrators of all of the crimes committed in Syria will be held accountable, sooner or later. The International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism for Syria, which we support, is a part of that process. That is the only way to ensure lasting peace in Syria, and this can come about only in the framework of an inclusive political solution in Geneva, in line with resolution 2254 (2015), which more than ever before represents our shared compass. The repeated use of chemical weapons in Syria has been proved. We cannot turn a blind eye to this, for no one can now say that they did not know. Denial or hypocrisy, or a combination of of the two, cannot be presented as a strategy. The persistent use of chemical weapons in Syria represents a violation of the universal conscience as well as the most fundamental principles of international law. It also poses a potentially lethal threat to the sustainability of the international non-proliferation regime, which is the most comprehensive and successful of all of the international non-proliferation regimes. To allow it to be undermined without any response would be to accept the erosion of the entire international regime for the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction that we have built together, stone by stone, over the course of decades and which constitutes the very backbone of the international security architecture as well as one of the paramount gains of multilateralism. On behalf of France, I call on all members of the Security Council to shift their attitudes and adjust their focus. The heavy responsibility that we all bear requires that we join together and take action. Mr. Llorenty Solíz (Plurinational State of Bolivia) (spoke in Spanish): My delegation wishes to congratulate you once again, Sir, as well as the Permanent Mission of Kuwait, on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for the month of February. We are also grateful for the briefing provided by the Under-Secretary-General and High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, Ms. Izumi Nakamitsu. We also 05/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8174 18-03099 7/17 wish to acknowledge the letter sent by the Secretary- General (S/2018/84) concerning the periodic report of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW). Bolivia believes that there can be no justification for the use of chemical weapons, regardless of circumstances and by whomsoever committed, as such use is a serious violation of international law and poses a grave threat to international peace and security. We therefore categorically condemn the use of chemical weapons or substances as weapons, as we deem this an unjustifiable and criminal act, wherever, whenever and by whomsoever committed. In that context, we express our grave concern about the ongoing reports of the use of chemical weapons in the Syrian Arab Republic, especially in eastern Ghouta. If that is confirmed, the Council should remain united in order to ensure that the perpetrators are held accountable and brought to justice, so that there is no impunity for their actions. We commend the coordination between the OPCW and the United Nations Office for Project Services in all of the arrangements aimed at making possible the destruction of the two remaining facilities as well as the preparedness of the Syrian Government to achieve this end. We call on the Government of the Syrian Arab Republic to cooperate with the OPCW on this initiative, as well as during the second inspection of the Syrian Scientific Studies and Research Centre. We encourage the Fact-finding Mission to continue its investigation so that, in accordance with its mandate, it can investigate, in the most objective, methodical and technical manner, reports of the use of chemicals weapons on Syrian territory. In that regard, we highlight the latest visit to the city of Damascus during January, and we will await the results thereof. We call on all parties involved to cooperate fully as well as to provide viable and reliable information, so that an effective investigation of all of the ongoing cases can be conducted as soon as possible. Concerned about the reports of the use of chemical weapons, we deem it essential to establish as soon as possible an independent, impartial and representative mechanism to carry out a full, reliable and conclusive investigation of the cases referred by the Fact-finding Mission that will make it possible to identify those responsible for such acts. Nevertheless, if we want to create a new, transparent accountability mechanism, we have the major challenge and the responsibility of not instrumentalizing the Security Council for political ends. In that vein, we view the Russian proposal as a new and positive opportunity to reach this goal. We therefore call on the members of the Council to commit themselves to a process of purposeful negotiation, and we echo the words of the Secretary-General in his letter transmitting the current report, calling on the Security Council to demonstrate unity on this issue, which is so vital for the international community. Finally, we reiterate that the only option for resolving the conflict in Syria and prevent more people from becoming victims is through an inclusive political transition led by and benefiting the Syrian people that respects their sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. Mr. Umarov (Kazakhstan): Since this is the first public meeting of the Security Council for the month of February, I would like to congratulate the delegation of Kuwait on the commencement of its presidency and wish it great success in implementing its ambitious programme of work. I am grateful to High Representative Nakamitsu for her informative briefing. Our position on this issue remains unchanged. We strongly condemn any use of chemical weapons and advocate that such threats must be eliminated in the future. We firmly believe that there must be accountability for perpetrators of such crimes. Today I would like to concentrate on three major points. First, we support the work of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW), as reflected in its fifty-second report (S/2018/84, annex). The speedy destruction, probably in two months, of the remaining chemical-weapon production facilities and resolving all outstanding issues relating to the declaration of the Syrian Arab Republic are of the utmost importance. That would help to dispel all existing doubts on many principal issues and to comprehend the real situation in the country. It is commendable that, during the inspection of Barzah and Jamrayah, all samples were sealed, packaged and shipped to OPCW's laboratory and were received there in the presence of the representatives of the Syrian Arab Republic, observing all established rules. We look forward to the follow-up to the OPCW's work, and we will also await the results S/PV.8174 The situation in the Middle East 05/02/2018 8/17 18-03099 of a thorough analysis of the documents submitted by Syria by the Declaration Assessment Team. Secondly, the continuing reports on the alleged use of chemical weapons in Syria are extremely alarming. But the most alarming fact is that the Council has not yet restored its investigative potential to properly respond to such cases. I recall the words of the Secretary-General, who pointed to the serious gap that had arisen at the end of the OPCW-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism, which leaves one with the feeling that impunity will continue without any strict monitoring. Thirdly, and lastly, considering the current developments, it is also most critical that a new mechanism be established as soon as possible. We here in the Council are not experts on chemical weapons — neither to judge or blame anyone — but must act on the basis of credible evidence provided to us by an independent, impartial and representative investigative body we can all trust. In that regard, we support the ongoing consultations on creating a new investigative instrument, in order to prevent any further use of chemical weapons and to bring perpetrators to justice. We are ready to participate actively and contribute to the earliest revival and ultimate realization of our investigative potential. Mr. Meza-Cuadra (Peru) (spoke in Spanish): We join others in congratulating your delegation, Sir, on having assumed the presidency of the Security Council for the month of February. We support you in discharging your tasks, which we are sure you will do in full. We welcome the holding of this meeting and thank Ms. Izumi Nakamitsu for her valuable briefing on this topic. Peru condemns the use of chemical weapons by any actor, in any place and under any circumstance. Their use against the civilian population in Syria is a war crime and a flagrant violation of international law, international humanitarian law and the non-proliferation regimes. In that regard, Peru believes it is essential for the international community, and in particular the Security Council, to remain resolute and united in its support for the non-proliferation regime and in ensuring that those responsible for these atrocious crimes — which are also threats to international peace and security — be held accountable. We must continue to demand that the Syrian Government fulfil its commitment to cooperate with the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) in the elimination of all of its chemical weapons. We take note of some recent progress, such as the imminent destruction of the last two declared chemical-weapon production facilities, as verified preliminarily by the OPCW last November, and the allocation of new financial resources to that end. Nevertheless, we are concerned that key points of the Syrian Government's declaration have yet to be verified, more than four years after its accession to the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons and on Their Destruction. We hope that the 19 recently translated documents that were provided to the OPCW will help rectify errors and omissions and clear up discrepancies. We reaffirm our commitment and support to the OPCW, whose Executive Council Peru is honoured to be a member of. In the face of new reports of chemical-weapon attacks in eastern Ghouta and Idlib, Peru expresses its solidarity with the victims and reiterates the urgent need to identify and bring to justice the perpetrators of such atrocities. Like a majority of Council members, we believe that accountability is essential to safeguarding the international non-proliferation regimes. Preventing this threat requires a credible deterrent. With that goal in mind, we believe it is urgent to establish an attributive mechanism with the highest standards of professionalism, objectivity, transparency and, primarily, independence in order to fill the gap left by the OPCW-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism. My delegation will continue to work constructively to create a new mechanism that addresses the legitimate concerns of all Council members and of the international community. Mr. Skoog (Sweden): I also want to congratulate you, Mr. President, on assuming the presidency of the Security Council for the month of February. I also thank Ms. Izumi Nakamitsu for her briefing today. In recent weeks there have been new, alarming reports of alleged chemical-weapon attacks in Syria. The most recent allegation was this weekend in Idlib. These reported attacks must be immediately investigated by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) Fact-finding Mission, to which we offer our full and unreserved support. We reiterate our strongest condemnation of the use of chemical weapons. It is a serious violation 05/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8174 18-03099 9/17 of international law and it constitutes a threat to international peace and security. Their use in armed conflict amounts to a war crime. Perpetrators of such crimes must be held accountable. We cannot accept impunity. That is why Sweden joined the International Partnership against Impunity for the Use of Chemical Weapons, initiated by France. As a member of the Security Council and of the OPCW Executive Council, we support all international efforts to combat the use and proliferation of chemical weapons by State and non-State actors alike anywhere in the world. We count on this initiative to complement and support our collective work in multilateral forums, as well as the existing multilateral mechanisms to achieve unity around those important goals. That also includes the Human Rights Council's Commission of Inquiry and the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism, both of which have important mandates in collecting information. I again thank High Representative Nakamitsu for her briefing today. She reminded us that work remains on the implementation of resolution 2118 (2013). The outstanding issues relating to Syria's initial declaration must be resolved without further delay. We again call upon the Syrian authorities to fully cooperate with the OPCW in that regard. As the Secretary-General has stated, the continuing allegations highlight yet again our shared obligation to identify and hold to account those responsible for the use chemical weapons on Syria. We need to heed his call, come together and act. That is why Sweden has engaged in the negotiations on establishing a new independent and impartial attributive mechanism. The Council has a responsibility to protect the international disarmament and non-proliferation regimes and for ensuring accountability. Negotiations need to be in good faith, but with the objective of establishing a truly independent, impartial and effective mechanism for accountability. Ms. Wronecka (Poland) (spoke in Arabic): I would like to take this opportunity to wish the delegation of Kuwait every success in implementing the programme of work for this month. (spoke in English) Let me thank High Representative Izumi Nakamitsu for her informative briefing. We appreciate the ongoing work of the Technical Secretariat of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) and the Fact-finding Mission. We welcome the cooperation between the secretariat and the United Nations Office for Project Services, which facilitated the destruction of the two remaining chemical-weapon production facilities. We look forward to the results of the analysis by the Declaration Assessment Team of a set of documents and declarations submitted by Syria. Chemical weapons continue to pose a threat to the people of Syria. Repeated allegations of the use of chemical weapons in Syria, including the recent ones, serve to underline the fact that there is still a challenge to international peace and security, as well as to the credibility of the Chemical Weapons Convention regime. In that context, there is a genuine need for a clear message that impunity for perpetrators is not an option. We have clearly stated in various forums that the use of chemical weapons by anyone — State and non-State actors alike — anywhere and under any circumstances must be rigorously condemned and those responsible for such acts must be held accountable. We agree that the Security Council needs to take steps in order to establish a credible, professional and independent investigative mechanism. We have therefore engaged in the discussions to find the best solution for the future mechanism. I would like to focus on three points. First, Poland has supported the work of the OPCW-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM) and continues to support the establishment of an independent and credible investigative mechanism aimed at holding accountable the perpetrators of the use of chemical weapons in Syria. However, a future mechanism will not operate in a void. The instrument must build on the Joint Investigative Mechanism. Not only should it build on the significant achievements of the JIM, but its mandate must not deviate from resolution 2235 (2015). Secondly, the mandate of the mechanism should be balanced. There is a need to identify not only the individuals, entities and groups but also the Governments responsible for any use of chemicals as weapons. Thirdly, one of the most important elements of the mandate must be to ensure that the mechanism is independent in its proceedings and conclusions and S/PV.8174 The situation in the Middle East 05/02/2018 10/17 18-03099 free from the pressure of political verification of its conclusions by the Council. Mr. Ndong Mba (Equatorial Guinea) (spoke in Spanish): Allow me once again to congratulate you, Mr. President, and the State of Kuwait on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for the month of February. I wish you every success and assure you of our full support. Allow me also to express my congratulations and appreciation to Ms. Izumi Nakamitsu, Under-Secretary-General and High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, and her team for the presentation of the comprehensive and detailed briefing on the current political and humanitarian situation with regard to chemical weapons in Syria. The political — and in particular the humanitarian — crisis in Syria is reaching alarming proportions. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea expresses its solidarity with the families of the countless victims, as well as with the thousands of displaced people trapped by the hostilities and the more than 13 million people who currently need humanitarian assistance as a result of the continuing conflict. I would like to take this opportunity to condemn the loss of numerous civilian lives in this conflict, and I call on all parties to comply with international law on the protection of civilians and to distinguish between military and civilian objectives and refrain from firing rocket launchers into populated areas, as is being reported in eastern Ghouta. Equatorial Guinea can only express its satisfaction at the destruction of almost all the chemical-weapon production facilities declared by the Syrian Arab Republic thanks to the technical assistance of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW). However, while we welcome the cooperation between the Government of the Syrian Arab Republic and the OPCW, it is necessary to be vigilant and to continue to condemn in the strongest terms any possible use, development, acquisition or manufacture of chemical weapons in the country or transfers of such weapons to other States or non-State actors. In that regard, we vigorously condemn the recent use of toxic chemical weapons by whomsoever. The perpetrators of such horrendous acts must be brought to justice and sentenced appropriately. For seven years already, Syria has been a war scenario that crystallizes internal, regional and, even, international divisions. The primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security bestowed upon the Security Council by the Charter of the United Nations should lead the 15 member countries of this principal organ of the United Nations to overcome their differences regarding the situation in Syria and to renounce their political and strategic interests in favour of the legitimate aspirations of the Syrian people to achieve well-being and prosperity. In that regard, it is appropriate that, as Russia has already proposed, another mechanism be established to replace the OPCW-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism so that it can carry out the necessary investigations on the use of chemical weapons in Syria and thereby arrive at a result that garners consensus among the members of the Council in order to again unify our criteria for an objective examination of the situation. Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): At the outset, I would like to congratulate you, Mr. President, at the beginning of your presidency of the Security Council for the month of February. I wish you every success. We also thank Ms. Nakamitsu for her briefing. We trust that, with the assistance of the United Nations Office for Project Services and the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW), the two remaining above-ground Syrian chemical-weapon facilities will be promptly destroyed. The Syrian side has repeatedly demonstrated its interest in that. The pending issues related to the initial declarations should be dealt with as part of the dialogue between the OPCW and the Syrian Government. We welcome such cooperation, by which Syria, as a conscientious party to the Chemical Weapons Convention, provides the necessary assistance, complies with its obligations and facilitates access to the relevant documents. Many people have raised false issues that should now be closed and put aside. Syria's chemical-weapon capacity was destroyed under the oversight of the OPCW. However, it seems that there are some who wish to contrive to fan the flames on the issue. The Syrians have provided exhaustive explanations. However, issues are being raised and questions are being asked in a endless cycle. The Syrian side consistently reports to the international community, including the Security Council, about the detection of toxic chemical substances in areas liberated from the terrorists. There 05/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8174 18-03099 11/17 are reports from Syria about possible provocations that may be used by representatives of foreign intelligence services. All such reports must be investigated immediately by the experts of the OPCW. However, we note that, in general, tremendous efforts are necessary for The Hague to duly respond to the important message. There are numerous pretexts being put forward not to travel there and decisions are being delayed. In the light of last year's story of Khan Shaykhun and the Shayrat air base, such conduct suggests deliberate sabotage. However, the statements today have left us with the impression that it is not Syria that some delegations are interested in. The United States and the United Kingdom have used today's meeting to slander Russia, and it is quite clear why that is happening. Someone cannot tolerate the success of the Syrian National Dialogue Congress in Sochi and the prospects it offers for injecting new momentum into the political process in Syria. That requires launching a major campaign of slander against Russia in order to try, not for the first time, to cast doubt on Russia's role in the Syrian political settlement. As always, the statements of these representatives contain a grain of truth mixed with mountains of lies. Russia has never contested the use of sarin in Khan Shaykhun. But who it was used by is still a mystery, because the absurd conclusions of the OPCW-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM) have not convinced us. In the past few days there has been general uproar about alleged incidents involving the use of chlorine in some Damascus suburbs. There has already been talk of the use of sarin. Where? When? By whom? The outlines of this propaganda campaign are not new. The terrorists, through the social associations that are closely linked to them, foremost among them the notorious White Helmets, spread rumours via social networks. These are instantly picked up by the Western press, and then we get representatives speechifying in the Security Council, making unproved accusations about the so-called Syrian regime and spreading slander about Russia. I have said it before and I will say it again: has anyone thought to ask the basic question as to why the Syrian Government needs to use chemical weapons? What do we suppose that could do for it? The first thing we should do, and various speakers today, particularly the representative of Sweden, have discussed this, is to send an OPCW fact-finding mission to those areas to investigate. Where is the presumption of innocence? The speakers are blaming the so-called regime for everything in advance, before any investigation. What do they want an independent investigative mechanism for? Surely at least they know that an investigation has to precede any conclusions. But apparently they do not need one. In my opinion, it should be completely clear to everyone that that the capitals that these representatives represent in the Council have absolutely no interest in any investigation. They do not need facts or precise evidence. They need to see a political order carried out. On 23 January, Russia announced the launch in the Security Council of expert efforts to draft a resolution establishing a new investigative entity for incidents involving the use of chemical weapons to replace the defunct OPCW-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism, which was killed by the United States and its allies when they blocked the draft resolution (S/2017/968) that we proposed, together with China and Bolivia, designed to ensure that the Mechanism could be genuinely independent and professional. Not only do they not recall that episode, they have made strenuous attempts to convince the Security Council and the world community of the opposite. It has become clear that some of our partners are not prepared to consider this possibility. They want a second JIM that would continue to rubber-stamp the scientifically and technically ridiculous anti-Damascus conclusions on the basis of disinformation generously supplied by militant groups. They have long had a persistent allergy to the pressing need to pay close attention to the activities of terrorist groups, both in Syria and beyond its borders, in the context of manipulating toxic substances. In the realization that we will not allow the now entirely discredited JIM to be revived, Syria's opponents are now attempting to take alternative routes, cobbling together narrow groups of like-minded people. However, they are forgetting that in doing that they are undermining the authority of international bodies, particularly the United Nations and the OPCW, and destroying the international architecture on the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Any initiatives in the context of the use of chemical weapons that circumvent the OPCW would be illegitimate. We certainly hope that the leadership of the United Nations Secretariat and the OPCW Technical Secretariat will make a firm show of will and distance themselves from such dubious projects. S/PV.8174 The situation in the Middle East 05/02/2018 12/17 18-03099 We are ready to accept a press statement on the Syrian chemical issue, but not the one proposed by its sponsors, because in its current form its purpose is quite clearly to blame the Government of Syria for what is so far the unproved use of chemical weapons. Somehow the draft statement does not say anything about the Government of the Syrian Arab Republic, but the reference to Article 7 of the Charter of the United Nations leaves no doubt as to its essence. We cannot accept any still unconfirmed references to the use of chemical weapons without a credible investigation, nor can we accept any threats to a sovereign State for unproved actions. For some reason, eastern Ghouta has been dragged into the statement. I would like to remind the Council that last week we were prepared to accept an agreed-on draft presidential statement on the humanitarian situation in Syria. But our partners preferred to reject it. We are ready to accept a press statement, but not as it is proposed by our colleagues. We have proposed amendments to it that we are ready to circulate and agree on in that form. Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue (Côte d'Ivoire) (spoke in French): I would like to congratulate Kuwait through you, Mr. President, on its accession to the presidency of the Security Council for the month of February, to wish it every success and assure it of Côte d'Ivoire's cooperation. I would also like to thank Ms. Izumi Nakamitsu, High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, for her excellent briefing. My delegation commends the work of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons through its Fact-finding Mission with regard to the dismantling of Syria's chemical-weapon stocks. We encourage the Syrian Government to comply with decisions regarding the destruction of its chemical arsenal. My delegation is seriously concerned about the reports in the past week once again alleging the possible use of chemical weapons in the conflict in Syria, particularly in eastern Ghouta, where 21 cases of suffocation have been reported. They represent a significant reversal in our efforts to combat impunity with regard to the use of chemical weapons in Syria. The suffering inflicted on the Syrian people is intolerable and must be ended. In that regard, my country calls for continued efforts to implement resolution 2118 (2013), which provides for the complete dismantling of the Syrian chemical-weapons arsenal. These new allegations of the use of chemical weapons once again call into question the Council's responsibility, particularly in terms of putting an end to these acts as soon as possible and of clearly identifying the perpetrators of such criminal acts. In its latest statement on the issue of chemical weapons in Syria (see S/PV.8164), my delegation warned against the Council's failure to act, which could be interpreted by those involved in the use of such weapons in Syria as a weakness of this organ and licence to act with impunity. Clearly, those who commit these despicable acts will continue to do so as long as the Council remains divided about the need to set up a consensus-based framework capable of identifying perpetrators and bringing them to justice. My delegation therefore encourages all ongoing initiatives that support the establishment of an accountability mechanism acceptable to all. In conclusion, Côte d'Ivoire reiterates its strong condemnation of the use of chemical weapons in Syria and calls upon the relevant United Nations mechanisms to shed light on the new allegations of the use of such weapons. My delegation eagerly awaits the conclusions of the report that will be submitted after the second round of inspections conducted at the Scientific Studies and Research Centre in Syria. Mr. Wu Haitao (China) (spoke in Chinese): China congratulates Kuwait on assuming the presidency of the Security Council for the current month. We also commend Kazakhstan for its accomplishments during its presidency last month. I wish to thank the High Representative Nakamitsu for her briefing. China welcomes the progress achieved in the verification and destruction of the two remaining chemical-weapon facilities within Syria's borders. We support the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) in continuing its coordination and cooperation with the Syrian Government so as to properly settle all the questions revolving around the initial declarations of chemical weapons by Syria through the OPCW platform. China expresses its deepest sympathy to the Syrian people for their suffering as the result of chemical weapons. No use of chemical weapons will be tolerated. Lately, there have been some media reports of suspected use of chlorine and other poisonous chemicals as weapons within Syria's borders, over which China wishes to register its deepest concern. It is hoped that 05/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8174 18-03099 13/17 the parties will carry out verification of the related incidents as soon as possible. When it comes to the question of chemical weapons, China's position is as clear cut as it is consistent. We stand firmly against the use of chemical weapons by any country, organization or individual for whatever purpose and under any circumstances. China supports conducting comprehensive, objective and impartial investigations into any alleged use of chemical weapons within Syrian borders so as to come up with results that withstand the test of time, square with the facts and help bring the perpetrators to justice. Establishing a new chemical-weapon investigative mechanism is critical to getting to the bottom of the chemical-weapon incidents as well as warding off any future recurrences in Syria. All Council parties should work together to that end. China supports the efforts on the part of Russia to promote the establishment of a new investigative mechanism into the use of chemical weapons in Syria. We hope that the members of the Council will continue to engage in constructive consultations so as to achieve consensus at an early date. The chemical-weapon issue in Syria is closely related to a political settlement to the Syrian situation. Major achievements have been made at the Syrian National Dialogue Congress, held recently in Sochi, which played a positive role in advancing the Syrian political process, while lending impetus to relaunching the Geneva talks. It is China's hope that relevant parties will support the Security Council and the OPCW in continuing to act as the main channel for tackling the Syrian chemical-weapon issue, adopt a constructive attitude, seek proper solutions through consultation, maintain the unity of the Council and work with the United Nations and with the relevant parties in advancing the political process in Syria. Mr. Van Oosterom (Netherlands): As this is the first time that I take the floor under the Kuwaiti presidency of the Security Council, I would like to congratulate and honour Kuwait's assumption of the presidency by trying to offer my thanks in Arabic: (spoke in Arabic) Thank you, Mr. President. (spoke in English) I would also like to thank Ms. Nakamitsu for her comprehensive and clear briefing. I will address three issues today: first, reports of the renewed use of chemical weapons in Syria; secondly, the need for accountability; and, thirdly, the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) report at hand (S/2018/84, annex). With respect to the renewed use of chemical weapons in the past weeks, the Kingdom of the Netherlands is shocked at the recent reports of chemical attacks in Syria, including this weekend and last night. We are outraged. In Douma, in eastern Ghouta, and last night in Saraqeb, in Idlib, innocent civilians, including children, have become victims once again of horrible chemical-weapon attacks. Such attacks deserve the strongest condemnation of the Security Council as violations of international law. Furthermore, recent OPCW laboratory tests show that samples of the chemical attack on Ghouta in August 2013 correspond to the chemical-weapons arsenal declared by the Syrian regime in 2014 and the Khan Shaykun attack in 2017. This confirms once again that the Al-Assad regime uses chemical weapons against its own population. We pay tribute to the work of the White Helmets, who have saved more a 100,000 civilians from the rubble of the Syrian war. The use of chemical weapons should never go unpunished. Impunity erodes the important prohibition against the use of chemical weapons. It is inconceivable that impunity now reigns, which brings me to my second point, namely, the need for accountability. As others have said, we had a well-functioning and professional mechanism to ensure accountability for the use of chemical weapons in Syria, the Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM). The JIM repeatedly determined the use of chemical weapons by the Syrian regime and by Da'esh. It had a strong mandate to investigate and identify perpetrators independently from the politics of the Security Council. And it did so accordingly, but the renewal of its mandate fell victim to the repeated use of the veto. However, that does not mean that we now need to settle for less. The Kingdom of the Netherlands is prepared to work together on any proposal that strengthens accountability and the international rule of law. But let me emphasize that a weak accountability mechanism is not an option. For us, the fundamental characteristics of any accountability mechanism are the principles of impartiality, independence, comprehensiveness and effectiveness. S/PV.8174 The situation in the Middle East 05/02/2018 14/17 18-03099 In order to uphold those principles, a mechanism should at least meet the following requirements. First, it should operate independently from the Security Council, including when it comes to the attribution of guilt. It should be impartial. The separation of powers is necessary to prevent undue politicization. Secondly, the mechanism should be effective; it should independently decide how it will conduct its investigations, including when it comes to analysing facts and assessing the quality of evidence. Lastly, it should be comprehensive and investigate and identify perpetrators among all parties to the armed conflict — both State and non-State actors. The draft resolution that is currently being discussed has not yet met those important principles. That brings me to my third point, namely, the fifty-second OPCW report (S/2018/84, annex), which the High Representative presented very clearly in her briefing. The report points out that, unfortunately, too little progress has been made by the Syrian authorities in addressing the outstanding questions that the OPCW posed about the declaration of the Syrian authorities. It is essential that the Syrian authorities cooperate seriously with the OPCW. The Kingdom of the Netherlands supports the continuation of the work of OPCW Fact-finding Mission. We call on all States to ensure that the Fact-finding Mission can continue its work independently. In conclusion, we stand ready to adopt the draft press statement, as circulated before. We are convinced that the Security Council cannot allow the continued use of chemical weapons to go unpunished. Impunity is a curse; accountability is a must. The Council has to act. As long as the Council is blocked from achieving accountability by the use of the veto, we will also continue our efforts outside the Council. We therefore strongly support other accountability initiatives for Syria, such as the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism for the Syrian Arab Republic and the Human Rights Council's Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic. We also support the International Partnership against Impunity for the Use of Chemical Weapons, which was just highlighted by our French colleague. However, let me repeat what I have said in the Chamber before, the Council should refer the situation in Syria, especially the mass atrocities committed in the conflict, to the International Criminal Court in The Hague. Mr. Alemu (Ethiopia): We are very pleased to see you, Mr. President, assuming responsibility for the presidency. I wish to thank High Representative Izumi Nakamitsu for her briefing, which, as always, we found to be balanced, and therefore useful. We are in need of that kind of approach. Frankly speaking, we need that very desperately. During times such as this, when we seem to be so deeply divided, the role of United Nations officials like her becomes all the more critical. We thank her. We remain deeply concerned by the continued reports on the use of chemical weapons in Syria. We strongly condemn the use of chemical weapons by any actor, State and non-State alike, in Syria or anywhere else. As we have stated repeatedly, the use of chemical weapons is totally unjustifiable under any circumstances. It constitutes a threat to international peace and security and undermines the international non-proliferation architecture. We cannot agree more with what the Secretary-General stated in the concluding paragraph of his letter of 1 February: "The fact of these continuing allegations again highlights the shared obligation to identify and hold to account those responsible for the use of chemical weapons." That is why the unity of the Council is absolutely important. Without it, the Council's ability to respond to grave threats to international peace and security, such as the use of chemicals as weapons, will be seriously hampered. In that regard, what High Representative Nakamitsu said a while ago is most relevant: "unity, not impunity". Let me say that we regret that the Council was not able to renew the mandate of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism. If we are not able to address this institutional gap by drawing lessons from last year and forge the necessary unity and compromise, we will be sending the wrong message and encouraging impunity. The fact that chemical-weapon attacks have continued as recently as yesterday worries us very much. That is why it is so critical that we seek an independent way of establishing accountability. We appreciate the initiative taken by the Russian Federation to propose a draft resolution on the establishment of a new mechanism, which has been the basis for discussion in recent days. This is a conversation that we welcome. As we continue to discuss this very important matter, our consultations should be constructive and forward-looking. Of course, 05/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8174 18-03099 15/17 we are not naive; we have no illusions about how matters are becoming more and more complicated by the day. However, we still hope that the Council will restore its unity to reach common ground and create an independent, impartial and professional mechanism that will be able to identify those responsible for the use of chemical weapons in Syria, based on robust evidence. We welcome that the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) has continued to assist the Syrian Government in destroying the remaining stationary above-ground facilities. As the High Representative stated, we hope the facilities will be totally eliminated in the coming month. We have just heard a very encouraging statement from the High Representative. We note that the OPCW has translated and finalized its analysis of the 19 documents submitted by the Syrian Government. While we look forward to the final report, we encourage continued cooperation and meaningful communication between the Syrian Government and the OPCW that leads to tangible results to address the outstanding issues. We also note that its Fact-finding Mission has continued its investigation related to allegations of the use of chemical weapons in Syria. We look forward to its reports. Let me conclude by again reiterating, at the risk of sounding naive, how the unity of the Council is vital to ensuring accountability and deterring and stopping the use of chemical weapons in Syria and elsewhere. We only hope that the challenge we face in this area is not a reflection of the growing lack of trust that characterizes international relations today, making joint action in most critical areas more complicated than it should be. The President (spoke in Arabic): I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the representative of Kuwait. At the outset, I would like to thank the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, Ms. Izumi Nakamitsu, for the briefing she gave at the beginning of this meeting. We had hoped that the Security Council's unanimous adoption of resolution 2118 (2013), in September 2013 following the first incident involving the use of chemical weapons in Syria, would have resolved this matter, since the Council had demonstrated unity and determination in confronting that crime with a view to ensuring that it not be repeated and that its perpetrators be held accountable. Consequently, we regret the substantial regression in addressing the chemical-weapon issue in Syria, which is a result of the divisions among Council members after the Council was unable to extend the mandate of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism in Syria, which we feel carried out its tasks in a very professional, impartial and independent manner. We express our deep concern about the allegations of the continued use of chemical weapons in Syria, most recently during the attack in Douma, in eastern Ghouta, last week and during the attack that took place in Saraqeb, in Idlib, yesterday. This is the third such attack during the past few weeks, which means that the perpetrators of those crimes will go unpunished and that there is no guarantee that they, or anyone else, who commits such crimes in the future will be held accountable, after we lost the Joint Investigative Mechanism. The position of the State of Kuwait is a principled and steadfast one that strongly condemns any use of chemical weapons, wherever, whenever and by whomsoever, as this is considered a grave violation of international law. We reiterate the need to hold accountable those responsible for such use, be they individuals, entities, non-State groups or Governments. In that context, we condemn the use of heavy and destructive weapons as well as the targeting civilians and residential areas killing dozens of innocent victims. These weapons target health facilities and civilian locations in eastern Ghouta, Idlib and other areas. We therefore support the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism for Syria in its quest to gather evidence and investigate the crimes committed against civilians in order to hold the perpetrators accountable. The State of Kuwait will support any alternative or mechanism that enjoys the consensus of all members of the Security Council and ensures the independence, neutrality and professionalism of any new future mechanism. In that regard, we reaffirm that the primary responsibility of any mechanism must be to determine the identity of those using chemical weapons in Syria, provided that the Security Council would then play its role and hold the perpetrators accountable, in implementation of the principle of ending impunity and of resolution 2118 (2013), which undoubtedly stipulates the imperative need for, and importance of, holding accountable those responsible for the use of chemical S/PV.8174 The situation in the Middle East 05/02/2018 16/17 18-03099 weapons in Syria. We also look forward to receiving the report that will soon be submitted by the Fact-finding Mission, as mentioned by Ms. Nakamitsu in her earlier briefing on the most recent incidents, as well as her reports on the use of chlorine gas in Saraqib. In conclusion, we reiterate our full readiness to take part in any efforts that are aimed at reaching consensus among Security Council members and at holding accountable the perpetrators of such internationally prohibited crimes. We assert that a political solution in Syria is the only way to arrive at a comprehensive settlement of the crisis, in accordance with the relevant Security Council resolutions, especially resolution 2254 (2015) and the 2012 Geneva communiqué (S/2012/522, annex). I now resume my functions as President of the Council. The representative of the United Kingdom has asked for the floor to make a further statement. Mr. Allen (United Kingdom): I disagree with a lot of what my Russian colleague said, but I will not stretch my colleagues' patience. But I do feel compelled briefly to respond to several of the points that he made. The first point is to say that this is not political for us. Preventing the use of these abhorrent weapons should transcend political disagreements. We do not oppose Russia's important role in Syria at all. We noted the outcomes of Sochi, and we look forward to the proposal for a constitutional committee returning to the next round of Geneva talks, with the full participation of Russia and the Syrian authorities, as was laid out in resolution 2254 (2015). The second point I would simply make is that the notion that it was anyone other than Russia that ended the Joint Investigative Mechanism is absurd. The voting records of the Council are clear and are available to all. Russia vetoed three different proposals for the extension of the Mechanism, the last of which simply extended it for a short period and requested the Secretary-General to make recommendations, but even that was unacceptable. Finally, on a note of agreement, I just want, like my Dutch colleague, to praise the incredible work of the White Helmets, who risk their own lives on a daily basis to save thousands of Syrians civilians. The President (spoke in Arabic): I now give the floor to the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic. Mr. Mounzer (Syrian Arab Republic) (spoke in Arabic): My country condemns and rejects in the strongest possible terms any use of chemical weapons or of any other weapon of mass destruction, as this constitutes a crime against humanity and an unethical and unjustifiable act, under any circumstances. The real target of such weapons is the Syrian people, who remain the primary victims of the crimes committed by armed terrorist groups, which have not hesitated to use chemical weapons against them. I reaffirm before the Security Council that my country has sought, and continues to seek, to identify the real perpetrators responsible for the use of chemical weapons in my country, Syria. Based on those steadfast principles, my Government joined the Chemical Weapons Convention and has honoured all of its commitments thereunder. My country achieved an unprecedented and definitive feat in the history of the Organization by ending the Syrian chemical-weapons programme in record time. That was corroborated in the report of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism to the Council in June 2014. My country is the party most desirous of uncovering the truth. We have always supported, and will continue to support, in principle any initiative by the Council whose aim is to establish the truth, identify those who are really trading in the blood of the Syrian people and using toxic chemical substances against Syrian civilians, including armed terrorist groups, as well as levelling false accusations against the Syrian Government. In that regard, on behalf of the Government of my country, I once again reiterate our condemnation of all American and Western allegations accusing us of committing chemical-weapon attacks in our country. I reaffirm that those accusations are groundless and cheap lies. International public opinion and the majority of United Nations Members now know that this is but standard procedure for the United States and its allies in the Council each and every time they learn that the armed terrorist groups that they finance, arm and support on the ground in Syria are at an impasse and losing ground to the advancing Syrian army and its allies. The latter are today waging a war, on behalf of the entire world, against terrorism, which, unfortunately, is being supported by certain Governments that have no interest 05/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8174 18-03099 17/17 in ensuring international peace and security and are solely seeking to advance their own political agendas. My Government reaffirms once again that the United States, the United Kingdom and France are fully responsible for the paralysis of international investigative mechanisms concerning the use of toxic chemical substances, as the Governments of those States are seeking to shield the armed terrorist groups that they support. We recall before all present here that it is Syria that originally called for an investigation into instances of the use of toxic gas by armed terrorist groups. False accusations against my Government of using toxic chemical substances are attempts to cover up its efforts to reveal to the world that certain armed terrorist groups and their sponsors have continued to perpetrate crimes against innocent civilians through the use, more than once, of toxic substances. The Syrian Government has provided the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) and the OPCW-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM) with evidence that proves that such groups possess banned toxic substances. We have repeatedly called for the carrying out of investigations to corroborate such evidence. However, our calls have been ignored. All of my colleagues here recall that the United States and its allies destroyed the JIM. Through their practices here in the Council, they put an end to the Mechanism. They brought pressure to bear on its Chair and its members by pressuring them to refuse to visit Khan Shaykhun. Rather than conduct a field visit to collect real evidence, they merely sought to level accusations and offered up evidence trumped up by Western countries to undermine Syria, to support terrorist groups and to cover up their responsibility for this incident. That occurred after the United States and its partners rejected the call by the Russian Federation to stop the politicization of the work of the JIM and to rectify its methodology by refraining from using false evidence and, instead, limiting itself to scientific and legally sound and reasonable proof. My country continues to honour all of its commitments — the ones we assumed when we joined the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons and on Their Destruction. We shall persevere in our fight against terrorism — a war that we will wage despite any political or media blackmail or any exploitation of the blood of innocent civilians in Syria. The Permanent Mission of the Syrian Arab Republic will today circulate a letter of the National Committee for the Implementation of the Chemical Weapons Convention, in response to the United States allegations vis-à-vis the work of the JIM and the Fact-finding Mission of the OPCW. The letter proves with scientific and legal evidence that the accusations against my country are false and that Syria has never used such chemicals, and will we ever use them, because we do not possess them. Let us recall that those who level such false accusations against Syria are the Governments of the same States with a dark history of using such internationally prohibited weapons against millions of innocent people — in Viet Nam, Cambodia, Algeria and the list goes on. Finally, on behalf of my Government, I would like to extend our gratitude to the Russian Federation and to friendly countries in the Council, countries that seek to establish truth based on their awareness about the pernicious aims behind the false accusations. They have demonstrated their commitment to the supremacy of the principles of international law and the Charter of the United Nations, as well as their conviction that such abnormal practices undermine the credibility of international actions and institutions and jeopardize international peace and security. The meeting rose at 11.45 a.m.
Introductions The breeding Saker Falcon (Falco cherrug) population on the mountain ridges of eastern Kazakhstan has been monitored since 2000, The monitoring program has revealed an overall population decline over the nine years of study from an estimated 66 breeding pairs in 2000 to 22 in 2008 (75.8%). Methods Eastern Kazakhstan has several large and many small mountain ridges that provide a large area of suitable Saker Falcon nesting habitat. The Saker Falcon breeding population of eastern Kazakhstan was monitored in the Tarbagatai Mountains, including its southern foothills of Arkaly and Karabas Mountains, and in the Manrak Mountains, which are situated to the north of the Tarbagatai range. The study areas were chosen because relatively high Saker Falcon densities were previously recorded in these regions and human activity is curtailed in this border zone. Survey routes were covered by 4WD vehicle UAZ 452 over a period of three months from the beginning of April, when most clutches are laid, until the end of June, when chicks have fledged. Nest locations were recorded with a Garmin GPS unit and recorded in an electronic database which also included a description of the nest site. Nest locations were then plotted on computerized maps and satellite images. Nest contents were recorded wherever possible, though in recent years we have avoided disturbing sitting birds during incubation. The breeding population of the region was estimated from the survey data obtained from 92 territories that had evidence of occupation in at least one year from 2000-08. For logistic reasons, it was not possible to visit every territory each year and the number of territories checked ranged from 10 in 2000 to 76 in 2007. Territories were classified as occupied if: there was an active nest, one or more adults were seen in the territory or signs of recent occupation such as fresh prey remains and mutes were found. Breeding was confirmed within occupied territories if eggs or young were seen in the nest. In order to estimate the number of breeding pairs at territories that were not visited it was necessary to multiply the number of unvisited territories by the proportion of confirmed breeding attempts at checked territories. This estimate was then added to the number of confirmed breeders to produce an overall population estimate for the 92 territories in the survey area. Distribution and Number The first Saker survey in eastern Kazakhstan was made in 1997 by Mark Watson, a British biologist who worked in closely with zoologists from Kazakhstan (Watson, 1997). This was the first time that nests had been recorded in Dzhungarsky Alatau, Tarbagatai and the Manrak Mountains. Since 1999 the study area has been expanded to include a considerable area of Tarbagatai Mountains including its southern and northern foothills as well as the Saur ridge, Kalbinsky Altai Mountains, Altai Mountains (Kurchumsky and the Narymsky ridges). For the first time in 50 years the largest of eastern Kazakhstan's forests were explored with the aim of locating raptor nests. The study located 25 Saker Falcon nests and 49 nests of the Imperial Eagle (Aquila heliaca), whose disused nests are the main source of nesting sites for Sakers (Karyakin et al., 2005; Levin et al., 2007). The foothills of the Kalba Mountains were surveyed in 2006 by a Kazakhstan-Russian team; three Saker Falcon breeding territories were recorded there (Smelansky et al., 2006). Before the 1960's the Saker was regarded as common, occupying almost all the mountain ridges and long cliffs of Kazakhstan (Korelov, 1962) and it is believed that this status remained the same up to the 1990's. Following the collapse of the former Soviet Union, the number of Saker Falcons in the wild began to decline sharply in parts of Kazakstan, primarily due to uncontrolled exploitation of the species for the Arabic falconry market with the greatest decline reported in the south-east of the country (Levin, 2001; 2003). Over nine years, from 2000-08 inclusive, a total of 92 Saker Falcon breeding territories were recorded in the eastern region of Kazakhstan. In Tarbagatai as well as other large mountain ridges, the density of Saker Falcon nests is low. Two attempts were made to find Saker nests in the montane zone of the Tarbagatai Mountains in 2006 and 2007 but no nests were found and only one Saker was seen in the area. Most breeding Sakers were located on the periphery of the main Tarbagatai Mountain range i.e., in the foothills. High breeding densities were recorded in the Arkaly and Karabas Mountains, located close to the Chinese border. A comparatively high density of nests was also observed in the Manrak Mountains, which are located to the north of the Tarbagatai Mountain range. Long-term monitoring of the Saker Falcon breeding population has allowed us to estimate the number of breeding pairs in our survey area over the period 2000-2008 (table 1). Our data indicates that over this 9-year period the breeding population has declined by 65% (fig. 4). In line with this decline the proportion of territories that are occupied by non-breeding birds has increased. Single males were found at over half the occupied territories where at least one Saker was observed but there was no evidence of breeding. Breeding Biology The nesting distribution of Sakers in the surveyed area of Eastern Kazakhstan revealed that the highest breeding densities are found in the foothills of the mountain ranges of the region, which is no doubt related to the availability of mammalian prey such as Great Gerbils (Rhomhomys opimus), Red-cheeked Sousliks (Spermophilus inlermedius) and Long-tailed Sousliks (Spermophilus undulatus), as well as the availability of suitable nesting sites. All Saker nests in Eastern Kazakhstan are located on open cliffs, under overhanging peaks and occasionally partly in niches. The main nest producers for the Saker Falcon in Eastern Kazakhstan are the Long-Legged and the Upland Buzzards (Buteo rufinus and B. hemilasius). Of 86 instances of Saker Falcon nesting, birds used nests of the Golden Eagle (Aquila chrysaetos) in two occasions, the Steppe Eagle (A. nipalensis) two occasions and Raven (Corvus corax) also in two. One clutch was found in a nest of the Eastern Imperial Eagle. In all the other instances the Saker used Buzzard nests. In the mountains of Eastern Kazakhstan Sakers start egg-laying from the middle of March and most pairs have completed clutches by the end of April, with a peak period in the third ten-day period of March. The mean and modal clutch size of 31 clutches was 3.9 eggs (range 3 to 6 eggs). The mean and modal size of 156 broods was 3.7 and 4 chicks respectively (range 1 to 6 chicks). There was no decline in brood size at successful nests over the study period (fig. 8). The number of breeding pairs was highest in 2002, which coincided with a peak in the number of Red-cheeked Soushks across the region. Discussion There being no apparent change to the habitat and no perceptible reduction in food supply the breeding population has steadily declined over the study period and the proportion of non-breeding territory holders has increased over the same period. This current breeding population decline in Eastern Kazakhstan mirrors the decline of the breeding Saker population in Southern Kazakhstan over the last decade of the 20th Century, which coincided with the illegal trapping for the falconry trade. We do not know the cause (or causes) of the current decline in eastern Kazakhstan but it is unlikely to be as a result of local factors in the breeding area. The breeding area is afforded some protection from human interference because of the restrictions on human access due to its close proximity to the Chinese border. Consequently, nest disturbance and trapping of breeding adults in the region is relatively low. However, after the breeding season young Sakers and most of the adult birds move from the Tarbagatai foothills and, around the same time, Sakers arrive in the flat, southern region of the Zaysan Valley where there are the colonies of Yellow Lemming (Lagurus luteus), and in the Balkhash-Alakol depression where there are high densities of Great Gerbil. Falcon trappers from Syria and other countries (including Kazakhstan) operate in these regions and catch Sakers from late June to December. Unfortunately, due to its illegality there is no data on the number, age profile or natal origin of the Sakers trapped in these regions, so it is not possible to gauge its impact on the population of eastern Kazakhstan, but with a rapidly declining regional breeding population the illegal trapping and trade of Sakers is certainly not helping the species. Whilst excessive illegal trapping of birds outside the breeding/natal area is a possible (if not probable) cause of the regional decline of Sakers in eastern Kazakhstan, there are other potential factors that could be implicated such as a decline in food availability in the breeding and/or wintering areas and increased mortality through electrocution on power lines. Conclusion In 2007 a reintroduction programme was initiated by the Government in response to the severe decline in the breeding population of southeast Kazakhstan. Under the framework of this program 60 Sakers (30 female, 30 male) were taken on July from «Sunkar» Falcon Facility, Almaty to the Sugary Valley. In 2008 another 50 birds were released and this programme is planned to continue for several years. ; Introductions The breeding Saker Falcon (Falco cherrug) population on the mountain ridges of eastern Kazakhstan has been monitored since 2000, The monitoring program has revealed an overall population decline over the nine years of study from an estimated 66 breeding pairs in 2000 to 22 in 2008 (75.8%). Methods Eastern Kazakhstan has several large and many small mountain ridges that provide a large area of suitable Saker Falcon nesting habitat. The Saker Falcon breeding population of eastern Kazakhstan was monitored in the Tarbagatai Mountains, including its southern foothills of Arkaly and Karabas Mountains, and in the Manrak Mountains, which are situated to the north of the Tarbagatai range. The study areas were chosen because relatively high Saker Falcon densities were previously recorded in these regions and human activity is curtailed in this border zone. Survey routes were covered by 4WD vehicle UAZ 452 over a period of three months from the beginning of April, when most clutches are laid, until the end of June, when chicks have fledged. Nest locations were recorded with a Garmin GPS unit and recorded in an electronic database which also included a description of the nest site. Nest locations were then plotted on computerized maps and satellite images. Nest contents were recorded wherever possible, though in recent years we have avoided disturbing sitting birds during incubation. The breeding population of the region was estimated from the survey data obtained from 92 territories that had evidence of occupation in at least one year from 2000-08. For logistic reasons, it was not possible to visit every territory each year and the number of territories checked ranged from 10 in 2000 to 76 in 2007. Territories were classified as occupied if: there was an active nest, one or more adults were seen in the territory or signs of recent occupation such as fresh prey remains and mutes were found. Breeding was confirmed within occupied territories if eggs or young were seen in the nest. In order to estimate the number of breeding pairs at territories that were not visited it was necessary to multiply the number of unvisited territories by the proportion of confirmed breeding attempts at checked territories. This estimate was then added to the number of confirmed breeders to produce an overall population estimate for the 92 territories in the survey area. Distribution and Number The first Saker survey in eastern Kazakhstan was made in 1997 by Mark Watson, a British biologist who worked in closely with zoologists from Kazakhstan (Watson, 1997). This was the first time that nests had been recorded in Dzhungarsky Alatau, Tarbagatai and the Manrak Mountains. Since 1999 the study area has been expanded to include a considerable area of Tarbagatai Mountains including its southern and northern foothills as well as the Saur ridge, Kalbinsky Altai Mountains, Altai Mountains (Kurchumsky and the Narymsky ridges). For the first time in 50 years the largest of eastern Kazakhstan's forests were explored with the aim of locating raptor nests. The study located 25 Saker Falcon nests and 49 nests of the Imperial Eagle (Aquila heliaca), whose disused nests are the main source of nesting sites for Sakers (Karyakin et al., 2005; Levin et al., 2007). The foothills of the Kalba Mountains were surveyed in 2006 by a Kazakhstan-Russian team; three Saker Falcon breeding territories were recorded there (Smelansky et al., 2006). Before the 1960's the Saker was regarded as common, occupying almost all the mountain ridges and long cliffs of Kazakhstan (Korelov, 1962) and it is believed that this status remained the same up to the 1990's. Following the collapse of the former Soviet Union, the number of Saker Falcons in the wild began to decline sharply in parts of Kazakstan, primarily due to uncontrolled exploitation of the species for the Arabic falconry market with the greatest decline reported in the south-east of the country (Levin, 2001; 2003). Over nine years, from 2000-08 inclusive, a total of 92 Saker Falcon breeding territories were recorded in the eastern region of Kazakhstan. In Tarbagatai as well as other large mountain ridges, the density of Saker Falcon nests is low. Two attempts were made to find Saker nests in the montane zone of the Tarbagatai Mountains in 2006 and 2007 but no nests were found and only one Saker was seen in the area. Most breeding Sakers were located on the periphery of the main Tarbagatai Mountain range i.e., in the foothills. High breeding densities were recorded in the Arkaly and Karabas Mountains, located close to the Chinese border. A comparatively high density of nests was also observed in the Manrak Mountains, which are located to the north of the Tarbagatai Mountain range. Long-term monitoring of the Saker Falcon breeding population has allowed us to estimate the number of breeding pairs in our survey area over the period 2000-2008 (table 1). Our data indicates that over this 9-year period the breeding population has declined by 65% (fig. 4). In line with this decline the proportion of territories that are occupied by non-breeding birds has increased. Single males were found at over half the occupied territories where at least one Saker was observed but there was no evidence of breeding. Breeding Biology The nesting distribution of Sakers in the surveyed area of Eastern Kazakhstan revealed that the highest breeding densities are found in the foothills of the mountain ranges of the region, which is no doubt related to the availability of mammalian prey such as Great Gerbils (Rhomhomys opimus), Red-cheeked Sousliks (Spermophilus inlermedius) and Long-tailed Sousliks (Spermophilus undulatus), as well as the availability of suitable nesting sites. All Saker nests in Eastern Kazakhstan are located on open cliffs, under overhanging peaks and occasionally partly in niches. The main nest producers for the Saker Falcon in Eastern Kazakhstan are the Long-Legged and the Upland Buzzards (Buteo rufinus and B. hemilasius). Of 86 instances of Saker Falcon nesting, birds used nests of the Golden Eagle (Aquila chrysaetos) in two occasions, the Steppe Eagle (A. nipalensis) two occasions and Raven (Corvus corax) also in two. One clutch was found in a nest of the Eastern Imperial Eagle. In all the other instances the Saker used Buzzard nests. In the mountains of Eastern Kazakhstan Sakers start egg-laying from the middle of March and most pairs have completed clutches by the end of April, with a peak period in the third ten-day period of March. The mean and modal clutch size of 31 clutches was 3.9 eggs (range 3 to 6 eggs). The mean and modal size of 156 broods was 3.7 and 4 chicks respectively (range 1 to 6 chicks). There was no decline in brood size at successful nests over the study period (fig. 8). The number of breeding pairs was highest in 2002, which coincided with a peak in the number of Red-cheeked Soushks across the region. Discussion There being no apparent change to the habitat and no perceptible reduction in food supply the breeding population has steadily declined over the study period and the proportion of non-breeding territory holders has increased over the same period. This current breeding population decline in Eastern Kazakhstan mirrors the decline of the breeding Saker population in Southern Kazakhstan over the last decade of the 20th Century, which coincided with the illegal trapping for the falconry trade. We do not know the cause (or causes) of the current decline in eastern Kazakhstan but it is unlikely to be as a result of local factors in the breeding area. The breeding area is afforded some protection from human interference because of the restrictions on human access due to its close proximity to the Chinese border. Consequently, nest disturbance and trapping of breeding adults in the region is relatively low. However, after the breeding season young Sakers and most of the adult birds move from the Tarbagatai foothills and, around the same time, Sakers arrive in the flat, southern region of the Zaysan Valley where there are the colonies of Yellow Lemming (Lagurus luteus), and in the Balkhash-Alakol depression where there are high densities of Great Gerbil. Falcon trappers from Syria and other countries (including Kazakhstan) operate in these regions and catch Sakers from late June to December. Unfortunately, due to its illegality there is no data on the number, age profile or natal origin of the Sakers trapped in these regions, so it is not possible to gauge its impact on the population of eastern Kazakhstan, but with a rapidly declining regional breeding population the illegal trapping and trade of Sakers is certainly not helping the species. Whilst excessive illegal trapping of birds outside the breeding/natal area is a possible (if not probable) cause of the regional decline of Sakers in eastern Kazakhstan, there are other potential factors that could be implicated such as a decline in food availability in the breeding and/or wintering areas and increased mortality through electrocution on power lines. Conclusion In 2007 a reintroduction programme was initiated by the Government in response to the severe decline in the breeding population of southeast Kazakhstan. Under the framework of this program 60 Sakers (30 female, 30 male) were taken on July from «Sunkar» Falcon Facility, Almaty to the Sugary Valley. In 2008 another 50 birds were released and this programme is planned to continue for several years.
