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Résumé Les textes adoptés au niveau international, européen et surtout communautaire ont eu un rôle important dans le développement de normes juridiques pour la lutte contre la discrimination et pour l'égalité des chances dans le monde du travail. Ces normes influencent tant le législateur national que le juge. La Cour de justice des communautés européennes a ainsi construit le concept de discrimination indirecte et un mécanisme allégeant la charge de la preuve pour les demandeurs. Initialement centré sur l'égalité de traitement entre les hommes et les femmes, le droit communautaire couvre désormais la race et l'origine ethnique, suite à l'adoption de la directive 2000/43, ainsi que la religion ou les croyances, le handicap, l'âge et l'orientation sexuelle, avec la directive 2000/78.

Over the past two decades China's international relations (IR) think tanks have come to play increasingly important roles in China's foreign policy making and intelligence analysis, as well as serving as an increasingly important liaison to officials and specialists in foreign countries. During this period China's IR think tanks have expanded in quantity as well as improving the quality of personnel and analytical product. Publications by, and discussions with, these think tanks often offer important indications of broader policy debates and competition among institutes and their staff. This article surveys the current organization and state of research in China's IR think tanks, offers historical perspectives on the evolution of this community, and provides current information of relevance to those who interact with these institutions and read their publications.

Social and economic activities are the primary concern of trade un ions, but these can flourish only under political freedom; the fight against dic tatorship and the support of democratic movements must be waged by unions. International trade union work knows no geographical boundaries, but its charac ter is influenced by the stage of economic and social development of a region. In industrially advanced countries it encourages and strives to maintain policies of full employment and full share by labor in resulting benefits of a stable economy, for instance. In underdeveloped countries, where trade union move ment has just begun, it seeks to help in economic and social development geared to needs. The community of interests of workers in these two types of econo mies is stressed.—Ed.

In this work, Amrita Narlikar argues that, contrary to common assumption, modern-day politics displays a surprising paradox: poverty - and the powerlessness with which it is associated - has emerged as a political tool and a formidable weapon in international negotiation. The success of poverty narratives, however, means that their use has not been limited to the neediest. Focusing on behaviours and outcomes in a particularly polarising area of bargaining - international trade - and illustrating wider applications of the argument, Narlikar shows how these narratives have been effectively used. Yet, she also sheds light on how indiscriminate overuse and misuse increasingly run the risk of adverse consequences for the system at large, and devastating repercussions for the weakest members of society. Narlikar advances a theory of agency and empowerment by focusing on the life-cycles of narratives, and concludes by offering policy-relevant insights on how to construct winning and sustainable narratives.

We reassess the well-known "narrow-but-deep" versus "broad-but-shallow" trade-off in international environmental agreements (IEAs), taking into account the principal–agent relationship induced by the hierarchical structure of international policy. To this end, we expand the modest coalition formation game, in which countries first decide on whether to join an agreement and then decide on emissions by a strategic delegation stage. In the weak delegation game, principals first decide whether to join an IEA, then delegate the domestic emission choices to an agent. Finally, agents in all countries decide on emissions. In countries not joining the IEA, agents choose emissions to maximize their own payoff, while agents of countries joining the IEA set emissions to internalize some exogenously given fraction γ of the externalities that own emissions cause on all members of the IEA. In the strong delegation game, principals first delegate to agents, who then decide on membership and emissions. We find that strategic delegation crowds out all efforts to increase coalition sizes by less ambitious agreements in the weak delegation game, while in the strong delegation game the first-best from the principals' point of view can be achieved.

Il y a dix ans nous avions publié un premier entretien avec Claude Jorda. Force est de constater que ce sujet est toujours d'une brûlante actualité 1 . Le 31 décembre 2017, le Tribunal pénal international pour l'ex-Yougoslavie a fermé ses portes et définitivement cessé d'exister. Claude Jorda en a été le Président de 1999 à 2003. En mai 1993, le Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies a voté la résolution 827 créant ce TPIY alors que le pays est à feu et à sang depuis plus de deux ans. Membre du Conseil de sécurité, la France devait y être représentée. Directeur des services judiciaires au ministère de la Justice de 1982 à 1985, ce juriste est nommé procureur général près la cour d'appel de Bordeaux de 1985 à 1992 puis de celle de Paris de 1992 à 1993. Il est un des juges du TPIY dès janvier 1994 puis Président de la chambre de première instance d'octobre 1995 à novembre 1999, date à laquelle il préside le TPIY jusqu'en février 2003. Il rejoint alors la Cour pénale internationale. Retraité, il est président honoraire de la Cour nationale du droit d'asile. Cette expérience pourrait-elle un jour servir dans le cas syrien ?

We propose an international comparison of school systems in OECD countries in terms of social mobility in schools based on the PISA (Program for International Student Assessment) test results in mathematics between 2003 and 2015. For each country, we calculate students'interdecile social mobility in schools on the basis of their ranking in the PISA test in mathematics, compared to their social ranking in their country, and compare this new index of equity to those generally used in OECD studies (slope and intensity of social gradient, percentage of resilient students). A new representation, the "Great Gatsby curve of school", in reference to the Great Gatsby curve of income, is proposed: the social mobility of a school system is closely linked to the educational inequality between students and schools. Countries such as Belgium or France with high levels of school inequality also stand out for low social mobility in schools. Inversely, countries such as Finland or Canada are characterised by low school inequality and high levels of social mobility in schools. A second important conclusion of the analysis is that the countries in which social mobility in schools is above average are also most often those with school achievement levels above the average.

Carbon dioxide emissions are the main cause of anthropogenic climate change and play a central role in discussions on climate change mitigation. Previous research has demonstrated that national carbon dioxide emissions are driven mainly by population size and wealth. However, the variation in per capita emissions of nations with similar standards of living and similar population is huge. In this paper we investigate the drivers of national per capita carbon dioxide emissions over and above already known factors. In particular, we extend previous research by taking into account countries' shares of imports and exports, indicators of political interventions such as energy prices, and the use of renewable energy sources. Moreover, we also examine whether international commitments, such as the ones made by many nations at climate summits of the United Nations, matter. We use country-level data from 1980 to 2014 and estimate fixed effects panel regression models. In accordance with former research we find no environmental Kuznets curve with respect to carbon dioxide per capita emission levels. However, higher energy prices and the availability of alternative energy sources both reduce emissions. Furthermore, voluntary international environmental commitments also motivate countries to reduce carbon dioxide emissions.

Comparing Chinese and Irish companies in their respective dealings with local civil societies and communities, Chichava, Li, and Sambo probe the social impacts of heavy sand mining by international companies in Mozambique. They set to find out how international mining affects local social organization in terms of work, labor relations, and livelihoods, and how disputes are negotiated between the mining companies, municipal and provincial governments, and civil society groups representing the interests of local communities. Disagreements around compensation, resource depletion, and labor-relations are the primary source of controversy and tension generated by the mining projects.