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In this contribution I will test the geopolitical-economic approach as formulated by Desai (2013) in the analysis of the EU's regulatory response to the financial crisis by focusing on two relevant pieces of legislation in the post-crisis reform of banking governance: the adaptation of the Basel III agreement to the package on Capital requirements, composed of a regulation and a directive, and the ongoing legislative process concerning the structural reform of banks. As I try to show, the concept of "competing geopolitical bloc" derived from the work of Desai, but even detectable in some recent Neo-Gramscian literature, is useful in analysing the shortcomings of the European regulatory response to the 2007/8 economic and financial crisis.

"Chile's constitutional moment began as a popular demand in late 2019. This collection seizes the opportunity of this unique moment to unpack the context, difficulties, opportunities, and merits to enhance the status of environmental and social rights (health, housing, education and social security) in a country's constitution. Learning from Chilean and international experiences from the Global South and North, and drawing on the analysis of both academics and practitioners, the book provides rigorous answers to the fundamental questions raised by the construction of a new constitutional bill of rights that embraces climate and social justice. With an international and comparative perspective, chapters look at issues such as political economy, the judicial enforceability of social rights, implications of the privatisation of public services, and the importance of active participation of most vulnerable groups in a constitutional drafting process. Ahead of the referendum on a new constitution for Chile in the second half of 2022, this collection is timely and relevant and will have direct impact on how best to legislate effectively for social rights in Chile and beyond."--

Die Ereignisse vom 6. Und 7. April in der zentralasiatischen Republik Kirgisistan bilden den politischen Tiefpunkt in der Geschichte des seit fast 20 Jahren unabhängigen jungen Landes. Die Bilder aus der Hauptstadt Bischkek sowie aus den Provinzstädten Talas und Naryn, in denen blutige Proteste und Straßenschlachten zur Flucht des Präsidenten Kurmanbek Bakijew führten, sind mehr als erschütternd: 81 Tote, über 1600 Verletzte, verwüstete Gebäude und geplünderte Geschäfte. Die vorläufige Bilanz mag erschrecken genug sein, noch besorgniserregender könnten aber die langfristigen Folgen der politischen Unruhen für die gesamte Region werden. Die neue Übergangsregierung unter Rosa Otunbajewa steht vor gewaltigen Herausforderungen und muss einen drohenden Bürgerkrieg abwenden. Die Europäische Union versäumt es unterdessen Handlungsstärke zu beweisen (.).

The present article argues that the discipline of international relations is bound to repeat its rounds of debates about realism as long as the underlying dynamic intrinsic to the realist tradition is not understood. Whereas present debates tend to criticize contemporary realists for going astray (an unhappy conjuncture, as it were), this article claims that there exists a systematic theoretical problem with the way realist theorizing has developed within international relations, and consisting of two fundamental dilemmas. The first or 'identity dilemma', the choice between distinctiveness and determinacy, results from the characteristics of the central concept 'power' — realists either keep a distinct and single micro–macro link through concepts of power/influence which provides indeterminate explanations or they improve their explanations, but must do so by relaxing their assumptions, thereby losing distinctiveness. The second or 'conservative dilemma', the choice between tradition and justification, results from the fact that realism is a form of practical knowledge, which needs some form of justification other than the recourse to mere tradition. Hence, realists either update the practical knowledge of a shared diplomatic culture while losing scientific credibility or, reaching for logical persuasiveness, cast their maxims in a scientific mould which distorts the realist tradition. Realism in international relations is fated to return to these dilemmas until it abandons its own identity as derived from the 'first debate' between realism and idealism. By doing so, however, it would be free to join a series of metatheoretical and theoretical research avenues which it has so far left to other schools of thought.

In der öffentlichen Debatte wird Klage über das geringe Gewicht von Dienstleistungen am deutschen Export geführt. In der vorliegenden Untersuchung analysieren die Autoren die Sachlage anhand von IWF-Daten, gehen auf das Verhältnis zur Industrie ein und benennen Felder, in denen der Rückstand sich konzentriert. -- Bei Beschränkung auf die unmittelbare Ausfuhr von Dienstleistungen wird die Rolle von Dienstleistungen für die deutsche Ausfuhr erheblich unterschätzt. Daher werden hier auch die in der Warenausfuhr inkorporierten Dienstleistungen einbezogen. Die Orientierung der deutschen Volkswirtsc.

In this work the author explores the subjects of sovereignty, diplomacy and the function of diplomats, diplomatic missions, protocol, ethics in diplomacy, the role of Ministries of Foreign Affairs, intergovernmental conferences and the United Nations.It:includes a useful glossary of over sixty essential terms (such as Calvo Doctrine, Extradition, Rapporteur and Uti Possidetis Juris)clearly relates the conduct of diplomacy to the principles of international law. This volume will appeal to graduate and undergraduate students studying diplomacy, public administration and international relations c