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This paper attempts to provide a model for dealing with the problem of corruption in Nigeria. It uses an analytical approach to explore the Singapore model of dealing with acts of corruption to serve as a model for Nigeria. Corruption is inimical to socio-economic development of any country where it is practised on any scale. This explains why all nations make efforts to minimize or eradicate corruption in their economies. Nigeria has been ranked among the most corrupt nations of the World by many international anti-corruption agencies. If other nations take measures to eradicate corruption from their economies because of its negative consequences, Nigeria cannot be an exception. Corruption has led to gross misuse of public funds in Nigeria and has caused untold hardship to her citizens via non-payments of people's benefits and lack of provision of basic public utilities. To deal with corruption in Nigeria, various anti-corruption agencies were set up but the problem remains. This paper therefore recommends the Singapore model as a method of dealing with corruption in Nigeria. This model holds each sectional head responsible for any act of corruption in his/her unit if established. The government was strong and determined to deal with the transgressors; there was political will to tame corruption and therefore there was government support to the anti-corruption agencies. If this model is adopted and faithfully implemented, corruption could be eradicated from Nigeria. In addition, constitutional amendments that would update and clearly define acts that constitute corrupt practices as these acts manifest in various forms are necessary to facilitate interpretation and enforcement of anti-corruption laws.

AbstractDespite the traditional independence in academia between the science and social science traditions, science is, essentially, a social pursuit, intertwined with social conditions, structures, and processes. If science can be pictured as a form of human cultural activity, practiced by people called 'scientists,' then it should be regarded in sociological terms. Given the rapid growth of science in Asia, more sociological studies are thus needed there to unravel the interplay between science and society, and how scientists do science. The present study reports the findings of in-depth open-ended interviews with scientists in various universities and research institutes in Singapore. The overall research question was: How do scientists in Singapore do their work in a social world? The underlying questions were designed to explore the social complexity of scientists' work. The findings showed that the workings of science were drawn together, and directed by, non-science elements. They included the market, which controls research agendas and fashions; economics, which determines the availability of funding and encourages collaboration; bureaucratic administration, which provides the resources available to do science; and fashions, which persuade researchers to pursue topics considered acceptable by their peers. The associations between science and non-science are also not harmonious. Various tensions were reported in the interviews. What can be done to remedy the colliding worlds of science and non-science? The answer lies in more sociological studies. The sociological study of science is a relatively new item on the academic agenda, and there is a paucity of research in the Asian context. This study identifies several avenues for further enquiry, and serves as a primer for further research.

The Straits of Malacca are of strategic importance for world trade and regional development. They are vulnerable to social, political and natural disasters, but also bear great opportunities for economic and social development. Most of European trade with China and Japan is shipped through the Straits of Malacca. Most of the energy requirements of Japan depend on oil shipments from the golf states through the Straits of Malacca. The Straits have for centuries connected the Indian subcontinent with East and Southeast Asia as well as Europe with China as an alternative to the Northern 'Silk Road'. The states bordering the Straits, Indonesia, Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore form the core of the ASEAN region, one of the growth poles of the developing world. The areas bordering the Straits are themselves rich in natural resources from fisheries, to mangrove swamps and rain forests, from tin mining to gas and oil fields, but also beset by problems of tidal destruction (Tsunami), pollution through shipping and industries. The Straits are beset by problems of poverty, cross straits illegal migration and depletion of its natural resources. The very political stability of the Straits region is at stake through the civil war in Northern Sumatra (Aceh), unrest in Riau and South Thailand as well as widespread piracy. The growth potential is enormous and is partly realized in the SIJORI growth triangle of Singapore, Johore (Malaysia) and Riau (Indonesia); in the industrial growth of the Western part of Malaysia bordering the Straits; the industrial area around Penang (Malaysia) and the international tourism development on the islands of Langkawi (Malaysia) and Phuket (Thailand).

Studies the marketing system of the Manila International Container
Terminal (MICT) in the Philippines. The data collection methods
comprised overseas trips to carry out unstructured field observation and
interviews, a nine‐item structured questionnaire, and unobtrusive
measures from Government statistical publications in four different
countries. In the data‐analysis process, the questionnaire data were
used to rank the importance of services required by major shipping lines
in order to formulate the appropriate marketing strategy. The Government
statistics data were used to test a hypothesis that Manila is more
cost‐effective as a transshipment centre compared with three other major
Asian ports. Testing of the hypothesis was based on the theory of
General Equilibrium. A response rate of 60 per cent was obtained from
the 30 mailed questionnaires. Finds that the most important services
required by the major shipping lines were: (1) berth availability, (2)
efficient operation, (3) cost. On the transshipment economics analysis,
the alternative hypothesis: It is more cost‐effective to use Manila as a
transshipment centre compared with Hong Kong, Kaohsiung and Singapore,
was found to be sustained. Notes, however, that, although Manila is
found to be the most cost‐effective on the whole system, Singapore is
the cheapest, when considering stevedoring cost only, while Hong Kong is
the cheapest when considering port charges and vessel‐steaming cost. On
the whole, the existing marketing strategy of MICT, as observed during
the various trips, was found to be sound and well‐justified.
Nevertheless, makes recommendations, based on the findings in this
study, aimed at increasing berth availability, ensuring efficient
operation and being cost‐competitive and effective.

In the debate about smart cities, an alternative to a dominant top-down, tech-driven solutionist approach has arisen in examples of 'civic hacking'. Hacking here refers to the playful, exploratory, collaborative and sometimes transgressive modes of operation found in various hacker cultures, this time constructively applied in the context of civics. It suggests a novel logic to organise urban society through social and digital media platforms, moving away from centralised urban planning towards a more inclusive process of city-making, creating new types of public spaces. This book takes this urban imaginary of a hackable city seriously, using hacking as a lens to explore examples of collaborative city-making enabled by digital media technologies. Five different perspectives are discussed. Hacking can be understood as (1) an ethos, a particular articulation of citizenship in the network era; (2) as a set of iterative and collaborative city-making practices, bringing out new roles and relations between citizens, (design) professionals and institutional actors; (3) a set of affordances of institutional structures that allow or discourage their appropriation; (4) a critical lens to bring in notions of democratic governance, power struggles and conflict of interests into the debate on collaborative city-making; and (5) a point of departure for action research. After a discussion of these themes, the various chapters in the book are briefly introduced. Taken together they contribute to a wider debate about practices of technology-enabled collaborative city-making, and the question how city hacking may mature from the tactical level of smart and often playful interventions to a strategic level of enduring impact.

Biographical note: Peter G Rowe ist Professor für Architektur und Stadtplanung an der Graduate School of Design der Harvard University in Boston, Massachusetts, USA. Er ist Autor zahlreicher Bücher über Städte und Stadtentwicklung in Fernost, u.a.: Shanghai. Architecture and Urbanism for Modern China, Prestel 2004; East Asia Modern: Shaping the Contemporary City, Reaktion Books 2005.

This chapter considers the rationale for minority representation in the office of the Elected President. It examines the official discourse on the Head of State as a symbol of multiracialism and national unity. Institutional design plays a fundamental role in the attainment of constitutional ideals and imperatives and the well-being of societies such as the promotion of the rule of law. Proponents of electoral integration champion the creation of an electoral system that is configured to generate inducements for moderate behaviour and cross-cutting loyalties. To reiterate, electoral integration aims at nurturing a system of healthy political competition that also facilitates the development of cross-cutting cleavages and encourages inter-ethnic cooperation while making racial chauvinism and extremism politically counter-productive. The Malay Community Sub-Committee, a constituent part of the Community Committee, will determine if the applicant does indeed belong to the Malay community.

Civil society activists are now in open disagreement with citizens and sometimes, other civil society groups. Gillian Koh and Debbie Soon explore how that horizontal relationship might develop.

With 85 per cent of Singaporeans professing to belong to a religion, religion forms a core part of many Singaporeans' identities and value systems. That religion and politics are not distinct and mutually exclusive spheres of influence and experience is also recognised by the state. The Association of Women for Action and Research (AWARE) dispute started quite innocuously, with initial indications being that of an internal spat that occurs once in a while in the nascent civil society space. As it is well-known by now, a group of relatively new and unknown members (the "new guard") assumed control of AWARE at its annual general meeting in March 2009. The long-established stalwarts (the "old guard") complacently failed to see the signs when applications for new memberships spiked in the lead up to the annual general meeting. But this was no ordinary leadership change or renewal. The installation of the new leadership in AWARE set in motion a series of events, culminating in the hot-tempered extraordinary general meeting (EGM), called by the old guard, in May 2009.