When the author embarked on her study, her aim was to approach former colonial officers with a view to analyzing processes of domination in the ex-Belgian Congo. However, after establishing a rapport with some of these officers, the author was soon forced to revise her initial assumptions, widely held in present-day Belgium: these officers were not the "baddies" she had expected to meet. Exploring the colonial experience through the respondents' memories resulted in a far more complex picture of the colonial situation than she had anticipated, again forcing her to question her origi
With the attack on the Capitol by the 'Proud Boys', Donald Trump's 'deep state' allegations reached the peak of US conspiracy ideologies. Conspiracy was at the core of Trump's policies, including his repeated claims that President Barack Obama was born in Africa. It reflects Trump's deep dislike of African states. After all, a third of the Republican electorate agreed with the far-right QAnon paranoia and other bizarre conspiracy theories. From the outside, the United States was taking on the shape of a banana republic. When US media identified a South African journalist as the mastermind behind QAnon's global rollout in 2019, many Republicans equated Africa with Pandora's box. However, it is no coincidence that the black continent is associated with occult powers. In the social sciences, the modernity of witchcraft beliefs in Africa has been debated hotly for decades. Modern techniques and utensils have become central to the occult's continued importance to Africans. The crisis of the modern nation-state is closely intertwined with the global spread of neoliberal capitalism and the 'invisible hand' that shapes its political and material conditions and forms of society. Beliefs in witchcraft and zombies reflect the alienation of labour, capitalist exploitation, and class formation in African societies. The poor of Africa and the people of the Global South in general, do not lack modernity but have been denied the promise of modernization. Today, even cybercriminals working in the Ivory Coast, impersonating Europeans on social media profiles and seducing partners into falling in love with them, feel compelled to seek the advice of witch doctors to outwit their prey. Given the worldwide importance of social media, this suggests that the virtual space of the global economy as a hotbed of magic and witchcraft is under researched. As in the US election campaign and its entanglement with fake news, examination of the cosmology of the occult in Africa and elsewhere reveals the threat of destructive forces inherent in social relations. African religions could provide a framework for valuable self-determined solutions to current problems in contemporary life, including the issue of witchcraft violence. In addition, this could open up an inspiring new dimension of philosophical thinking and emancipative action to the outside world, for example, regarding conflict resolution and reconciliation.
The impact of occult belief on legitimacy of the state and on aid for democratization in Africa: Among politicians and development experts in Africa alike there is a growing awareness of the never decreasing importance of the belief in magic and witchcraft on political decision making since pre-colonial times. Demonstration of the control of occult forces as a means of enhancing legitimacy of traditional or charismatic rule had been considered for over a century to be the prerogative of traditional chiefs and their marabouts; now it proved to be effective for the modern political elite and the state as well. An increasing number of African states officially recognized the existence of magic and witchcraft, and they adapted the imposed colonial law accordingly. In addition magic-religious belief systems, as represented by the vodun or African independent churches (e.g. the Kimbanguists), boasting to control witchcraft, are promoted by African political leaders to enhance legitimacy both of the political class and of state governance. At the same time, development experts tried to take into account the socio cultural dimension of development; they called for an "endogenization" of development aid. This call was justified, because endogenization should be considered as a pre-requisite of sustainable aid; however, under certain conditions it may be ambiguous and dangerous as well. Concerning the consideration of occult belief it may lead to the promotion of illegitimate rule and violation of basic human rights. - Version révisée et améliorée de l'auteur en français de: (1997): Zum Einfluß des Okkulten auf staatliche Legitimität und Demokratisierungshilfe in Afrika, Sociologus, 47, 1997, 1, p. 24-50. Layout revised, hyperlinks to sources added, 13 janvier 2022.
The (western) order of law and politics and the Guaraní society are based on a very different logic and on very different communications. This booklet explores the differences from the point of view of systems thinking and analizes the original proposal made by Bolivia´s indigenous groups for a Plurinational State as an attempt to set up the basic structure for a true dialogue between two different orders of society.
This article focuses on the role of the Société ethnologique de Paris, founded in 1839, in the process of institutionalising the race. It clarifies the influence of colonial political and economic circles and of a network of St simonians in the construction of the race as a scientific category which, on the one hand, plays an important role in the parliamentary discussion on the abolition of slavery and, on the other hand, feeds into new settlement plans. Racial thinking and its role in European modernity are analysed through discussions in the Society's sessions, but also in the Chamber of Deputies. These discussions articulate first-generation colonial project, based on trafficking and slavery plantation, and second-generation colonisation, based on the territorial annexation of Africa and Asia combined with new forms of forced labour. The so-called scientific race, from its inception, is a uniquely political concept. ; International audience This article focuses on the role of the Ethnological Society of Paris, founded in 1839, in the process of institutionalisation of race. It elucidates the influence of the colonial political and economic circles, as well as that of a network of Saint-Simonians in the construction of race as a scientific category, which, on the one hand, takes an important place in the parliamentary debate on the abolition of Slavery and, on the other hand, fuels apologetics of new colonization projects. Racial thinking and its role in European modernity are analysed through the discussions held at the meetings of the Society, but also at the Chamber of Deputies. These discussions articulate first-generation colonial projects, based on slave trade and plantations, and second-generation colonisation, based on the territorial annexation of Africa and Asia linked with new forms of forced labour. The so-called scientific race, from its very beginnings, is a singularly political notion. ; This article focuses on the role of the Société ethnologique de Paris, founded in 1839, in the process of ...
International audience Employing a sociological actor-centred approach, this article explores the interrelations between individual and organisational dynamics by investigating how national civil society organisations' (CSOs) leaders, board and rank-and-file members' views of Europe(s) contribute to the CSOs' process of reaching consensus about going European. Bottom-up Europeanization and social movement studies are employed to analyse the case of a French CSO joining a European network of national CSOs in order to defend the rights of binational couples. These couples, composed of a European and an extra-European citizen, have been particularly affected since mid-1990 by restrictive policies that the EU has attempted to harmonise, but that remain nationally rooted. Thanks to an in-depth ethnography and drawing on the 'usages of Europe' and the 'Europeanness' literature, three views of Europe, arguments to use or not to use Europe in CSOs, have been identified. These views, defined as instrumental, pro-European and Euro-sceptical, depend on individuals' generation and education, as well as on their motives for engagement and their roles in the CSO. The national CSO leadership and board have to negotiate with this plurality of views before defining activities. In so doing, they have to consider economic and human resource shortages. Thus, beyond divergent positions towards Europe, consensus is reached on the possibility of using Europe as an instrument for national policy changes and CSO visibility. Such dynamics, employed to harmonise disparate views of Europe, are reproduced once national CSOs are acting in the European network and tend to create a weak experience of Europeanization, mainly based on the transnationalisation of the CSO's activities.
In diesem Beitrag befasse ich mich mit der Produktion Klassenzugehörigkeit als einer moralischen Größe in Forschungsbegegnungen. Ausgehend von unterschiedlichen klassenbezogenen Perspektiven versuche ich zu veranschaulichen, dass Klasse heute auf subtile Weise als moralische Autorisierung im Rahmen von Bewertungs- und Aushandlungsprozessen agiert wird. Ich nutze hierzu Erfahrungen im Verlauf einer sechsmonatigen ethnografischen Feldforschung mit Angehörigen der Mittel- und Arbeiterklasse, deren sechs Jahre alte Kinder das letzte Jahr in dänischen Vorschulen verbrachten. Ausgehend von methodologischen Problemen, denen ich beim Versuch, vertrauensvolle Beziehungen aufzubauen, begegnete, wurde mir zunehmend klar, dass die Eltern mich als moralische Instanz erachteten. Diese Einschätzung teilten alle Eltern, wobei sie sich selbst in sehr unterschiedlicher Weise in Bezug auf mich als Forscherin und "Richterin" positionierten: Sie bemühten sich intensiv um meine positive Bewertung; sie erachteten sich und mich als "im gleichen Boot sitzend" oder sie wehrten sich gegen eine mögliche Beurteilung durch mich. Diese Haltungen verweisen -so meine Einschätzung- auf unterliegende Klassenbeziehungen in neoliberalen Gesellschaften. Indem ich mich mit ihnen auseinandersetze, möchte ich einen Beitrag zur kritischen Reflexion von Machtbeziehungen innerhalb qualitativer Sozialforschung leisten. Unter einer weiteren methodologischen Perspektive plädiere ich dafür, den Einfluss von Klassenzugehörigkeit in soziologischen Untersuchungen genauer in den Blick zu nehmen, um deren Einfluss auf Forschungsarbeiten nachvollziehen zu können.
International audience Above and beyond a legitimate concern with preserving intangible cultural " treasures " and " masterpieces, " what are the extra-heritage issues that tend to slip beneath UNESCO'S applications for recognition and listing? Through an examination of recent projects presented by Iran, I propose to carry out a modest ethnography that addresses the meaning of these applications, ethnography being in the words of Clifford Geertz (Geertz 1983: 152), " an enterprise (…) whose aim is to render obscure matters intelligible by providing them with an informing context. ; Au-dessus et au-delà du souci légitime de sauvegarder les « trésors » et les « chefs-d'oeuvre » culturels immatériels, qu'en est-il des autres questions patrimoniales qui tendent à échapper aux candidatures présentées à l'UNESCO pour obtenir reconnaissance et inscription sur les listes ? En examinant de récents projets présentés par l'Iran, l'auteur se propose d'entreprendre une modeste ethnographie portant sur la signification de ces candidatures, l'ethnographie étant, comme le dit Clifford Geertz (Geertz 1983 : 152) « une entreprise […] visant à rendre intelligibles des phénomènes obscures en procurant des informations sur leur contexte ».
Le GIS (groupement d'intérêt scientifique) « Études africaines en France » s'est proposé, en lien avec une demande issue de la direction de l'Institut national des sciences humaines et sociales (INSHS), d'essayer par ce bilan de mieux comprendre l'évolution des recherches françaisesconcernant l'Afrique.Il a voulu prendre en compte cinq décennies de recherches et de production, tout en insistant sur le tableau actuel de ses études, afin de pouvoir en comprendre les grandes tendances. Afin de pouvoir aussi tirer de cet exercice des pistes de réflexion pour le futur, et quelques suggestions endirection de nos institutions de tutelle, universités ou grands établissements de recherche.Pensée au sein du conseil scientifique du GIS, l'étude ici présentée a mobilisé de nombreuses compétences et la bonne volonté de dizaines de collègues qui ont pris part à cet exercice.
This paper presents the first results obtained from an exploratory study which is conducted within the Amerindian Wayana communities who inhabit the Amazon sector of the High Maroni area, in French Guiana. Based on an ecological and interactionist approach and employing comprehensive methods to analyze observed facts (to bypass the nostalgic attitude fostering the paradigmatic anthropological dichotomy "tradition vs; modernity"), this study describes educational family practices among Wayana and analyses parents' expectations visà-vis their children in the framework of the postcolonial dynamic, with the aim to understand the influence of the national public policies to diffuse certain domestic praxis. The ethnographic corpus is gathered during a long fieldwork and it is accompanied by seventeen semi-open interviews. The interpretative approach attempts to link the observed behaviours observed to contextual and cultural variables. Following the analysis of the data, the authors propose 1) a diagram of the structure of Wayana family kinship Microsystems (with a description and a diagram of the Wayana matrilineality scheme); 2) a description of roles and educational functions within their communities and, finally, 3) an overview of parental expectations interpreted taking into account the influences of contemporary inter-systemic interactions (and above all the dynamics generated by the recent introduction of compulsory schooling into the area).
The question more specifically asked here is how a technical gesture can be regarded as beautiful, and whether that beauty is due to its tangible characteristics — regularity, rhythm, economics, etc. — or to other, more impalpable criteria. To engage further in this debate means looking at the purpose of these gestures before considering their aesthetic dimension. ; International audience ; The question more specifically asked here is how a technical gesture can be regarded as beautiful, and whether that beauty is due to its tangible characteristics — regularity, rhythm, economics, etc. — or to other, more impalpable criteria. To engage further in this debate means looking at the purpose of these gestures before considering their aesthetic dimension. ; La question plus précisément posée ici est celle de savoir en quoi un geste technique peut être considéré comme beau, et si cette beauté tient à ses caractéristiques tangibles – régularité, rythmicité, économie… – ou à d'autres critères plus impalpables. S'engager plus avant dans ce débat suppose de s'intéresser à la finalité de ces gestes avant d'en examiner la dimension esthétique.
The article provides a seminal analysis of the electronic resources in the Chinese cyberspace devoted to the labour migration of Chinese people to Russia. The author focuses on the online narratives and media stories published on three types of electronic resources – government websites of the northeast provinces of the PRC, online reports by the Chinese news agencies, and postings on bulletin board systems (BBSs) in order to find answers to the following research questions: 1. What is the role of Chinese migrants' narratives circulated via different electronic resources on the Internet in the reproduction of the state-regulated imagination of Russia? 2. To what extent have different types of electronic resources (government websites, news agency websites, BBSs) been used to renegotiate this imagination? The research has revealed that the websites of PRC government bodies tend to convey a rather consolidated understanding of Russia as a destination country, frequently publishing the narratives of successful migrants online. The mass media reports tend to provide regular coverage of a broader range of themes related to migration, including those related to the legal and economic vulnerability of Chinese labour migrants in Russia. The semi-anonymous and non-official character of the bulletin board system in turn has allowed its participants to make enquiries about or engage in the discussions of aspects of migration that would never be covered or described in detail by official sources such as government websites.
Autoethnografie ist ein Ansatz zum Forschen und zur Präsentation von Forschungsergebnissen, der persönliche Erfahrungen systematisch beschreibt und analysiert, um auf diesem Weg kulturelle Erfahrung zu verstehen. Hierbei werden traditionelle Wege des Forschens und der Darstellung "der Anderen" kritisch infrage gestellt, denn Forschung wird als politisches, auf soziale Gerechtigkeit zielendes und sozial bewusstes Handeln verstanden. Forschende nutzen Mittel der Autobiografie und der Ethnografie, um Autoethnografie zu betreiben und darzustellen. Als Methode bezeichnet Autoethnografie gleichermaßen einen Prozess und ein Produkt.
