There has recently been much debate about the idea of levying a tax on particular transactions on international financial markets. Economists have argued about how much revenue such an international financial transaction tax would raise and they disagree about what effects it would have on trade volumes, financial stability, and overall growth. Politicians have argued about the feasibility of introducing such a tax internationally and they disagree on its adequacy as a policy response to the current financial and economic crisis. This article contributes to the debate about international financial transaction taxation by bringing the perspective of political philosophy to bear on the politicians' and economists' arguments about policy. I shall outline a framework for thinking about justice in finance, and defend the idea of an international financial transaction tax as an instrument for making the international financial system more just. Adapted from the source document.
Poverty is one of the important subjects that come into question in the world in the last decade. Poverty affects people directly or indirectly. Poverty begins to constitute most important problem of community and economic life in Turkey. Because of development in economy, fluctuations, shocks and commitments to international agriculture politics (World Bank, WTO, IMF practices) and politics that put into practice after 1980s have effected and continue to effect agriculture sector in Turkey. From now on, agricultural politics are determined by international organizations and companies. Politics that are put in practice for agriculture, price interventions, changes in support politics, privatization, reduce in input supports, to open out to international markets have mostly influenced small agricultural enterprises and landless. According to results of General Agriculture Census (2001), there are 3.020.000 agricultural enterprises in Turkey and 83 % of them are smaller than 10 hectares. In addition to this, 30% of agricultural population consists from landless. The most effected parts are landless and small agricultural enterprises because of practices such as sugar law, tobacco law, and change in support politics that result in international agricultural politics. This process brings about gradually increase and deepen in poverty in rural area with migration, unemployment and income distribution problems at national level. International agricultural politics mostly affect sugar and tobacco producers because of sugar and tobacco are the most important agricultural products in Turkey. Nearly 1 million sugar and tobacco producer families and 4.5-5.0 million people employ in transportation, marketing, and processing of these products. Because of sugar and tobacco law and limitations in producing hazelnut and tea plant, nearly 1.5 million producer families and labors who are involved in related sectors have directly affected. According to Household Budget Questionnaire in 2002, 38% of total population of Turkey is living with 2 USA Dollar income. At this point, it is so important to state that, rural areas feel poverty more deeply than urban areas. In fact, poverty ratio is 43% in rural areas that means of subsistence is only agriculture. In addition to this, the rate of absolute poverty in rural areas is 3,5 times of urban areas. In this paper, definition and characteristics of poverty and rural poverty in Turkey will be dealt with and effects of international politics on rural poverty will be examined.
This paper focuses on spatial aspects of variability and specifically on the relationship between regional decomposition and spatial autocorrelation. These characteristics are often supposed to be interconnected, but the subject has not yet been studied in sufficient detail and spatial methods are often neglected in regional analysis. We start with a brief discussion of a methodology suitable for identifying and quantifying spatial aspects of variability. The key part of the paper focuses on methodological reflections on measuring spatial aspects of variability and the advantages and disadvantages of our chosen methods. We use the Theil index, which is decomposable without residuum, to assess the relative importance of the regional organization of our studied phenomena. To measure spatial autocorrelation, which enables us to quantify the level of spatial concentration of the studied phenomena and reveal spatial clustering, we use Moran's I (global scale) and LISA (local scale). We explain in depth the properties of these methods, advantages/disadvantages, behaviour in different situations and the potential for them to be combined and used jointly. These methodological findings help to better understand and interpret the results of the subsequent empirical research. We apply the methods in international unemployment research with highly detailed data from Austria, Czechia, Germany, and Poland. Specifically, we are interested in the importance of socio-spatial (regional) organization in relation to unemployment rates, and we present noteworthy results concerning the spatial differentiation of unemployment in the Central European region.
Realist Approaches to the International Relations of South Asia / Rajesh Rajagopalan -- Liberal Approaches to the International Relations of South Asia / Ian Hall -- Constructivist Approaches to the International Relations of South Asia / Aditi Malhotra -- Critical Theory Approaches to the International Relations of South Asia / Shibashis Chatterjee -- Indian Strategic Culture / Rajesh Basrur -- Pakistan's Strategic Culture / Jamison C. Heinkel -- The Evolution of the Sino-Indian Rivalry / Manjeet S. Pardesi -- The Evolution of the India-Pakistan Rivalry / Mahesh Shankar -- India's Nuclear Weapons Program / Yogesh Joshi -- Pakistan's Nuclear Weapons Program / Hannah Haegeland and Arzan Tarapore -- Terrorism and Counter-Terrorism in South Asia: Government Support for Militant Groups in South Asia / Tricia Bacon -- Insurgencies and Counterinsurgencies in South Asia / Subhasish Ray -- Indian and Pakistani Conventional Military Doctrines / Frank O'Donnell -- Track Two Diplomacy and the India-Pakistan Conflict / Peter Jones -- Human Security in South Asia / Swarna Rajagopalan -- South Asia: States of Cyber(in)security / Trisha Ray -- Afghanistan's Relations with South Asia: Diplomacy amid Conflict / Michael Kugelman -- Sri Lanka and South Asia / Nilanthi Samaranayake -- Bangladesh's International Relations with South Asia and Beyond / Ali Riaz -- Domestic Politics and Structural Constraints: Pakistan and its South Asian Neighbors / Ryan Brasher -- India's Relations with Her Neighbours / Chris Ogden -- Reinventing Non-Alignment in South Asia: The Foreign Policies of Nepal and the Maldives / Nicolas Blarel and Constantino Xavier -- Trends in U.S. Policy Toward South Asia / Jeff Smith -- China and South Asia: Beijing Builds Influence / Andrew Scobell -- Russia and South Asia / Vidya Nadkarni -- Japan's Relations with South Asia / Monika Chansoria -- The UK and South Asia / David Scott -- France and South Asia / Gilles Boquérat -- Germany's South Asia Policy / Christian Wagner -- The Politics of Climate Change in South Asia / Dhanasree Jayaram -- Polycentric versus State-Led South Asian Responses to the COVID-19 Pandemic / Dinsha Mistree -- Refugees and Migration in South Asia / Kavita Khory -- Space Programs, Policies, and Diplomacy in South Asia / Ajey Lele -- Regional Trade and Investment in South Asia / Surupa Gupta.
Global markets have become increasingly integrated both in terms of the size of trade and investment flows and in terms of the number of players involved. Global trade and investment flows are governed by a set of national, regional and global legal frameworks that interact at different levels. Increasingly the question arises how those frameworks fit together and how they can be made more coherent.
Various factors can motivate and encourage individuals to leave their country of origin and engage in the process of international migration. Large migration flows over the past few years, which are a consequence of the so-called refugee crisis in 2015, have resulted in a significant increase in academic interest in international migration. Although many factors can encourage international migration, people?s desire to increase their standard of living is undoubtedly one of the most important causes. This empirical study analyses the economic determinants of net international migration. It was conducted using techniques of econometric analysis of panel data on an extensive balanced panel data sample covering 136 countries over a period of 30 years (1990-2019). Although this study focuses on the analysis of the economic determinants of net international migration, it is necessary to point out that in this case it is not a one-way impact. Apart from the fact that economic indicators affect international migration, it is indisputable that there is an effect in the opposite direction, i.e. that migration flows significantly affect the economic performance of the origin and destination country. This influence can be realised through different mechanisms. The potential presence of reverse causality generates a problem of potentially endogenous regressors, which must be considered when selecting model estimation techniques. The estimation of the models was performed using the following two techniques that allow cross-section dependence: (i) standard common correlated effects pooled estimator (CCEP), which is based on the application of the ordinary least squares method; and (ii) modified common correlated effects pooled estimator, which is based on the application of the two-stage least squares method, allowing the presence of endogenous regressors. The obtained findings suggest that the impact of the unemployment rate on net international migration is negative. Estimates generated by the standard CCEP technique (as well as by the modified CCEP technique) show that an increase in the unemployment rate of 1% results in a decrease in net international migration by about 0.03 migrants (0.06 migrants) per 1,000 inhabitants. Education has a positive impact on net international migration. The standard CCEP technique (modified CCEP technique) points to the fact that a 1% increase in education results in an increase in net international migration of about 0.01-0.02 migrants (0.003 migrants) per 1,000 inhabitants. The level of development of the migrant network has a positive effect on net international migration. The standard and modified CCEP technique show that increasing the stock of migrants by 1% increases net international migration by about 0.04-0.05 migrants, i.e. by about 0.01 migrants per 1,000 inhabitants. Finally, estimates obtained using the standard CCEP technique suggest that a 1% increase in per capita gross domestic product (GDPpc) results in an increase in net international migration of about 0.01 migrants per 1,000 inhabitants, while the results of the modified and more credible CCEP technique show that growth in GDPpc by 1% implies a decrease in net international migration by about 0.02 migrants per 1,000 inhabitants. The negative effect of GDPpc could be rationalised by the existence of an inverted-U relationship between GDPpc and emigration (mobility transition curve). Acceptance of such an explanation requires that the following conditions be met: (i) there is an inverted-U relationship between emigration and GDPpc; (ii) the countries in the sample fit within the growing part of this relationship; and (iii) when GDPpc grows, emigration increases absolutely more than immigration.
Definition der internationalen kommunistischen Bewegung im neuen Parteiprogramm der KPdSU und im politischen Bericht Gorbacevs auf dem 27. Kongreß der KPdSU. Behandelt werden die Konzeption des Zusammenwirkens kommunistischer Parteien mit unterschiedlichen politisch-ideologischen Ausrichtungen und die erforderliche Reorganisation des KPdSU-Auslandsapparats. (BIOst-Ldg)
At the time of the Spanish Civil War much contemporary commentary about the International Brigades was consistent with the view that what was taking place on the Iberian Peninsula was part of a larger struggle between democracy and fascism. Sympathetic reporting highlighted their positive military contribution and the selfless sacrifices in what later was tagged as the 'curtain-raiser' to the Second World War. From the 1980s scholarship about these foreign fighters for the republic was framed quite differently. In these cases the volunteers' war experiences tended to be placed within the contextual narratives of their own national groupings or were applied in relation to the impact of the returned veterans from Spain on the post-war politics in their own home states. In several current analyses of the civil wars in Afghanistan, Iraq and Syria, the unexamined historical figure of the Spanish International Brigadier has been utilised as a foil against which to catalogue the pernicious and destabilising role of foreign fighters in these on-going civil wars.
