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The international media's use of news frames in its coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is investigated to determine whether international journalists actually provide real, representative, & effective news coverage. The question concerning whether the international media's delineation of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a struggle in which neither side can win actually constitutes faithful, unbiased reporting is addressed. The international media's coverage of two incidents between Sept & Oct 2000 in which a Palestinian boy died in his father's arms during an exchange between Israeli & Palestinian forces & two Israeli soldiers were executed by Palestinian fighters is subsequently analyzed to determine why the first incident received greater coverage than the second in the international press & TV. Several reasons for this discrepancy in the coverage of both events are offered, eg, the international community is more inclined to perceive Palestinians as victims. The study's implications for improving the international media's framing of news events are also pondered. 28 References. J. W. Parker

An evolutionary framework is argued to be the most appropriate approach to the study of deescalation of conflicts. This is especially true when conflicts are protracted or when environmental crises exist. Though political shocks are "necessary but not sufficient" for deescalation, certain political shocks have been shown to facilitate deescalation. These shocks include such major events as defeat in war, economic crises, loss of foreign aid, & withdrawal of societal support for existing policies. When an evolutionary framework is utilized to describe the Israeli-Palestinian case, it becomes evident that political shocks helped to bring about deescalation & the 1993 Oslo Accords. Palestinian shocks included Israel's invasion of Lebanon, the PLO rebellion, the Intifada (accompanied by changes in Soviet support), & the 1990-1993 financial crisis. Each of these shocks allowed Arafat to strengthen his power in the PLO. Israeli shocks, such as the Likud policy monopoly, changes in Israeli public opinion, & the end of the Likud monopoly, allowed Yitzhak Rabin to dramatically alter his policies & strategies. 2 Tables, 78 References. K. Larsen

Argues that we cannot or should not even attempt to create a simple declarative formula or definition for Just Peace. Rather, a method is offered for thinking about Just Peace as a means of moving past the generally bipolar antagonisms that situate hostile groups in disputes that may or may not constitute actual war. It is granted that conflict &/or war between a minimum of two such hostile groups is the necessary point of departure for thinking about Just Peace. It is also assumed that if the conflict is deep & sufficiently enduring -- such as (but not limited to) the Palestinian-Israeli problem -- one should focus on those aspects of the hostilities that are irremediably specific, fundamental, & irrevocable. In short, it is vain to search for a Just Peace in transcendence, synthesis, & eventual reconciliation. K. Coddon

The emergence of paramilitary organizations within Palestine after the Six Day War in June 1967 is studied to illustrate the extent of conflict between the groups. Also, the formation of similar organizations during the 1950s & 1960s is discussed. The paramilitary groups were far from united in their strategies for dealing with Israel; in fact, the rise of terrorist behavior in 1968 is attributed to internal conflict within the Palestinian Liberation Organization. The effects of increased terrorist behavior on the international arena during the late 1960s & early 1970s on the Palestinian movement are reviewed. An analysis of the terrorist activities of the Abu Nidal group demonstrates how conflicts between the Palestinian groups prompted some organizations to turn to other nations for support. It is concluded that the high degree of diversity among the paramilitary groups will probably lead to additional violence & problematize their participation in attempts to resolve the Israel-Palestine conflict. J. W. Parker

"In dealing with the current situation in the Middle East and future perspectives and scenarios, this study focuses on two main issues: Iran and its quest for a nuclear capability, as well as the Arab/Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Firstly five essential factors for the analysis of the region are identified and serve as a basis for the scenarios in part two. These factors include the worldwide dependence on Middle East oil and gas, the regional discontent as a an explication for the increase in fundamentalist currents, the conflicts between Israel and the Palestinians and Arab countries, as well as Iran's quest for a hegemonic position in the region. After the presentation of these factors, different scenarios for the future of the Middle East are presented, focussing particularly on Iran and the Arab/Palestinian-Israeli conflict. In part three possible roles for the EU in the region are discussed, including advisable initiatives and actions in favour of the stabilisation of the Middle East and the increase in EU's political weight." (author's abstract)

Considers prospects for the construction of a Palestinian state alongside Israel, drawing on secondary survey data, 1986-1993. Early approaches to the conflict between the state of Israel & the Palestinians were figured in terms of relations between Israel & other Arab states. Viewing Palestinians in terms of the whole Arab nation negated the need for Palestinian self-determination, at least beyond existing Arab states. Understood in these terms, the moral dimension of the conflict with the Palestinians has been erased from Israeli political discourse in favor of the language of realpolitik that occurs between formal nation-states. Despite this dominant tendency, it is suggested that changes in the attitudes of Israeli citizens are taking place, in part as a consequence of the intifada. Whatever their source, these attitudinal changes are taken to represent the possibility for real dialogue over the issues of Palestinian sovereignty. 3 Figures. D. M. Smith

The emergence of the "Islam industry," an ideology-based strategy of manipulating American public opinion into supporting a culture war against fundamentalist Islam & embracing moderate, pro-democracy Islamic movements, in the contemporary US is examined. A review of various works published after the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks indicated the emergence of an ideological movement within the US that delineated Islam as anti-modernist, anti-secular, & dangerously fundamentalist. It is stressed that few works identified the circumstances that prompted Islamic guardedness toward American society & eventually militant Islam; therefore, the conditions that engendered radical Islam are documented, eg, Israel's regional foreign policy during the 1960s & 1970s & the failure to enhance the socio-economic status of the poor classes in Algeria & Morocco. It is concluded that the Islam industry forced US foreign policymakers to advance counterproductive policies in order to prevent fundamentalist Islamic movements from acquiring national power. J. W. Parker

It is argued that the effects of Zionism on Palestinian natives have been grossly underestimated & underresearched by the media, foreign governments, historians, & social scientists, due primarily to two factors: the US media's sympathy for the Zionist movement, & the concerted efforts of Zionism to hide its own historical growth, political manipulations of the natives, & oppressive military policies. It is suggested that a valid & accurate understanding of Zionism's history & its impact on the non-Jewish population is vital to the establishment & maintenance of peace in the Middle East. Zionism has operated on the assumption that non-Jewish natives can be completely ignored at the economic, social, & political levels, & it is concluded that the detailed & comprehensive organizational structures of Zionism have facilitated the almost complete subordination of the non-Jewish population. T. Sevier

The myth & the reality of the Zionist Settler Project (ZSP) in Israel & Palestine are examined. Hegemonic Zionist ideology portrays Palestine as a historyless region of sparse population, seemingly waiting for the return of the Jewish people. In reality, the ZSP was a colonial venture into a region populated by indigenous Palestinians who resented the settlers' intrusion. The evolution of Zionism from a minority political movement to a powerful state in the region is discussed, with particular attention to the three goals of the ZSP & their impact on the Palestinian people: conquest of the land, of labor, & of the market. The exclusionary & inclusionary boundaries incorporated into constructions of Israeli citizenship are emphasized. Jewish & Palestinian feminist politics -- for the latter, particularly the Intifada & the role of Palestinian women in the national resistance movement -- are highlighted. 89 References. D. Generoli

Argues that, although the European Union (EU) presented a united front immediately following 11 September 2001, policy shifts in the US, coupled with events in the Middle East, have strained both European unity & the transatlantic alliance. Differences between European & American responses to the US tendency to act unilaterally & increasing Israel-Palestine violence are serious threats to the unity of the alliance. The EU's inadequacy to handle large-scale military conflicts is discussed, along with tensions within the EU between smaller & larger nations; likely reforms of EU institutions; & the contribution of EU countries to the war in Afghanistan. It is concluded that there is some validity to criticisms of both the unilateralism of the US & the failure of EU countries to take sufficient action against terrorism. However, the Europeans are beginning to do more to make the EU an effective international actor, especially in the area of police & judicial cooperation, which in turn has the potential to influence the US & restrain the American inclination toward unilateralism. J. Lindroth

As part of the US program of Empire-building, the war on terror is likely to inject more insecurity into an unstable globalization process. The ongoing Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a micro-site in this war. This conflict illustrated the anti-political nature of the war on terror in which citizens give tacit consent to politics rather than participation. In the US version of globalization, the Palestinians have been rendered invisible in order for the US to protect oil interests in the region & further Israel's ethno-nationalist objectives. The prosecution of the second intifada in order to raise world awareness of Palestinian rights is discussed. The suicide bombings in the intifada are a new & desperate form of resistance against Empire. It is argued that violence needs to give in to freedom & emancipation. 45 References. M. Pflum

As part of the US program of Empire-building, the war on terror is likely to inject more insecurity into an unstable globalization process. The ongoing Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a micro-site in this war. This conflict illustrated the anti-political nature of the war on terror in which citizens give tacit consent to politics rather than participation. In the US version of globalization, the Palestinians have been rendered invisible in order for the US to protect oil interests in the region & further Israel's ethno-nationalist objectives. The prosecution of the second intifada in order to raise world awareness of Palestinian rights is discussed. The suicide bombings in the intifada are a new & desperate form of resistance against Empire. It is argued that violence needs to give in to freedom & emancipation. 45 References. M. Pflum

The transformation of the Gush Emunim underground movement into a radical terrorist organization is examined. A historical overview of the Gush Emunim's emergence within contemporary Israeli society illustrates the conditions responsible for its formation. The subsequent radicalization of the group throughout the late 1970s is discussed, emphasizing the murder of 6 Israeli students & the group's attack against 5 prominent Arab leaders in May 1980. It is contended that the ideological foundation for Gush Emunim combined messianism & fundamentalism; Gush Emunim leader Yehuda Etzion's theory of active redemption, which advocated the destruction of Harem El Sharif at the Temple Dome in Jerusalem, is examined. It is asserted that Etzion's agenda played a significant role in transforming Gush Emunim's idealism into an idealistic terrorist organization. The group's subsequent transformation into a professional terrorist group is addressed, accentuating the organization's participation in vigilante terrorism. It is concluded that messianic movements that emerge in intranational ethnic conflict are particularly vulnerable to embracing terrorist tactics. J. W. Parker

The close relationship between state identity & foreign policy in Israel is investigated. Overviews of the notions of identity, narrative, frames, & institutions are provided; it is asserted that the formation of Israeli state identity has been attempted in a specific historical narrative. The Yitzhak Rabin administration's attempt to implement a liberalist-Zionist Israeli national identity & its connection to the peace movement are discussed. It is contended that Israeli national identity actually became more fragmented under the Benjamin Netanyahu administration; his ambiguous stance on the issue of territorial withdrawal & accretion of power to the Palestinians & the poor electoral performance of the Labor & Likud Parties in the 1996 parliamentary elections accelerated the fragmentation. It is concluded that the Netanyahu administration deepened divisions between religious & secular groups & that the emergence of identity politics in Israeli's parliament during the late 1990s further problematized the peace process. J. W. Parker