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Intro -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- Contributors -- 1 Club Women and the Provision of Local Public Goods -- 1.1 Introduction -- 1.2 History of Women's Clubs in the 19th and Early 20th Century US -- 1.2.1 Religious Roots and Community Support -- 1.2.2 Provision of Local Public Goods and Club Goods -- 1.2.3 Political and Regulatory Influence -- 1.3 The Theory of Goods that are Neither Public Nor Private -- 1.4 The Organization of Collective Action by Women's Clubs -- 1.4.1 Overcoming the Collective Action Problem -- 1.4.2 Providing Local Public Goods within a Polycentric System -- 1.5 Conclusion -- References -- 2 Samuel J. Tilden, Iron Money and the Election of 1876 -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 A Protégé of Van Buren -- 2.3 Iron Money -- 2.4 Panic of 1873 -- 2.5 Iron Money During the Election of 1876 -- 2.6 The Money Issue During the Election of 1876 -- References -- 3 The Impact of Decentralization on Municipalities: Evidence from the Municipal Home Rule Movement -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 The Evolving State-Municipal Relationship -- 3.2.1 Categorizing Constitutions: Dillon's Rule Versus the Cooley Doctrine -- 3.2.2 Home Rule -- 3.3 The Impact of Government Structure on Outcomes -- 3.4 Empirical Strategy -- 3.5 Data -- 3.6 Analysis -- 3.7 Conclusion -- References -- 4 Organized Opposition: The Anti-Federalist Political Network -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 The Contours of the Debate -- 4.3 The Role of Newspapers -- 4.4 Examining the Spread of Federalist and Anti-Federalist Literature -- 4.5 Comparing the Federalist and Anti-Federalist Newspaper Networks -- 4.6 Conclusion -- References -- 5 Bootleggers and Baptists in the Passage of Federal Surface Mining Law -- 5.1 Introduction -- 5.2 The Economics of Regulation -- 5.3 History of Surface Mining Regulations -- 5.4 Coal Context -- 5.5 Coal Ownership Patterns -- 5.6 Topographical Differences.

Frontmatter -- Preface -- Contents -- June 1957: Shock! -- A new prime minister -- The switch to opposition -- St Laurent resigns as party leader -- Pearson takes over -- Parliament is dissolved February 1958 -- Fighting for my political life -- Election results -- Organizing my life -- Pearson as leader -- Parliament opens -- The Broadcasting Act -- The BC ferry crisis -- Atlantic affairs -- The tide begins to ebb: 1959 -- The RCMP in Newfoundland -- How Newfoundland Liberal MPs reacted to Pearson -- Newfoundland and term 29 -- Federal-provincial relations -- The Trans-Canada highway -- The National Gallery -- 'Heads will roll' -- Immigration and citizenship -- Diefenbaker and the Speaker -- To the end of 1959 -- 1960: Unemployment -- The Opposition supports reforms -- The Bill of Rights -- The Kingston conference -- Away from Parliament -- The session of 1960-61 -- The Coyne affair -- A bill to remove Coyne -- Rights to hearings -- The Senate and the Coyne affair -- The treatment of Donald Gordon -- Diefenbaker's problems with his ministers -- Serious moments -- Frivolous moments -- Outside Parliament -- The session of 1962 -- Argue quits the NOP -- Ariwna Charlie's -- Redistribution -- The election of 1962 -- The new Parliament -- The first vote of confidence -- Speaker Lambert and the House -- The second vote of confidence -- Breaches of responsible government -- The Atlantic Development Board -- Bilingualism and Biculturalism -- The nuclear crisis -- The government falls -- The election of 1963 -- A Liberal government agam -- The Gordon budget -- Adjusting the Atlantic Development Board -- Diefenbaker repudiates his party -- Divorces settled -- The Social Credit schism -- Crisis over Hal Banks -- The Social Credit dispute settled -- Further tribulations of a House leader -- Redistribution under way -- Ministerial duties -- Winding up the session of 1963 -- Reflections -- Index

"The shocking first-draft history of the Trump regime, and its clear authoritarian impulses, based on the viral Internet phenom "The Weekly List." In the immediate aftermath of Donald Trump's election as president, Amy Siskind, a former Wall Street executive and the founder of The New Agenda, began compiling a list of actions taken by the Trump regime that pose a threat to our democratic norms. Under the headline: "Experts in authoritarianism advise to keep a list of things subtly changing around you, so you'll remember" Siskind's "Weekly List" began as a project she shared with friends, but it soon went viral and now has more than half a million viewers every week. Compiled in one volume for the first time, The List is a first draft history and a comprehensive accounting of Donald Trump's first year. Beginning with Trump's acceptance of white supremacists the week after the election and concluding a year to the day later, we watch as Trump and his regime chips away at the rights and protections of marginalized communities, of women, of us all, via Twitter storms, unchecked executive action, and shifting rules and standards. The List chronicles not only the scandals that made headlines but just as important, the myriad smaller but still consequential unprecedented acts that otherwise fall through cracks. It is this granular detail that makes The List such a powerful and important book. For everyone hoping to #resistTrump, The List is a must-have guide to what we as a country have lost in the wake of Trump's election. #Thisisnotnormal"--

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- List of Tables and Illustrations -- Preface -- Prologue: The Clash in the Council -- Revising Regime Studies -- Studying the Chicago City Council -- Notes -- Part I: Divided Councils -- 1 Nineteenth-Century and Civil War Councils: 1833-1871 -- Mayor and Party Leaders in the Civil War City Council -- Civil War Clashes -- The Powers of Local Government -- The End of the War, 1863-1865 -- Notes -- 2 The Councils of the Gray Wolves, 1871-1931 -- The Birth of Chicago Machine Politics, 1871-1905 -- Edward Dunne's Council, 1905-1907 -- Fred Busse's Council, 1907-1908 -- Big Bill Thompson's Councils, 1915-1923 and 1927-1931 -- Fragmented City Councils -- Notes -- Part II: Rubber Stamp Councils -- 3 Kelly-Nash Machine Council, 1933-1947 -- The City Council, 1939-1940 -- The Chicago Machine -- Notes -- 4 Richard J. Daley's Rubber Stamp, 1955-1976 -- Aldermanic Elections of 1955 -- The Council of 1955 -- Richard J. Daley's Last Years -- Participatory Versus Machine Politics -- Notes -- 5 Michael Bilandic's Interlude, 1976-1979 -- The Bilandic Council -- The Silent Revolution -- Notes -- 6 Jane Byrne's Turmoil, 1979-1983 -- The Byrne Council: Young Turks Come to Power -- Tearing Down the Daley Machine -- Growing Revolt in the African-American Community -- Notes -- Part III: Council Wars and Chaos -- 7 Harold Washington's Council Wars, 1983-1987 -- 1983 Campaign -- Council Wars -- 1987 Elections -- From Council Wars to Rubber Stamp -- The Brief Triumph of Progressive Politics -- Notes -- 8 Eugene Sawyer's Chaos, 1987-1989 -- Sawyer's Selection -- The Sawyer City Council -- Chaotic Interlude -- Notes -- Part IV: Return to Mayoral Control -- 9 Daley's Return, 1989-2003 -- Democratic Primary -- General Election -- The New Daley Council -- The New Daley Machine -- Notes

Intro -- Dedication -- Preface -- Contents -- Notes on Contributors -- Acronyms -- Chapter 1: The Age of Trudeau and Trump -- References -- Chapter 2: The Promise and Perils of Justin Trudeau's Foreign Policy -- Preparation: The Lead-Up to the 2015 Election -- Salad Days: From the 2015 Election to Trump -- All Hands on Deck: After Trump's Election -- Looking Ahead: Promise and Perils -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 3: Promises Made, Promises Kept? A Mid-term Trudeau Foreign Policy Report Card -- The Electoral Context -- Promises, Promises -- "Canada Is Back" -- Canada as Internationalist Peacekeeper -- Central and Eastern Europe -- The Counter-ISIL Promise -- Syrian Refugees -- The F-35 Promise -- Trudeau and the Rise of Trump -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 4: What's Not to Like? Justin Trudeau, the Global Disorder, and Liberal Illusions -- Liberal Hegemony: US Grand Strategy Since the Second World War -- Global Disorder: Crisis, Multi-polarity, and Resistance -- Trudeau and the Global Disorder: Canada in the Middle East and Eastern Europe -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 5: Canada-US Relations Under President Trump: Stop Reading the Tweets and Look to the Future -- 1. What's Up Under Trudeau and Trump? -- 2. Canada and the United States in a Changing World: Demographic and Social Change -- 3. Fundamental Transformations in the Energy and Climate Systems -- 4. The Fourth Industrial Revolution: Disruptive Technologies, Competitiveness, Innovation, and Trade -- 5. So What Might All of This Mean for Canada, the United States, and Bilateral Relations? -- 6. Conclusion: The Shape of Things to Come -- References -- Chapter 6: Canada's International Environmental Policy: Trudeau's Trifecta of Challenges -- Trudeau's International Environmental Agenda -- The Bilateral Blockage in Multilateral Aspirations.

"'We were eight years in power' was the lament of Reconstruction-era black politicians as the American experiment in multiracial democracy ended with the return of white supremacist rule in the South. In this sweeping collection of new and selected essays, Ta-Nehisi Coates explores the tragic echoes of that history in our own time: the unprecedented election of a black president followed by a vicious backlash that fueled the election of the man Coates argues is America's 'first white president.' But the story of these present-day eight years is not just about presidential politics. This book also examines the new voices, ideas, and movements for justice that emerged over this period--and the effects of the persistent, haunting shadow of our nation's old and unreconciled history. Coates powerfully examines the events of the Obama era from his intimate and revealing perspective--the point of view of a young writer who begins the journey in an unemployment office in Harlem and ends it in the Oval Office, interviewing a president. We Were Eight Years in Power features Coates's iconic essays first published in The Atlantic, including 'Fear of a Black President,' 'The Case for Reparations,' and 'The Black Family in the Age of Mass Incarceration,' along with eight fresh essays that revisit each year of the Obama administration through Coates's own experiences, observations, and intellectual development, capped by a bracingly original assessment of the election that fully illuminated the tragedy of the Obama era. We Were Eight Years in Power is a vital account of modern America, from one of the definitive voices of this historic moment."--Jacket

Front Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Contents -- Figures -- Acknowledgements -- Beasts and Gods -- Introduction: What Is Democracy? -- Part I -- 1: Democracy in Athens: People Power is Born -- How Athenian Democracy Worked -- Random Power: The Key to Democratic Success in Athens -- 2: The Myth of Representation -- First-Past-the-Post: The Winner Takes It All -- Other Electoral Systems -- Modern Democracy as Symbolic Democracy -- 3: Buying and Selling Elections -- The High Cost of Campaigning -- You Get What You Pay for: The Vicious Circle of Political Donations and Government Action -- A Fistful of Euros: Buying Irish Local Elections -- Representative Democracy: Second Place is the First Loser -- Why Referenda Fail -- Why Regulation Fails -- Elections: The Perfect Habitat for Manipulation -- 4: Participation: Bought In or Locked Out? -- The Struggle to Participate in Modern Democracy -- Participation in Modern Democracy: Running to Stand Still -- The Athenian View on Participation -- Different But (More) Equal: Decision-Making in Athens -- From Ancient Duty to Modern Privilege -- 5: Modern Democracy and the International System: A Perfect Storm -- The United Nations -- The World Bank Group and the International Monetary Fund -- At the International Casino the House Always Wins -- 6: Non-Governmental Organizations and the Civil Society Chimera -- The Nature of Modern NGOs: Charity Begins in the Boardroom -- The Dark Underbelly of NGO Lobbying: Roundtables, Drugs and Lots of Cash -- Representative Democracy and the International System: Fertile Ground for Oligarchy -- 7: How Did Things Get to Be This Way? The Roman Republican System and the Founding Fathers of America -- Roman Politics: Déjà Vu -- All Sizzle and No Steak: The Roman System Rots at the Core.

Discursive Strategies and Political Hegemony -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Preface -- Chapter 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Guiding aims and questions -- 1.2 Outline of the book -- Chapter 2. The short political history of Turkey and the akp -- 2.1 The single party-rule of the CHP and the problematization of it -- 2.2 The short political history of the AKP -- 2.3 Positioning the AKP and the AKP's self-positioning in Turkish politics -- Chapter 3. How to approach political discourse: Deliberation, agonism and beyond -- 3.1 Conceptualizing democratic politics in terms of conflict -- 3.2 Deliberative democracy and agonistic pluralism: Main premises and criticisms -- 3.3 Critical realist theory of hegemony and critical discourse analysis -- Chapter 4. Analyzing political discourse: Method, implementation and data -- 4.1 Categorization of political speeches -- 4.2 Discourse-Historical Approach and its implementation -- 4.3 Data, selection criteria and guiding questions -- Chapter 5. The analyses of the political speeches -- 5.1 An election rally speech by R. Tayyip Erdoğan -- 5.1.1 The analysis of the election rally speech -- 5.1.2 Conclusion -- 5.2 A party group speech by Recep T. Erdoğan -- 5.2.1 The analysis of the speech -- 5.2.2 Conclusion -- 5.3 Ministerial speeches -- 5.3.1 Texts and analyses -- 5.3.2 Conclusion -- Chapter 6. Conclusion: Evaluating the politics of the akp in light of the analyses -- 6.1 Summary of the theory, questions and methodology -- 6.1.1 Theoretical grounding -- 6.1.2 Questions and data -- 6.2 Results revisited on the discursive level -- 6.3 Links between the results and the wider socio-political context -- 6.4 Concluding remarks -- Bibliography -- Appendices: The analyzed texts in turkish -- The Election Rally Speech by Recep Tayyip Erdoğan (03.6.2011)

Intro -- Technology in Retrospect -- Social Studies in the Information Age 1984-2009 -- a volume in -- International Social Studies Forum: The Series -- Series Editors: Richard Diem, The University of Texas at San Antonio Jeff Passe, Towson University -- CONTENTS -- 1. As It Was-1984 -- 2. In the Beginning, Apple: Ways in Which the Vision Progressed -- 3. Young Learners: Constructing Social Studies With Technology -- 4. The Internet in Social Studies Classrooms: Lost Opportunity or Unexplored Frontier? -- 5. Digital History and the Emergence of Digital Historical Literacies -- 6. From Personal Pastime to Curricular Resource: The Case of Digital Documentaries in the Social Studies -- 7. Where We've Been -- Where We Are -- Where We're Going: Geospatial Technologies and Social Studies -- 8. Framing Children as Citizens: A Journey From the Real World to Digital Spaces -- 9. Wired to Act: Black Youth's Civic Engagement and Technology Use in 21st Century Elections -- 10. An Examination of Technology Use in Middle School Social Studies Classrooms During the 2008 U.S. Presidential Election Cycle: A Case Study -- 11. High School Utilization of Technology as a Source of Information for the 2008 U.S. Presidential Election: A Case Study -- 12. Consumers or Producers of Democracy: Moving Civic Education from the Information to the Empowerment Age -- 13. Globally Connected Social Studies: Making it Real, Making it Relevant -- 14. Media Convergence and the Social Studies -- 15. Social and Cultural Implications of Technology Integration in Social Studies Education -- 16. Social Studies and Technology 2009-2034 -- International Social Studies Forum: The Series -- Richard Diem and Jeff Passe, Series Editors -- Technology in Retrospect -- Social Studies in the Information Age 1984-2009 -- edited by -- Richard Diem The University of Texas at San Antonio -- and.

Intro -- Running for Freedom: Civil Rights and Black Politics in America since 1941 -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of Images -- Preface to the Fourth Edition -- Acknowledgments -- Abbreviations Used in the Text -- Chapter 1 World War II and the Origins of the Freedom Struggle -- Victory at Home and Abroad -- A Troubled Peace -- Women and the Civil Rights Movement -- Seedtime of Reform -- Chapter 2 Ballots, Boycotts, and the Building of a National Agenda -- The Truman Administration and Civil Rights -- The Election of Dwight D. Eisenhower -- Community Mobilization and the Montgomery Bus Boycott -- Massive Resistance and Eisenhower Moderation -- The Tuskegee Struggle -- Fayette County, Tennessee -- A Measure of Progress -- Chapter 3 Surging Protest, Shifting Politics -- Crusaders for Citizenship -- The Kennedy Administration and Civil Rights -- SNCC's Encounter with Mississippi -- Martin Luther King, Jr., the SCLC, and the Crisis at Birmingham -- Freedom Votes, Freedom Summer -- The Triumph of LBJ -- Chapter 4 Reenfranchisement and Racial Consciousness -- The Selma Movement and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 -- Rise of Black Power -- Malcolm X -- Racial Polarization -- The Nixon Administration and Benign Neglect -- Black Caucuses and Conventions -- Chapter 5 The New Black Politicians: From Protest to Empowerment -- Civil Rights and the Promise of Electoral Politics -- Obstacles to Officeholding -- High Hopes, Limited Rewards -- Black Women Officeholders -- Black Mayors in Atlanta and Tuskegee -- Black Rule in Cleveland and Gary -- The New Challenge -- Chapter 6 Progress and Poverty: Politics in a Conservative Era -- Black Political Influence and the Ford Administration -- The Election of Jimmy Carter -- Affirmative Action and Bakke -- The Election of Ronald Reagan -- The Reagan Assault and Hard Times.

With interest groups significantly affecting economic performance (according to Mancur Olson) and a vital interest of governments in economic growth and low unemployment in order to win elections, there should be a link between political business cycles and the evolution of lobbies over time which has totally been ignored in the literature up to now. In modeling this link in a theoretical and empirical way we try to answer two questions: Is it possible to interpret Olson's Law of Interest Groups not only as a long run phenomenon but also in a short-run perspective, integrating it into the theory of political business cycles? And: is there any empirical evidence that a typical pattern of lobby behavior and macroeconomic status exists which is consistent over a couple of election periods? In order to investigate these issues, we first analyze some literature that is usually ignored in the more technical contributions evaluating Olsonś law, but proves to be highly important as background for answering the above mentioned questions. We then illustrate how a model consisting of Olsonś interest-groups theory and the endeavors of governments to win the majority of votes in elections could look like, before we perform a time-series-analysis based on the lobby-list of the German Bundestag in order to gain some more insights into the relationships between lobbies, governments and voters. As a result we discover a consistent behavior of the lobbies over the cycle that boils down to some kind of non-aggression pact between the lobbies and the governments irrespective of their political alignments. -- interest groups ; political business cycles ; growth ; unemployment ; inflation

'This clear and comprehensive textbook will be invaluable for undergraduate and graduate courses on elections and voting behaviour. Complex theoretical and statistical ideas are explained lucidly and effectively - no mean achievement' - Representation 'Voters and Voting fills a yawning gap in the study of elections and voting behaviour. No other book today matches the breadth and depth of coverage provided by Jocelyn Evans. This book is destined to become a staple in university courses on elections, parties and political methodology. It will also be a well-thumbed addition to scholars' personal libraries' - David M Farrell, The University of Manchester This accessible textbook provides a comprehensive introduction and guide to theories of voting and electoral behaviour. The text introduces the concept of voting and traces the historical origins and development of voting theories up to and including present-day techniques and models. Approaches reviewed include the early social and psychological models, through the rational choice, spatial modelling and economic theories, to the more sophisticated contemporary models. By carefully presenting and explaining the major technical and methodological advances made in voting studies, the text serves to provide a complete review of the different approaches and techniques that have characterized this area of study from its origins to the present day. The book includes separate chapters on abstention and electoral competition, and employs a range of empirical examples from a number of countries. It concludes by looking at how voting studies might evolve in the future. Voters and Voting: An Introduction will be essential reading for all students of electoral and political behaviour across the social and political sciences.

В работе предложена классификация совокупности избирателей по критерию отношения к участию в выборах. Показано, что повышение активности избирателей может существенно влиять на распределение политических сил. Предложена корректировка избирательной стратегии политических партий. ; The paper proposes a classification of the aggregate of voters by the criterion of the attitude to participation in elections. It is shown that increasing the activity of voters can significantly influence the distribution of political forces. An adjustment of the electoral strategy of political parties is proposed.

Over the past 30 years, the mixed parallel electoral system has become one of the popular types of electoral systems used in elections to national legislatures. Curiously, it received the highest popularity in authoritarian regimes. The article attempts to identify internal political factors that contribute to the introduction of mixed parallel electoral systems under the conditions of electoral authoritarianism. To perform this task, the author uses the binary logistic regression method. In this study, the author makes an assumption that when implementing electoral reform under authoritarianism, the ruling elite is largely guided by the desire to maintain and strengthen its power. The study shows that the mixed parallel electoral system is most likely to be introduced during the period of regime transformation. At the initial stage of the consolidation of an authoritarian regime that allows multi-party competition, the ruling elite faces the challenge of institutionalizing electoral uncertainty. The effectiveness and durability of the political regime depends on how the risks associated with elections are neutralized. The mechanical combination of majoritarian and proportional representation principles opens up an opportunity to utilize the advantages of each of the electoral formulas conditional on the political situation, allowing the existing authorities to gain control over the sweeping majority of seats in parliament even when electoral competition is increasing and the support for the dominant party is falling. According to the author's conclusion, the use of the mixed parallel system plays an important role in the consolidation of an authoritarian regime. Due to the mechanisms inherent in this system, the ruling elite can efficiently manipulate elections, ensuring the survival and stability of the authoritarian order.

Democracy that has lasted so far is not only understood as an effort to build a better government system but is also intended as an effort to create citizen participation in building a good political and governance system. But in reality, it does not produce a sense of security, peace, order and social order. This paper is intended to look at the phenomenon of democracy, especially election practices, not only from a political and power perspective, but also to see how elections actually create social disharmony in the Yogyakarta city community. This paper is based on one argument, namely: that democracy is intended to build a more open, just, peaceful and prosperous society that does not work properly because the understanding and practices of democracy that have been practiced so far have actually led to increased resistance and social disharmony. This paper uses a qualitative analytical method with data sourced from direct observation and from local newspapers. From this research it was found that (1) social conflict in villages, especially in Yogyakarta is getting higher and social resistance is increasing; (2) Community grouping, and segregation tend to be based on religious and political affiliations; and village gangs (3) Villages that used to be administratively separated, were instead claimed as the village of certain groups which referred to certain religious-based groups or parties. From this paper it can be concluded that the conflicts that occurred in the city of Yogyakarta during the 2019 presidential election were more caused by village-based sentiments and solidarity of certain parties and groups rather than conflicts between elites.