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Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Chronology -- Introduction The Age of Paine -- The Problem of Thomas Paine -- British Radical Traditions, 1688-1789 -- Natural Rights and Natural Law -- The Emergence of the Reform Movement -- 1: 'Apostle of Liberty': The Life of Thomas Paine -- 2: 'The Cause of All Mankind': Paine and the American Revolution -- Colonial Radicalism, 1765-76 -- Independence Sounded: Common Sense (1776) -- Interpreting Common Sense -- The Tories Respond -- Paine at War: The American Crisis (1776-83) -- American Independence as a Democratic Revolution -- 3: Republicanism Contested: Burke's Reflections (1790) and the Rights of Man (1791-92) -- Radicalism and Dissent, 1788-90 -- The 'Manifesto of a Counter-revolution': Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790) -- Early Responses to Burke (1790-92) -- Exporting America: The Rights of Man. Being an Answer to Mr. Burke's Attack on the French Revolution (February 1791) -- Towards Social Justice: The Rights of Man, Part Second. Combining Principle and Practice (1792) -- 4: Paine's Achievement -- Constitutionalism, Conventions and Republicanism -- Natural Rights and Natural Law -- Commerce, Wealth and Equality -- Quakerism and the Millennium -- Paine's Language and Appeal -- 5: A Great Awakening: The Birth of the Revolutionary Party -- 'The Whiskey of Infidelity and Treason': The Rights of Man and Popular Politics -- How Paine was Read -- 'All Change at Hounslow': Middle-class Radicalism and the Painites -- Critics from the Left -- 6: Inequality Vindicated: The Government Party -- Painophobia Unleashed: Governmental and Loyalist Reaction -- Scurrilous Abuse -- Arguments Against the Rights of Man: Property and Civilization -- Natural Rights and the State of Nature -- The Painite Counterattack.

Chapter 6 Smart Commons or a "Smart Approach" to the Commons?Introduction; Commons and Commoning; Maintaining and Defending the Commons in the Smart City; Google-Waze: A Matter of Collective Intelligence; Chattanooga, the "Gig City"; OWN: Informality and Commoning; Concluding Remarks; Acknowledgment; References; Chapter 7 Against the Romance of the Smart Community: The Case of Milano 4 You; Introduction; Community, Capitalism, and Consumption; Smart Milan; A Smart Community of Residents?; Toward a Dialectical Understanding of the "Smart Community"; Acknowledgment; References

This book addresses the long-standing puzzle of how China's private sector manages to grow without secure property rights, and proposes a new theory of selective property rights to explain this phenomenon. Drawing on rich empirical evidence including in-depth interviews, a unique national survey of private entrepreneurs, two original national audit experiments and secondary sources, Professor Yue Hou shows that private entrepreneurs in China actively seek opportunities within formal institutions to advance their business interests. By securing seats in the local legislatures, entrepreneurs use their political capital to deter local officials from demanding bribes, ad hoc taxes, and other types of informal payments. In doing so they create a system of selective, individualized, and predictable property rights. This system of selective property rights is key to understanding the private sector growth in the absence of the rule of law.

Exercising Human Rights investigates why human rights are not universally empowering and why this damages people attempting to exercise rights. It takes a new approach in looking at humans as the subject of human rights rather than the object and exposes the gendered and ethnocentric aspects of violence and human subjectivity in the context of human rights. Using an innovative visual methodology, Redhead shines a new critical light on human rights campaigns in practice. She examines two cases in-depth. First, she shows how Amnesty International depicts women negatively in their 2004 'Stop Viol.

The death penalty is like no other punishment. Its continued existence in many countries of the world creates political tensions within these countries and between governments of retentionist and abolitionist countries. After the Second World War, more and more countries have abolished the death penalty. This article argues that the major determinants of this global trend towards abolition are political, a claim which receives support in a quantitative cross-national analysis from 1950 to 2002. Democracy, democratisation, international political pressure on retentionist countries and peer group effects in relatively abolitionist regions all raise the likelihood of abolition. There is also a partisan effect, as abolition becomes more likely if the chief executive's party is left wing-oriented. Cultural, social and economic determinants receive only limited support. The global trend towards abolition will go on if democracy continues to spread around the world and abolitionist countries stand by their commitment to press for abolition all over the world. Adapted from the source document.

International audience ; In the current era of globalization, the world is diversifying as never before. Inequalities in economic, social, spiritual, political and civil matters characterise daily life. Estimates consider 80% of global disease burden lies in "developing" or low-income countries, based on crude calculations by disability-adjusted life years (DALYs) [1]. And measures do not seem to be in place to redress these inequalities. For instance, the Commission on Health Research Development estimated, albeit several years ago, that 90% of all global research and development expenditure is dedicated to 10% of the world's disease burden, primarily concentrated in wealthier countries [2]. Today, there may be a new climate of awareness maturing. Governments representing "developed" or high-income countries often discuss the urgent need to help the world's poorest or rescue the "bottom billion" from devastating illness [3-4]. However the optimistic rhetoric is not always matched by foreign policy and international trade agreements (consider TRIPS [5], the World Trade Organization's Trade-Related Aspects of International Property Rights Agreement consolidating strict patent rules worldwide with significant impact on access to essential medicines). The following perspective provides a comprehensive overview of the right to health and proposes a human rights-based approach to health as a sustainable framework that transcends borders for justice in healthcare.

Ever since the constitutional revolution of the 1930s, constitutional law and theory have been dominated by questions of civil rights. The expansion of rights under the Warren Court constituted a deep-seated shift in judicial attitudes that has proved remarkably stable over time. Despite protests in some quarters that the Burger Court (1969–1986) and the current Rehnquist Court have undermined civil rights recognized during the Warren Court era (1953–1969), the fact is that the changes have been surprisingly marginal. Even precedents that were widely believed to be endangered species a decade ago – such asMirandaandRoe v. Wade– continue in force, although they have indeed been pruned back. Despite their importance, however, these high-profile cases do not go to the core of the Supreme Court's agenda. The core is epitomized byBrown v. Board of Educationon the one hand, representing an aggressive and interventionist attitude toward government discrimination against discrete minorities, and footnote four of theCarotene Productscase, on the other hand, representing an extraordinarily deference to the political process with respect to economic regulation. The Rehnquist Court's commitment to this core agenda is not dramatically different than that of its predecessors, at least not when the broad sweep of constitutional law is taken into account.