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In Indonesia, da'wah in the political and cultural spheres is compared to siblings who have not spoken to one another in a long time, contradicting one another and even bringing one another down. Reconstruction of da'wah in Indonesia's political and cultural realms is an extremely interesting subject that has the potential to constantly evolve and present new breakthroughs. Legislation and public policy issues require these individuals to engage in the political process, whereas social-social issues typically require a cultural approach. The purpose of this study is to determine whether it is true that Islamic da'wah in the political and cultural realms cannot coexist, particularly in the Indonesian context, and whether it is possible to create synergy – even convergence – between political and cultural da'wah, as well as what compromises must be made with mainstream circles. Today, political and cultural da'wah circles exist in Indonesia. By utilizing a literature-based approach that incorporates both theory and expert opinion. Additionally, it is analyzed by providing interpretations that are transformed into objects that can be interpreted in terms of space and time. The article concludes that, in contemporary Indonesia, the synergy between political and cultural da'wah must be directed toward resolving the nation's problems, such as poverty and ignorance eradication, upholding justice, and establishing a clean government. These efforts should be couched in a framework of noble morality, elegant strategy, and an approach that is both friendly and sympathetic.Keywords: Reconstruction; Islamic Education; Politics, Culture AbstrakDakwah di ranah politik dan kultural di Indonesia digambarkan seolah-olah sebagai siblings yang sudah lama tidak saling menyapa, kontradiktif, bahkan saling menjatuhkan. Rekontruksi dakwah di ranah politik dan kultural di Indonesia merupakan topik yang sangat menarik dan memiliki potensi kuat untuk selalu berkembang serta menghadirkan terobosan baru. Persoalan perundang-undangan dan ...

The background of this research is how the classification of knowledge according to Imam al-Ghazali in the book of Ihya 'ulumuddin. With the aim to describe the classification of science and the reasons of Imam al-Ghazali in the classification of knowledge contained in the book of Ihya' Ulumuddin. The benefits of this research are that parents today still pay attention to education for their children by not looking at the side between primary and secondary sciences. This study includes the type of literature that takes data from inanimate objects in the form of books or books, using a qualitative approach. using Content Analysis techniques in analyzing data based on the content contained therein. From the results of the study showed that Imam al-Ghazali classified science into two types namely fardlu 'ain and fardlu kifayah. Which is fardlu 'ain science only consists of syar'iyyah science and fardlu kifayah science consists of two kinds namely syar'iyyah science and ghoiru syar'iyyah science. Included in the primary sciences are religious sciences such as kalam science, tasawwuf science, and syariah science. Whereas secondary science is a branch of primary science such as mathematics, social sciences, natural sciences, health sciences and political sciences.

AbstractWe test for relationships between anti-Muslim attitudes and opinion and competing religious identity and religious belief variables in an evangelical Christian constituency. Original survey data from a statewide sample of 508 likely voters in Oklahoma are subjected to a robust regression analysis to determine (1) indicators of holding Christian nationalist beliefs and (2) the relationship between belief measures of Christian nationalism, evangelical Christian identity, and subsequent anti-Muslim sentiment. Christian nationalism is more prevalent among self-identified evangelicals. Christian nationalist beliefs and strong belief in Biblical literalism are significantly related to negative and restrictive views of Muslims. Anti-Muslim sentiments in the form of general disapproval and the desire to limit Muslim worship are shaped more by beliefs than identities or behaviors. Evangelical self-identification does not help us disentangle domestic opinion regarding Muslims as well as measures that disentangle beliefs from identity.

During the last decade, there have been signs of increased democratization in the Middle East. Yet women's political rights remain limited. In this article we focus on Kuwait, a country representative of how citizenship rights have been gendered in the Middle East. Some Kuwaiti women's groups support expanding women's political rights. This article seeks to determine if they have potential allies in the general population. Using survey data from 1500 Kuwaiti citizens in 1994, we identify potential advocates for extending women's rights by examining social status, social networks, religious identity and Gulf War experiences. We found that organized women's groups have potential allies in Sunni young people and men who belong to voluntary organizations, and Shia young men, older women and those who backed Islamic movements abroad. These groups form a basis for developing a broad base of popular support for expanding the citizenship rights of women.