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Bertrand Badie on the Trump Moment, the Science
of Suffering, and IR between Power and Weakness



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IR retains a traditional focus on the
game of power between states as its defining characteristic. But what, so asks Bertrand
Badie, if this means that our discipline is based on a negation of our humanity?
A giant in Francophone IR, Badie has labored to instead place human suffering
at the center of analysis of the international, by letting loose sociological
insights on a truly global empirical reality. In this Talk, Badie—amongst others—challenges the centrality of the idea of
state power, which makes little sense in a world where most of the IR agenda is
defined by issues emanating from state weakness; argues for the centrality of
suffering to a more apt IR; and uses this to contextualize the Trump Moment.




Print version (pdf) of this Talk



What is (or should be), according to
you, the biggest challenge / principal debate in current International
Relations? What is your position or answer to this challenge / in this debate?



Unquestionably, it would be the matter of change. It is time to conceptualize,
and further than that, to theorize the change that is happening in the field of
International Relations (IR). Humans have always had the feeling that they are
living in a period of upheaval, but contemporary IR is really characterized by several
landmarks that illustrate the drastic extent of change. I see at least three of
them.



The first one concerns the inclusive nature of the international system.
For the first time in the history of mankind, the international system covers
nearly the whole humanity, while the Westphalian system was an exclusively European
dynamic in which the United States of America entered to turn it into a system,
that I would call, Euro-North-American.



The second element, around which publications abound (see notably Mary
Kaldor's work, Theory Talk #30), is the deep mutation of the nature of conflict. War used to be, in
the Westphalian model, a matter of competition between powers. Today we have
the feeling that weakness is replacing power, in that power cannot any longer
function as central explanatory term of conflictual situations, which are
rather manifestations of state weakness. Think of 'failing' or 'collapsing'
states, which refers to the coming apart of nations that have been built badly
as well as the deliquescence of social ties. This new form of conflictuality
completely turns the international environment upside down and constitutes a
second indicator of transformation.



The third aspect concerns mobility. Our international system used to be
fully based on the idea of territory and boundaries, on the idea that fixity
establishes the competences of States in a very precise way. In this
perspective, the state refers to territory—as the definition given by Max Weber
states very clearly—but today this territorial notion of politics is challenged
by a full range of mobilities, composed of international flows that can be
either material, informational, or human.



These are three indicators illustrating a deep transformation of the
inner nature of IR that encourage me to speak about 'intersocial relations'
rather than 'interstate relations'. The notion of interstate relations no
longer captures the entirety of the global game. Our whole theory of IR was
based on the Westphalian model as it came out of the peace of Westphalia, as it
was confirmed by the accomplishment of the nation-state construction process
and as it dominated the historical flow of international events until the fall
of the Berlin wall.



Until the fall of the wall, all that was not related to Europe or to the
United States of America, or more precisely North-America, was simply called 'periphery',
which says enough. Today, by contrast, the periphery is central at least
regarding conflictuality. We should therefore drop our Westphalian prism and
build up new analytical tools for IR that would take these mutations as their
point of departure. Doing away with our Westphalian approach to IR would mean
questioning both our classical IR theories and questioning the practical models
of action in international politics, which means the uses of diplomacy and
warfare.





How did you arrive at where you
currently are in your thinking about International Relations?



You know when we write, when we work, we are first of all influenced by
our dissatisfaction. The classical Westphalian approach to IR, as I said
earlier, did not satisfy me as I had the feeling that it was focusing on events
that no longer had the importance that we kept giving them—for instance the arms
race, great power politics, or the traditional diplomatic negotiations—while I
was seeing, maybe this was the trigger, that the greatest part of suffering in
the world was coming from places that IR theory was not really covering.



I have always told my students that IR is the science of human suffering.
This suffering exists of course where we are—in Europe, in North America, they
exist everywhere in the world—but the greatest part is outside of the
Westphalian area, so the classical approach to IR gives a marginal and
distorted image. Africa and the Middle East seen through the Westphalian prism are
a dull image, strongly different from the extraordinary wealth, both for good and
bad, that these areas of the world have. I've also always held that in a world
where 6 to 9 million people starve to death each year, the main foci of traditional
IR were derisory. Even terrorism, to which we collectively attribute so much
importance, hardly comes near how important a challenge food security is.



My three latest books take a stand against traditional IR theories. In Diplomacy of
Connivance (2012) I tried to
show that the great power game is really a game way that is much more
integrated than we usually say and that this game plays out in all multilateral
fora. There is indeed a club, and that is precisely what I wanted to describe,
a club of powers—one which results to the detriment of less powerful members in
the international system.



In Le Temps des humiliés ('the
era of the humiliated', 2014), I tried to crystallize what the classical theory
could not express, which is domination seen through the lens of the dominated,
humiliation as felt by the humiliated, violence as experienced by the
desperate. For instance, even if we look at powers as accomplished as China
today—sharing the first place with the USA in terms of GDP—we have to admit
that their historical experience of humiliation constitutes a huge source of inspiration
when it comes to the elaboration of its foreign policy.



And then, in my last book Nous ne
sommes plus seuls au monde ('we are no longer alone in the world', 2016), this
critique was even more explicit. We are writing an IR that encompasses only about
one billion of human beings, while forgetting all the others. Today it is
simply no longer true that these old powers are setting the international
agenda. Global politics today is written by the little, the weak, the dominated;
often with recourse to extreme forms of violence, but this needs to be analyzed
and understood, which would mean to totally change the IR theory.



We should not forget that in large part, IR theory was a given as the USA
triumphed in 1945. The well-known 'great power politics' that dominates
traditional IR theory, inaugurated by Morgenthau and supported by so many others,
described what was true at that time: the ability of American power to set us
free from the Nazi monster. Today the challenge is strongly different, and it
is by the way meaningful that two of the greatest American internationalist
political scientists, Robert Keohane (TheoryTalk #9) and Ned Lebow (Theory Talk #53),
have both written books that elude to the end of this global order
(respectively After Hegemony and Goodbye Hegemony). Well what interests
me is exactly to dig into what comes after hegemony.





What would a student
need to become a specialist in International Relations or understand the world
in a global way?



First of all, I would advise them to rename their science, as I said
earlier, and to call it intersocial relations. The future of what we call IR
comes down to the ability to understand the extremely rich, multiple and
diversified interactions that are happening among and across the world's
societies. It does not mean that we have to completely abandon the state-centric
perspective, but rather dethrone states from the middle of this multiplicity of
actors in order to realize how very often these states are powerless when faced
with these different actors. That would be my first advice.



My second advice would be to look
ahead and not back. Do not let yourself be dominated by the Westphalian model,
and to try to build up what we need—since almost nothing has been done yet
today to construct this post-Westphalian, meta-Westphalian model. Beyond power,
there are things that we still misidentify or overlook while they are the driving
forces of today's and tomorrow's IR. From this point of view, sociology could
prove particularly useful. I consider, for instance, that Émile Durkheim is a very important inspiration to understand the
world today. Here is an author to study and to apply to IR.



The third advice that I would give them would be to not forget that IR
or intersocial relations are indeed the sciences of human suffering. We should
be able to place suffering at the core of the thinking. We've lost far too much
time staring at power, now it is time to move on to place human suffering at
the center. Why? First of all because it is ethically better; maybe will we be
able to learn from it? But also because in today's actual international
politics suffering is more proactive than power, which is not necessarily
optimistic but if recognized, would allow us a better questioning of new forms
of conflictuality. Perhaps unfortunately, the international agenda is no longer
fixed with canons, but with tears. Maybe this is the key point on which we
should concentrate our reflection.



Your insistence on placing suffering at the center of
IR scholarship seems to place you firmly alongside those who recognize "grievance" ratherthan "greed" as a central logic of international politics. What do you make of this parallel?



You are right: the idea of grievance, of recrimination, is a structuring
logic of the international game today. We did not see it coming for two
reasons. First of all because our traditional analysis of international
politics presupposed a unity of time, as if the African time, the Chinese time,
the Indian time and the European time where all identical. Yet this is
completely wrong because we, in our European culture, have not understood that
before Westphalia there were
political models, political histories, that profoundly marked the people that would
then shape contemporary politics. Remember that China is 4000 years of empire,
remember that precolonial Africa was composed of kingdoms, empires,
civilizations, philosophies, arts... Remember that India also is multi-millenary.
The Westphalian time came to totally deny and crush this temporality, this
historicity, almost in a negationist way, which means that, in the spirit of
those who were defending the Westphalian model, only this model was associated
to the Renaissance; and that the age of enlightenment and reason with a big R
had a calling to reformat the world as if it were a hard drive. This was a
senseless bet, a bet for which our European ancestors who led it had excuses
because at that time we did not know all these histories, at that time we did
not have all the knowledge we today have of the other and thus we simply
resolved it, through the negation of alterity. Yet, IR ought on the contrary aspire
to the accomplishment of alterity. Inevitably, all those who saw themselves
denied their historicity, over several centuries and even several millenaries,
accumulated a feeling of recrimination, of particularly deep grievances.



The second element is that all of this happened in a context of
disequilibrium of power resources, linked to different factors that reflected
indeed the fact that at a given moment of time western powers were both
literally and figuratively better armed than other societies. Abovementioned negation
of alterity was mapped onto, and amplified, by the forceful imposition of a
multilateral system that turned into the worst situation, into a proclaimed
hierarchy of cultures; as a result and there were, as Jules Ferry put it in the France
of the 19th century, 'races'; as in, 'We have the obligation to
educate inferior races'. It is not the beginning of history, but it is the
beginning of a history of humiliation. And through subsequent waves of globalization,
this humiliation has turned into a central nerve running through international
life. A nerve that has been used by both the powerful, who made a tool out of
humiliating the others to better dominate them (think here of the opium wars, colonization)
and simultaneously a nerve that fed the reaction of mobilization in the extra-Westphalian
world by those that had to stand up against those who were humiliating them. So
you see how it truly lies at the basis of IR. In my mind, it became a forceful paradigm,
it explains everything, even though others factors continue to weigh in on
actual dynamics.



In order to appreciate all this, we need a sociological approach, which
has for me two aspects. Both these aspects must be considered together for the
approach to be well understood. The first one is a timeless aspect, which is to
consider that everywhere and in all eras politics is a social product. Politics
cannot be understood as somehow outside society. This I would say contradicts the
majority of IR scholars, who believe excessively in the autonomy of politics
and of the state—even if only for analytical purposes. The second element of
this sociological approach is the historical or temporal component. That is
what I was talking about earlier: with globalization the social fabric strongly
progressed compared to the political fabric, and considering that intersocial
relations grew, we need a sociological approach to understand them.





Do you think that the Trump period constitutes a
fundamental break with the conduct of IR?



Trump himself maybe not, but what he represents certainly. If we look at
the USA today we see, since the new millennium, three models succeeding each
other. After 11-09 there was a time of neo-conservatism where globalization was
considered by American leaders as a means or maybe a chance to universalize the
American model, willingly or not. By force, as was the case in Iraq in 2003.
This model failed.



This lead to a second model which I would describe as a liberal model,
neo-liberal, incarnated by Obama who learnt from the lessons of the failure of neo-conservatism,
and had the courage to question the hypothesis hitherto considered as indisputable
of American leadership in the world, and who considered that the USA could win
only through soft power or smart power or free-trade. That is the reason why
Obama was just a little bit interventionist and was counting a lot on the TTIP
and on all these transregional agreements.



With Trump we arrive at a third model, one that I would call
neo-nationalist, that looks at globalization in a different way. In his perspective,
globalization constitutes a chance to satisfy the national American interests. The
idea of the national comes back after a long interlude of a globalizing vision.
It does not mean that we are not interventionist anymore. What happened in
Syria proves it. It means that we will intervene not according to the needs of
globalization but rather to American interests. It is about sharing a strong
and powerful image of the USA on the one hand and on the other serving the
concrete interests of the American people and nation.



This neo-nationalist model is not defended only by Trump, that is the
reason why I was saying that we should not consider Trump individually. We find
it exactly the same way with Putin. We find it by many other world leaders,
such as Erdogan or Duterte or Victor Orbán—really different figures—or Marshal
Sissi in Egypt.



We find it as well in attitudes, for instance Brexit in Great Britain, in
right-wing neo-populism in Europe: Ms. Le Pen, Mr. Wilders...  or in a certain left-wing neo-populism as
Mélenchon in France. It is in the air, seeming almost a passing fad. But it
constitutes perhaps a double rupture within IR. First of all because since the
emergence of globalization, let's say around the 70's, the national interest as
a thought category was bit by bit replaced with approaches in terms of collective
goods. Today by contrast we witness the abandonment of this image of collective
goods for a return to the national interest. This is very clear in Trump's renouncing
of the COP21 of Paris. At the same time, second, this constitutes some form of the
rehabilitation of the idea of power, which again seeps into the language of IR.




You know the IR scholar is not a neutral person, we have to use our science
towards positive action and for the definition of sound public policies. Going
against the idea of collective goods, casting doubt on the ideas of human
security, environmental security, food security, and sanitary security is
extremely dangerous because the composition of national interests and egoism
will never converge to a globally coherent policy. It is the weak that will
suffer first.



And the same time that power is reinstated as a driving principle of IR
praxis, the paradox is that great powers are becoming more and more powerless. If
we look only since 1989, and ask, when did state power ever triumph in IR?
Where did the strongest ever find a battleship enabling him to resolve a
problem to his benefit and according to his goals? Never. Not in Somalia, not
in Afghanistan, not in Iraq, not in Syria, not in Palestine. Nowhere. Not in
Sahel, not in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Nowhere. So I am a little
worried, indeed, about this naive and old-fashioned rehabilitation of state
power.





Can we say that globalization, or rather the ambition of
integration at either the European or global scale, has failed? Can today be
considered a good moment to bury of the idea of integration?



I do not like burials, it is not an expression that I would use, but
your question is very pertinent. For around twenty years I have been saying and
teaching that regional integration constituted an intermediary and realistic
level of adaptation between the era of the nation state and that of globalization,
which means that I believed for a long time that regional integration was the
final step towards a global governance of the world.



I thought for a long time that what was not possible at the global
scale, a global government, was possible at the regional level and this would already
strongly simplify the world map and thus go in the way of this adhesion to the
collective dimension required by globalization. Nevertheless, not only Europe
suffers a setback, but all the regional constructions in the world are in a
similar situation. Mr. Trump openly shoves the NAFTA agreement, MERCOSUR is
down as every State that is composing it has recriminations against it, and we
could extend the list… All the forms of integration that have been set by
Chavez around his Bolivian ideal have ceased to exist; Africa progresses very
slowly in terms of regional integration; the Arab Maghreb Union, which is an
essential device, totally failed. Thus indeed the situation does not look good.



In the case of Europe there is a double phenomenon: on the one hand,
there is this really grave failure due to the secession of Great Britain from
Europe, and then there is a general malaise of the European model. Brexit is
really rare, if you look at the contemporary history of IR it is simply
unprecedented that a state shuts the door on a regional or global organization.
As far as I remember, it only happened a few times before, with Indonesia in
the UN in 1964, which lasted only 19 months. It happened with Morocco with the
African Union and Morocco is currently reintegrating in it. This British
situation came as a thunderbolt, worsened by the fact that paradoxically it is
not so much because of regional integration that the British voted against the
European Union. It was more from an anti-migration, xenophobic and nationalist
(in reference to that nationalism trend that I was earlier talking about)
perspective and what is dramatic is that we can clearly see that the
nationalist sentiment is really attacking the inner principles of regional
integration.



I was saying that in the European case there are internal problems which
run even deeper than the British defection, and I will underline at least two
of them. First of all there is a democratic deficit of Europe, meaning that
Europe was not able to match electoral spaces with the ones where decisions get
made; people still vote at the national level while the decisions are taken in
Brussels. In consequence, democratic control over these decisions is extremely
weak. How to resolve this equation? And here the breakdown is total since very
few people are coming up with suggestions. The other factor of this crisis is,
according to me, the fact that Europe has been built with success after World
War II in a progressive way around association and indeed, Durkheim proved it,
the integrative logic makes sense. Unity makes strength and it did make
strength once in Europe to prevent war, a third World War, and secondly to
encourage the reconstruction of European countries where economy was totally
collapsed. This time is now over and it is the fault of Europe to not have
known how to recontextualize itself, to react to the new contexts.



Paying one more time tribute to Durkheim who guessed it right, Durkheim
said that there are two ways of constructing social ties: around association
and around solidarity. I think that the time of association is now over, we
should enter in the time of solidarity, which does not consist in saying 'We
Germans are associated with Greece', but rather 'We Germans are joined together
with Greece because we know that if Greece collapses, in a long term
perspective, we will suffer the consequences'. Thus this idea of fundamental
unity is an idea that has been a little bit overlooked, abandoned by the
Europeans and now they find themselves in a complete paralysis.





Is the decolonization period still having an impact on
contemporary IR?



Oh totally, totally. I would first say because it is a major event in
the field of IR, which made the World switch from 51 sovereign States of the UN
in 1945 to 193 today but above all, a very aggravating circumstance, is that
this decolonization has been a complete failure and this failure weighs
enormously on international politics.



It has been a failure because decolonization assumed the format of copying
the western state model in countries that were accessing independence, while
this model was not necessarily adapted, which provoked a proliferation of
failed states, and these collapsed states had a terrible effect on IR.



Secondly because decolonization should have led to the enrichment and to
the substantial modification of multilateralism, by creating new institutions
able to take charge of new challenges resulting from decolonization. Yet,
except the creation of UNCTAD in 1964 and of
UNDP in 1965, there have been very little innovations in terms of global governance.
Thus global governance remains dominated by what I earlier called 'the club',
which means the great powers from the north, and this is very dysfunctional for
the management of contemporary crises. Then also because the ancient colonial
powers happen to find new forms of domination that did somehow complicate the
international game. Thus in fact decolonization is a daily aspect of the crisis
that the international system faces today.





In conclusion, which question should we have asked? In
other terms, which question have we forgot?



I found your questions very pertinent as it allowed the discussion of themes
that I consider essentials. Now, the big problem that makes me worry is the
great gap between the analysts and the actors in IR. I am not saying that the
analysts understood everything, far from it, but I think that IR theorists are
very conscious of some of these transformations I have mentioned. If you look
at some great authors such as James Rosenau, Ned Lebow or Robert Keohane, to
name just a few—there are way more—they all contributed to the reconstruction
of IR.



What truly strikes me is the autism of political actors, they think that
they are still at the time of the Congress of Vienna and that is an
extraordinary source of tension. Thus as long as this spirit of change does not
reach political actors, maybe Barack Obama was the first one to enter this game
and then the parenthesis was closed, as long as there will not be this move
towards the discovery of a new world, maybe as well through the inclusion in
our reflection about the international fabric such partners as China, it is not
normal that this very powerful China does not have any choice but to share the
paradigm and the model of action proper to occidental diplomacy, as long as we
would not have done this precise effort, well, we will remain in the negation
of the human, and that is the essential problem today, we are unable to
understand that at the end there is just one unity, which is the human being.



I had the chance to visit 105 countries and everywhere I met the same
men and the same women, with their pain, with their happiness, their hardship,
their joy, their sorrow, their needs that were everywhere identical. As long as
we will not understand that, well, we will be living in a world that is in total
contradiction with what it is truly and essentially. We will live in a world of
artifice and thus a world of violence.



Related links  



Read Badie's
The Arab Spring: A starting point (SER
Études 2011) here
(pdf)



Print version (pdf) of this Talk

The WSU Stewart Library Annual UC-UI Symposium took place from 2001-2007. The collection consists of memorabilia from the symposium including a yearly keepsake, posters, and presentations through panel discussions or individual lectures. ; Audio Recording ; David Eccles and the Origins of the Utah Construction Company a commemorative lecture presented at the 2007 Utah Construction/ Utah International Symposium The Beginning of an Era by Dr. Thomas Alexander Thursday, October 18, 2007 1 It's a pleasure for me to be here today and let me thank a number of people for this opportunity. Thanks to Beverly Ahlstrom and to my daughter Tracy Alexander Zappala for their help with the research. Thanks to Richard Sadler and Joan Hubbard here at Weber State for inviting me to give this presentation. I thank Brooke Ann Alexander, another daughter for her help with the pictures that I put together today and thanks to John Sillito and the staff of Special Collections here at the Stewart Library for their help with the documents here. To Brad Cole and the staff of the Leonard J. Arrington Archives at Utah State University for their help and Greg Thompson and his staff at the University of Utah Marriott Library for their help. Most particularly let me thank Utah International and the Eccles, Wattis and Dee families for sponsoring this symposium. I'm grateful for the opportunity to be here today. On May 12th of 1849 Sarah Hutchison Eccles gave birth to David Eccles who joined his older brother, John, among William Eccles and Sarah's expanding family that eventually included seven children. After working hard selling resin stick as lighters and products of his fathers lathe in Scotland and obtaining less than a year of schooling David immigrated with his family from Scotland to Utah in 1863. The family settled first here in Ogden and then successively in Liberty and Eden in Ogden Valley. Cataracts had blinded William Eccles, but he turned utensils on his lathe by feel and David peddled those products from a pack in Ogden and Brigham City and points between. The family moved to Oregon City in 1867 and William Eccles, David now age eighteen and his younger brother Stewart found work cutting cord wood. The back braking labor of felling and 2 sawing timber became David's entree in to the business in which he grounded his fortune. In 1869 after two years in Oregon the Eccles family moved to Ogden because of the joining of the Union and Central Pacific that same year. Ogden became Utah's transportation center and it surpassed Provo as Utah's second largest city. David and Stewart returned to lumbering. In the winter of 1869- 70, now twenty years old David found additional work in Wyoming as a freighter and in Eden on his father's homestead. The entrepreneurial spirit evidence in his business ventures in Scotland however impelled him to brake loose from working for others. Capitalizing on the skills he had learned in Oregon he negotiated a contract to furnish logs for the Wheeler Saw Miller which was located at the confluence of Wheeler Creek and the Ogden River just west of the present site of Pine View Dam. With his earnings he purchased two oxen. To his great regret an accident killed the oxen as they pulled logs for him. The death of his team forced him to return to work for others. He worked for the Union Pacific and the Alameda Coal Mine in Wyoming. Recognizing David's industriousness the boss gave him a job for which he was not qualified, because of the lack of schooling in Scotland he had not learned to do arithmetic properly and he soon lost the job as a bookkeeper for the company. Soon Chinese workers willing to work for much lower wages replaced the Euro Americans in the job there at the coal mine. The boss fired him and he returned to Eden. After returning to Ogden Valley he again engaged in logging. 3 David recognized the need for better education to supplement his entrepreneurial skills and during the winter of 1872- 73 and again in a later winter he enrolled in a private school in Ogden's old City Hall that was run by Louis F. Moench. Moench a well educated immigrant from Germany's Rhineland later became principal of Weber Stake Academy, and now Weber State University. He's best known today as the lyricist of a familiar Latter- day Saint hymn written first in German as " Sehet, ihr voelker" and translated in to English as " Hark All Ye Nations." Many of you are familiar with that hymn. Although he attended only two terms David learned enough to develop the skill of adding a row of figures in what seemed to observers like lightening speed. The winter of 1872- 73 proved extremely busy for this ambitious young man. In addition to attending school he negotiated a freighting contract to take a load of coffins from Ogden to Pioche, Nevada. You wonder perhaps what all of this stuff that David did during his early life has to do with Utah Construction. Well his earnings in lumbering formed the basis of his fortune. The earnings in lumber provided the funds for his investment in First National Bank and investment in the sugar industry. The investment in the bank then led to his investment in Utah Construction. And the investment in Sugar led to Utah Construction's first large contract. If you don't learn anything else from this presentation today you ought to get those three points. To understand his success then, we need to understand these things. Now during the summer of 1872, David had a contract to furnish logs for a mill owned by Bishop David James on Monte Cristo forty- five miles east of Ogden after he finished the contract he reached an agreement with 4 two colleagues to share the cost of building a mill during the summer of 1873, the next year. He used a loan and the money he'd earned from freighting coffins for his share of the capital for that mill. Firm of Henry E. Gibson, W. T. VanNoy and David Eccles operated the mill and the following year they opened a lumber yard in Ogden. As David managed the mill on Monte Cristo he found time to come down the mountain to Huntsville to dance. There he renewed his acquaintance with a young woman Bertha Marie Jensen whom he'd previously seen in Huntsville and had met at Monech's school. In contrast with David's impoverished family, Bertha a native in Denmark had relatively fixed parents. Then in spite of their social differences the two feel in love and married in the Endowment House in Salt Lake City on December the 17th of 1885. The marriage produced twelve children. After his marriage David continued in the lumbering business. He logged and processed lumber on Monte Cristo with Gibson and VanNoy and then with Gibson. Then in 1881 after dispute because Gibson traded a span on his horses for some worthless oxen he broke with Gibson and formed his own company and after this time he was independent. Convinced of the need to retail his own products David opened a lumber mill on the corner of 24th Street and Lincoln Avenue in Ogden at which he always considered his primary business. Even when he became bank president and president of Utah Construction he kept his office at the lumber yard. Eccles soon moved his timber operation to Scofield a mining district in Carbon county about fifty miles northwest of Price. Concurrently he opened lumber operations in Idaho. 5 Engaging in business with John Stoddard who lived in Wellsville, he began to taking an interest in one of his fellow Scotsman's daughters, Ellen. That interest bloomed into love between the two. Born in January 1867 and nearly eighteen years younger than David, Ellen was only a couple weeks shy of age eighteen at the time of her marriage to David in the Logan Temple on January the 2nd 1885. Although the LDS church continued to encourage plural marriages in 1884 the federal government had inaugurated an intense campaign against polygamist Mormons and David kept his marriage to Ellen secret. At various times she lived with her father's family in Cache County at Scofield and in Oregon. The marriage produced nine children. Between 1884 and 1889 David continued to run his lumber business, but he entered in to local politics as well. He served as an alderman and mayor here in Ogden. While serving as mayor he bridged the gap between the Mormon and non- Mormon business communities by championing the organization of the Ogden Chamber of Commerce in April of 1887. He also oversaw the construction of a new city hall. At the time David also expanded his lumber operations. Between 1883 and 1889 he opened new timber stands in Oregon the opportunity to market lumber from the lush stands of the mountain west and pacific coast became part of the incentive for the construction of railroads through the west. And the available railroad transportation led to a boom in railroad logging. As entrepreneurs moved into the Rocky Mountains, California and the Pacific Northwest, to harvest evergreens Eccles got in on the ground floor of the logging business. 6 In 1883 he purchased a mill to manufacture railroad ties at North Powder from John Stoddard. Organizing the firm of Spencer, Ramsey and Hall in 1887 Eccles established sawmills at Veneta, Oregon and Chandroth, Washington. Fluming or floating logs to Veneta, the company cut the logs into ties, loaded them on railroad cars and shipped the out to fuel the ever expanding railroads throughout the west. In 1888 Eccles closed his operations at Scofield and moved the mill to Telocaset about thirty miles north of Baker, Oregon, and about eight mile from North Powder on the Union Pacific Railroad. Eccles' loggers at Scofield had been cutting illegally on public lands and after the inauguration of the Cleveland administration in 1885 General Land Office Commissar William A. J. Sparks began a sustained attack on illegal use of public resources. In addition, the General Land Office lumber inspectors had reportedly been extorting bribes from the company. That was somewhat of an incentive to close the operations down. In 1887 Eccles began his associations with Charles W. Nibley and you see the two of them here on the advertisement for the Oregon Lumber Company. Nibley a Scottish immigrant like Eccles earned a fortune in lumbering and in the beet sugar business before he became Presiding Bishop of the LDS Church stockholders in addition to Eccles, who held a controlling interest in the company. In 1889 David moved Ellen's family to North Powder. Eccles and Nibley induced the Union Pacific Railroad to use rails salvaged from other operations to construct in 1890 a twenty mile long narrow gauge railroad from Salisbury eight miles south of Baker northeast through the Sumpter Valley and he himself invested in that railroad as well. In addition the U. P. contracted with Eccles' firm 7 to furnish 500,000 ties each year which they shipped on their new railroad to various destinations. In 1891 the company shipped its first timber from Sumpter Valley and in 1892 Eccles opened a mill at Baker. By 1893 the company had operations at Hood River, Meacham, North Powder, Baker and Pleasant Valley. Eccles' company managed to weather the economic depression that followed the financial collapse in 1893 and the company was able to keep its employees, because they honestly told the workers about the dangers of working for the company under these stringent economic conditions. At the same time they promised the workers that they would treat them fairly. Into the early twentieth century the company continued its operations. In 1902 Eccles opened the mill at Anglish Oregon and about forty miles northwest of Portland. The town again lay on the Columbia River and also on the railroad line. In 1903 Eccles purchased the Lost Lake Lumber Company at Hood River also on the Railroad line and the Columbia River and he consolidated with the Oregon Lumber company. In 1905 Eccles induced the Union Pacific to construct a spur line the Hood River Railroad from Hood River twenty- five miles up to Parkdale. This allowed them to access the lush stands of fir in the region. In the mean time Eccles began to invest in other businesses. He reluctantly bought stock in the Utah Sugar Company, the parent company of Utah- Idaho Sugar. In spite of his reservations about investing in that company his connection with U& I proved a god send for him. He also began to invest in banking and it was the banking business that eventually led him to invest in Utah Construction. In 1881 a group associated with Horace S. Eldridge then president 8 of Deseret National Bank and manager of ZCMI chartered the First National Bank in Ogden. The bank located its offices at the corner of Washington Boulevard and 24th street. At the time the only Ogden stock holder was Neil C. Fliger. In 1883 the First National Bank increased its capital from a $ 100,000 to $ 150,000 and David invested in the bank and was elected to the board of directors. In 1888 the board elected David H. Parry as president of the bank and in 1889 Eccles was elected, or in 1892 Eccles elected vice president. In 1894 he purchased Parry's stock and was elected president of the bank. In 1898 he became a director of the Deseret Savings Bank and Deseret National Banks in Salt Lake City. These banks later became the basis of the First Security Bank system, now part of the Wells Fargo Bank system. As a faithful Latter- day Saint he also responded to calls to help his church. He never served a mission himself but sent sons on missions. He made his initial investment in the Utah Sugar Company because of a request from Heber J. Grant. Later when President Lorenzo Snow decided to issue bonds to help satisfy the church's creditors David Eccles subscribed to $ 200,000 worth of Latter- day Saint bonds. Eccles also paid off a $ 7,000 debt of the Ogden fifth ward by inducing President Lorenzo Snow to allow the ward to credit his tithing toward the debt toward that ward. Imagine trying to do something like that now. While David Eccles amassed a fortune from lumbering, the earning from which he invested in other business, two other young men, Edmund O. and William H. Wattis began to make their mark in business. E. O. and W. H. farmed together in Uintah and you'll hear some more about them from Stan Layton later 9 on, but they also began taking grading contracts often with their uncles George L., Charles J, Amos B., and Warren W. Corey. In 1881 the Corey Brothers and Ira E. Spalding organized Corey Brother Construction Company as a private company. In 1886 the Wattis brothers joined with their uncles and Spalding and incorporating Corey Brothers. The corporation constructed railroads in various states. Sometime after this incorporation David Eccles offered to purchase a share in the company, but reportedly the opposition of Warren Corey kept him out. Already however, Corey Brothers had begun financing their operations by borrowing $ 50,000 from Eccles' First National Bank. For the Portland to Astoria job for which the Corey Brothers contracted to grade the railroad line the contract required the company to pay the contractors at the completion of each twenty mile section of the railroad. As they moved along in the construction the company ran short of funds, in part because they had to front the cost of construction. Financial problems also arose because a company they were doing some work for in Nevada went bankrupt and because of the financial stringency. The depression of 1893 was probably the second worst depression that we had in the history of the United States. When Corey Brothers could find no financing to conclude the railroad contract local authorities auctioned their equipment to meet their obligations. In the mean time, the Corey Brothers soon reached First National Banks lending limit of ten percent of their capital. Warren Corey came to bank to borrow some more money. Well bank officials told him that David Eccles wasn't there. He was in his office over at the lumber company where he always 10 had his office, so Corey went and sought him out. What David did was to say, " Look, I don't want to talk with you. I want to talk to W. H. Wattis he's the general manager of the company." So Wattis came in to Eccles office and Eccles asked him, " Look what's the matter. Why do you need more money?" Wattis replied, " That nothing was the matter if we could get rid of the Coreys." He told Eccles that job wasn't good enough for seven families to live off. Unable to meet their obligations as the depression deepened the Corey Brothers filed for bankruptcy in 1895. To settle their debts the Wattis's and Corey's had to sell a great deal of their property in downtown Ogden and on the bench, east downtown to the First National Bank. As a bankrupt company Corey Brothers passed into receivership and the receiver sold the company assets now totaling about $ 7,000 to a new company incorporated on November the sixth of 1895 with capital of $ 10,000. Significantly with the new Corey Brothers they had a new set of senior partners all officers of the First National Bank. After the reorganization the officers of the bank, Thomas D. Dee, James Pingree, Joseph Clark, and David Eccles owned two- thirds of Corey Brothers Construction Company. Eccles held the largest block of stock with thirty- six shares. Dee, Pingree and Clark each held ten percent among the Corey Brothers only Warren Corey and his wife, Julia, with thirty- two percent and Amos Corey with one percent remained as stock holders and William H. Wattis held only one percent of the stock in this company. In what was an apparent effort to avoid calamities similar to that the company had experience in 1895 David Eccles insisted that company carry no 11 long term debt. In a bow to the Corey Wattis partnership however and because David Eccles had considerable confidence in him William H. Wattis was appointed vice president and general manager of the company. The new owners elected Dee as president of the company and Pingree as secretary and treasurer. Since the company had come under the wing of First National Bank however, David Eccles as bank president and the largest stock holder became a major power in the company. Soon however as Wattis had hoped the new owners of Corey Brothers shut the Corey brothers out of the business. On January the 8th of 1900 E. O. and W. H. Wattis together with their brother Warren L. Wattis incorporated the Utah Construction Company. They subscribed stock worth $ 8,000 from an initial offering of 24,000. Then on February the 8th of 1900, David Eccles, Thomas Dee, James Pingree and Joseph Clark, you'll remember their names from the bank together with the Wattis brothers purchased the remainder of the stock. Utah Construction agreed to purchase Corey Brothers assets except their books, probably weren't any good anyway, for $ 24,000. In the reorganization the Wattis brothers and W. H.' s wife Marie held $ 8,000 in shares, the same amount as David Eccles. Dee held $ 4,000 worth and Clark and Pingree $ 2,000 worth each. The directors reappointed W. H. Wattis as vice president and general manager and Dee was appointed as president. Wattis' reappointment came on the motion of David Eccles who had a considerable confidence in this younger mans ability. Eccles told his wife Bertha that the Utah Construction Company was one business that he did not have to concern himself about and that Mr. 12 Wattis knew the construction business and was competent to handle it. He also had similar confidence in E. O. Wattis whom he eventually place in charge of the companies San Francisco office. Under new management Utah Construction still had to finish the contracts that Corey Brothers had previously negotiated. The one Corey relative that they hired was Lester S. Corey, who served in various positions and eventually became company president. Completing the Corey Brothers contracts, Utah Construction finished a number of jobs including grading a road from Idaho Falls to St. Athenie for the Oregon Short Line, a subsidiary of railroad magnate Edward H. Harriman's Union Pacific Railroad. They also continued negotiating contracts for other jobs. In 1901 Utah Construction took a contract with Oregon Short Line to grade a line from its terminus in Utah to Las Vegas, Nevada. This construction project put O. S. L. and Harriman's Union Pacific system in competition with the Los Angeles and Salt Lake railroad owned by William Andrews Clark, who was a banking and mining magnate from Montana and who served for a time as Montana's senator. The Union Pacific had surveyed a line from Utah to Los Angeles in the nineteenth century, but Clark insisted that the franchise had lapsed because Union Pacific had not constructed the line very soon. This difference in opinion led to a frantic race between the two lines to completely construction through choke points. That is Narrow Canyons where workers could construct only one line. Both the Utah Construction Company and the L. A. S. L had crews that they pushed into the breach. Beginning at choke points construction crews actually graded road beds between places where other crews had already laid tracks. 13 Lester Corey served as Utah Construction's forwarding agent. In that capacity he had to make sure that hay, oats, and other supplies reached the camps ahead of the construction crews. From that vantage point Corey watched the progress and the confrontation between Utah Construction and Clark's company. They sent men and teams over land to places as much as fifty or more miles ahead of the rail end, those are Corey's words as he watched this. Laying rails at the rate of a mile a day the O. S. L people reached a choke point in Caliente Canyon, about sixty miles as the crow flies from Modena, Utah which was the last town in Utah before the tracks went into Nevada. Crows however don't fly the circuitous route that Utah Construction had to take to get into Caliente Canyon and down to Meadow Valley Wash in southern, southwestern Nevada where the town of Caliente was located. The Utah Construction crews reached Caliente Canyon before the L. A. S. L. crews did. Although the story is a bit unclear, Utah Construction must have already graded road bed through the canyon because the O. S. L. crews pulled in laying track on the way. When they got to the canyon they found that L. A. S. L. crews had strung a wired fence across the road bed, behind the fence stood a squad of toughs with rifles aimed at the O. S. L. construction crew. O. S. L. chief engineer, William Ashton, order his men to push the construction cars up to the fence and then he dumped a load of ties across the fence. In the face of these riflemen then, Ashton jumped the fence to call their bluff. Well as it happened the shooters weren't bluffing, at least not exactly. As soon as Ashton reached the other side of the fence the rifle men greeted him with volley of shots. 14 Fortunately the shots were all bang and no lead because the shooters had loaded their rifles with blanks. Both sides laughed at the confrontation and cooler heads prevailed. Utah Construction crews then packed up and returned to Utah and Idaho to carry several bank widening contracts. U. P. and L. A. S. L. took a year to negotiate an agreement and the line eventually became part of the Union Pacific system and Utah Construction returned to finish the road into Las Vegas. Significantly one of the stations in Caliente Canyon is named Eccles probably after David Eccles. After the organization of the company Eccles understood that Utah Construction could not really prosper if they continued to take small contacts for portions of railroad lines or for realigning various railroad lines the way the Corey Brothers had done. He wanted to undertake a very large project, but he needed help to negotiate it. His help came from Henry Havemeyer. As we've noted before through the good offices of Thomas Cutler, Eccles had already met Havemeyer. Cutler's Utah- Idaho Sugar Company had sold a fifty- one percent interest to Havemeyer's sugar trust. In June of 1902 after Cutler had introduced them, Havemeyer left Cutler twiddling his thumbs in the outer office and spent most of the day with David Eccles. The wily New Yorker apparently thought he could wear Eccles down, having cut his teeth though on the rough and tumble of western business Eccles held his own. After having his fill of Havemeyer's tactics Eccles finally told him bluntly, " We don't have to sell. We don't owe a dollar. This is what we'll do and nothing under that." Accepting Eccles proposal Havemeyer purchased fifty- one percent of the Ogden, Logan 15 and Oregon sugar companies that Eccles owned for more than the combined total of the three companies, and he consolidated them into the Amalgamated Sugar Company. Although he stood his ground in these negotiations, Eccles recognized that he could not battle a powerful company like the American Sugar Refining Company, so he bargained for the best deal he could. Significantly instead of detesting Eccles for his unyielding stand Havemeyer found Eccles a capable and impressive businessman and they became close friends. In Bertha Eccles' words, " Havemeyer didn't lose any respect for him because he stood up for what he knew was right." In fact he kept Eccles on as company president. Later when Havemeyer sent one of his technical experts to investigate Amalgamated Sugar Company plants the expert returned with the complaint that Eccles managers and other employees didn't have any advanced education. Havemeyer then defended Eccles, he told him, " Any man Mr. Eccles employs as a superintendent or to work around the mill is satisfactory and you must not interfere with Mr. Eccles." Now Havemeyer's friendship with Eccles proved more that propitious. Following the death of Callis B. Huntington in 1900 Edward H. Harriman gained control of the Southern Pacific Railroad. He already owned a controlling interest in Union Pacific and with the control of S. P. he effectually monopolized all of the railroad traffic from Salt Lake City to California. Previously S. P. had divided its patronage between the Denver and Rio Grande and the Union Pacific. With the 16 acquisition of Southern Pacific however, like a first rate monopolist Harriman began to squeeze the D. & R. G. In the mean time ownership of D. & R. G. had passed from Jay Gould to his eldest son George Jay. George Gould then owned a controlling interest in railroads stretching from Buffalo New York to Ogden Utah and he intended to extend that railroad from Baltimore to Oakland. To accomplish the western leg of his dream Gould turned to E. T. Jeffery who was president of Denver and Rio Grande in which Gould had a controlling interest. Gould and Jeffery tried to conduct surveys in secret over Beckworth Pass and down the Feather River Canyon to Oroville in California. But Arthur Caddy and Walter Barknet who had long planned for such a railroad learned of these efforts. Pressing Gould with claims that they'd already staked. Barknet negotiated an agreement with Gould on February the sixth of 1903 to provide for a new company to build this railroad from Salt Lake City to Oakland. On March the third then, a month after the two had signed this agreement and less than a year after Eccles had negotiated the sale of the controlling interest in his sugar plants to Havemeyer eleven men sat down at the California Safe Deposit Building on California Street in San Francisco. And you should remember that name, California Safe Deposit because it becomes important later on to the company. They signed and agreement to construct the Western Pacific Railroad from Salt Lake City to Oakland by way of Beckworth Pass, the Feather River and Oroville. Beckworth Pass lay more that 2,000 feet lower than Donner Pass which the Southern Pacific controlled. 17 Virgil Boge whom Gould sent out to conduct surveys found that they could construct a road with a grade of one percent, making it much more efficient that the Southern Pacific's grade over Donner Pass. After word of the new railroad reached Ogden the Company Officers learned that the contract for the western leg of the rail road from Oakland to Oroville had gone to E. B. & A. L. Stone of San Francisco. No one however had won the contract for the eastern end of the road which was to cross the Sierra Nevada, span all of Nevada and then cross Utah into Salt Lake City. No one in Utah Construction except David Eccles had an association with anyone with influence who could recommend them to Gould's representatives. He was in the word of Lester Corey, " The only one of our group who was known in eastern circles." Moreover " Eccles firmly believed that the company could do the job, so he agreed to go to New York and see what could be done," those are Lester Corey's words. Since he had a working relationship with Henry Havemeyer Eccles went to see the sugar magnate. Because of Havemeyer's confidence in Eccles' ability he recommended Eccles to the W. P. officers. Eccles said that " Havemeyer told Gould and his associates that anything that Eccles would sign his name to they could be sure he would see it through." Significantly Eccles, personally obligated himself to the successful performance of the contract, gave his personal word for it. In the midst of these negotiations on July eleventh, 1905 Thomas D. Dee contracted phenomena and died. On August seventh vice president W. H. Wattis called a meeting of the board of directors, the directors then elected David Eccles 18 president of the company. On September thirtieth, Eccles met with the board to ratify the first of the results of his negotiations with the Gould people. The directors agreed to sign first what to have been six contracts and seven supplemental contracts that authorized Utah Construction to prepare a roadbed for laying of rails from Salt Lake City to Oroville, California. The first contract obligated Utah Construction to grade between Salt Lake City and Silver Zone Pass, a pathway through the Toano Range about a hundred and ten miles west of Salt Lake City. Readers should understand that Utah Constructions obligation on this as on many previous contract consisted on preparing road bed on which the railroad laid its tracks rather than to lay the tracks as well. It did some jobs where it laid tracks but a lot of these involved grading road bed. Eccles then tasked Andrew H. Christenson with supervising the contract from Salt Lake City end and Edmund O. Wattis to superintend the Oroville end. Each section of the line had its own problems. In crossing the Bonneville Salt Flats near Wendover the construction crews faced a vast span of water soaked salt under pinned by mud. To solve the problem by laying lumber on the salt laying tracks on the lumber and hauling train loads of earth and gravel until the train bed would hold the locomotives and railroad cars. Consulting with supervisors and engineers the company broke new technological ground. This is the old technology, horses and wagons and scrappers. Here's an example on a construction project on the way they went ahead with their horses and wagons. Before 1905 construction company 19 workmen had prepared the road bed with horse drawn plows scrappers and dump wagons. Crews blasted through rock with dynamite but horse drawn equipment did virtually all of the earth moving. Since numatic drills available in the nineteenth century were bulky and difficult to move crews did most of the drilling by hand to place dynamite and nitroglycerin. On the Utah Construction job however, on the western construction job, Utah Construction began to move its technology into the twentieth century. Crews began to use in Lester Corey's words, " Air compressor, power drills, small steam locomotives, dump cars of four to eight cubic yards capacity, and steam shovels." You can see in this picture one of the trains with dump cars and the steam shovel operating, this is at Beckworth Pass. Since much of the hardest work took place in California and Western Pacific had its office in San Francisco as construction near completion in 1908 Utah Construction opened what they anticipated would be a temporary office in San Francisco. Eccles sent E. O. Wattis to head this office which was located in the Flood Building on Market Street between Turk and O'Farrell. After completion of the Western Pacific job the company began to secure contracts for work on the west coast and instead of closing this temporary office, it remained opened. E. O. and his associates Henry J. Lawler, John G. Tyler and John Q. Barlow aggressively sought contracts on the west coast as well. With the exceptions of the difficulties encountered on Utah's Bonneville Salt Flats Utah Construction crews had a relatively easy time constructing the road through Utah and Nevada. The seventy five mile Feather River Canyon in 20 northwestern California between Cady and Oroville however seemed like something from another world. On the surface a span of seventy five miles that dropped only one foot in a hundred seems like a walk in a park, at a glance. If you look at a topographic map of Feather River Canyon however, it reveals something quite different. The canyon is so steep that contour lines seem to lie on top of one another. And photographs from the canyon reveal a gloriously rugged landscape. And you'll see one of those pictures here. In some places surveyors had to hang by cable to drive the center line and field space across the canyon. In some places crews had to work very hard because they had to build a railroad grade with curves of only twenty degrees. Utah Construction blazed a trail and brought supplies in by mule train to set up camps and used these as bases for blasting out wagon road to haul in provisions and equipment. Eleven men lost their lives working on a rope bridge at Cromberg. Five died in and explosion at Beckworth Pass. At the confluence of Grizzly Creek the crews had to raft around shear cliffs. Utah Construction blasted forty tunnels of between forty and 7,500 feet in addition to building bridges, trestles and doing cuts and fills. E. O. Wattis moved his family to Oroville just beyond the north fork of the Feather River and his daughter reported that they could hear blasting from their home. As the construction proceeded, Utah Construction in general and David Eccles in particular faced a new problem caused in large part by the panic and recession of 1907. On October 22nd 1907 W. H. Wattis approached J. Dalzell Brown, Western Pacific's treasurer and asked him for payments due the 21 company. Lying to Wattis, Brown told him that the company didn't have any money on hand when in fact Western Pacific had deposited in the California Safe Deposit and Trust Company in San Francisco. Wattis had to leave San Francisco but Brown promised to send him the checks to Salt Lake City. Later Brown who was also the treasurer and vice president of California Safe Deposit, he had both those companies together, sent Utah Construction two checks totaling $ 236,000 drawn on California Safe Deposit. John Pingree who was the cashier of First National Bank of Ogden had left the business when the checks arrived and James F. Burton who was assistance cashier received the checks and sent them to California Safe Deposit for credit instead of depositing them in the San Francisco banks at the First National generally did business. Dalzell Brown and the other bank officers however knew something that Wattis and Brown didn't know. Through out the month of October 1907 California Safe Deposit was insolvent, in fact only deposits from Western Pacific from failing earlier and the bank apparently tried to protect itself by paying only nominal amounts from W. P. had deposited. More over California Safe Deposit had not kept the more than $ 400,000 required by the state of California for its financial institutions. Thus in an age before deposit insurance First National stood at risk. Employees at California Safe Deposit nicely credited First National's account for the checks, this was on October the 28th 1907 but they paid out no money, they simply credited the account. Safe Deposit proved quite unsafe deposit however because it closed its doors two days later on the October 30th. 22 To compound the difficulty at the same time because of the recession Western Pacific ordered construction curtailed by forty percent. In spite of Western Pacific's curtailment, Utah Construction had obligated its self to pay subcontractors their retained percentages, but W. P. didn't have to pay Utah Construction. In effect Utah Construction faced involuntary bankruptcy. Now David Eccles had guaranteed the contract with Western Pacific personally so he felt personally responsible for the losses incurred by the banks failure and the obligations to the subcontractors. As a result he negotiated a personal loan of $ 100,000 from Desert Savings Bank which he deposited in First National Bank, the remaining $ 125,000 came from Utah Construction's undivided profits. Thus Utah Construction and David Eccles absorbed this loss. Utah Construction however agreed to repay the bank losses and though the documents on this matter are not clear Eccles may have recovered some of the money that he advanced. After the completion of the contract Utah Construction tried to recover its losses from Western Pacific. Western Pacific insisted that since California Safe Deposit had credited Utah Construction with the checks that they gave him that the company had no liability. Safe Deposit was bankrupt of course and the checks were no good. Utah Construction officers believed that Western Pacific should repay the money. Officers of Utah Construction and Western Pacific then agreed to submit their disagreement to arbitration on April 29th 1910 the two companies's turned the dispute over to Charles P. Ells. Ells ruled for Western Pacific and Utah Construction then appealed to the California Superior Court in 23 San Francisco in 1912. The California Superior Court also ruled in favor of Western Pacific and to add insult to injury ordered Utah Construction to pay court costs and attorney fees to Western Pacific. Utah Construction the appealed to the California Supreme Court and on January the 9th 1917, five years after David Eccles' death the Supreme Court sustained the lower court decision in favor or Western Pacific. Now I discussed this case with an attorney friend that told me that a Utah company probably didn't stand the chance of beating a California company in California court in 1912. He said that the company might have stood a better chance had they applied in federal court. In spite of this setback Utah Construction had made its mark as one of the west's major construction companies. The company received $ 22.3 million dollars for a contract that kept its crews and subcontractors busy from 1906 through the end of 1909. The company hired more that 7,700 workers it drew many of them from Europe through an employment agency in Chicago. At about the same time the company contracted to construct this line. It agreed to build a line for the Nevada Northern Railroad in Nevada from Cobre on the Southern Pacific line southward to Ely. Eccles also purchased an interest in a livestock company, which is son and executor of estate David C. Eccles sold to Utah Construction in 1913 to obtain money to pay his fathers inheritance tax. The owners incorporated as the Vineyard, Land and Stock Company. Between 1908 and 1911 the company also undertook a number of smaller projects which kept their crews busy. All of these 24 activities proved extremely profitable. In 1900 the incorporators had purchased the assets of Corey Brothers for $ 24,000, in 1906 the company increased its capital to $ 500,000, on December the 31st of 1912 a few weeks after Eccles' death the company had paid stock of $ 903,000, moreover it had additional resources of assets over liabilities totaling $ 1.4 million. David Eccles had invested $ 8,000 in a company in 1900 that was worth $ 24,000. At the time of his death in 1912 the value of the stock and undistributed profits of Utah Construction Company totaled $ 2.3 million. In 1971 Leonard Arrington interviewed Marriner S. Eccles, the son of David and Ellen Stoddard Eccles. Marriner had had both the Utah Construction Company and First Security Corporation. Eccles told Arrington that Utah Construction was then worth in excess of $ 60 million, this was in 1971. Now I'm quoting from Marriner Eccles, " The Eccles family holding in First Security are chicken feet compared to Utah Construction." David Eccles died on December the 5th of 1912 running to catch a train in Salt Lake City he had a heart attack from which he did not recover. By today's standards where billionaires seem to abound, his estate seems relatively small. David C. Eccles administrator of that estate valued it at $ 7.3 million. In 2007 dollars however the estate would be worth about $ 154 million. Bertha got a widows share of one- third the estate and his children by both Bertha and Ellen received equal shares of the remainder. As a plural wife Ellen received none of the estate. His heirs paid inheritance tax of $ 297,000. 25 At his death Eccles' stock in Utah Construction Company were valued at $ 235,000, that from an $ 8,000 investment. It was the fifth largest block of stocks that he owned exceeded only by Amalgamated Sugar Company, Lewiston Sugar Company, Utah- Idaho Sugar Company, and the Oregon Lumber Company. In effect his $ 8,000 investment in Utah Construction in 1900 had grown 2,938 percent in twelve years. That's a fairly decent return on your investment. Now to what did David Eccles owe his success? The origins of his fortune lay in hard work and thrift. During 1872 while he ran the mill on Monte Cristo he seldom slept in a bed. He worked until dark, laid down where ever he could find a place to nestle himself and began to work again at dawn. He spent virtually none of the money that he earned saving it as an investment to improve his position as a capitalist. Although he accumulated some debt during the early years shortly after his marriage to Bertha he paid that off and he ordered his business affairs so that he carried no long term debt. He had excellent business acumen and extraordinary ability to recognize significant economic trends. He based his fortune on lumbering during a time of cheap or free land and a rapidly expanding market. Then instead of carrying all the all of his eggs in one basket, he diversified into eighty- three companies in a wide range of business ranging alphabetically from Adams Copper Mining and Smelting Company in Washington County to ZCMI in Salt Lake City, that's A to Z. He was an excellent judge of the abilities of people with whom he associated and of the opportunities open to him. He recognized the particular strength of people like Thomas Dee and William H. and Edmund O. Wattis. He 26 knew how to cultivate the friendship of people that could that help him. Without his association with Henry O. Havemeyer it seems unlikely that Utah Construction would have obtained the large contract to build the eastern leg of the Western Pacific Railroad Company. Clearly Utah Construction Company owes much of the credit for the early successes which provided a foundation for its future to David Eccles. Thank you. © 2007 WSU Stewart Library, All rights reserved.

In the private sector, outsourcing has become a recognized feature of the business scene. While there are various reasons for contracting out functions to external organizations, in general the justification relates to the potential cost-benefit from adopting this approach. This study set out to ascertain whether the same considerations applied to administrative procedures associated with starting a business. Did business registries outsource any or all of their functions? If so, did the same considerations apply as for the private sector? Were there lessons to be learned from their experience? Responses to these and other questions were received from 53 registries. This paper is not about global commerce, at least, not in the usual sense. It is about some of the more mundane administrative procedures that underpin the activities of the private sector, the basics that help it to function. Business registration is seen as a key factor in determining the investment climate of a country.

This paper is a case study of an open small economy whose development and growth is based largely on foreign trade and foreign direct investment (FDI). One purpose of the paper is to uncover the causes that have created such a development pattern. Estonia is a former socialist economy, part of the Former Soviet Union (FSU), which introduced comprehensive structural and institutional reforms in the 1990s. The country's transition to a market economy has been enhanced by integration with the European Union (EU), which was very important in evolution of institutions. Other research in this paper concerns the role of external anchors upon economic development; that is, mandates that reflect the values, objectives, and aims of a socioeconomic alliance, and which also frame Estonia's economic policy. One conclusion of the paper is that the EU integration process played an important role in creating and supporting development of a liberal, private sector-based market economy. Implementation of the rules, standards, and norms helped to increase the competitiveness of Estonian companies by improving market access to the EU and other markets. The external anchor concept is related to the international agents. A critical factor for future development and structural changes will be transforming Estonia from a transition economy to an innovation economy. The paper examines the role of the information and communication technology (ICT) sector and Skype in this development. The case of Skype demonstrates the much wider impact of the new telecommunication technology on society. Estonia's development in this field is empirical evidence that location, production, technology, and timing along with external anchors represent a catalyst for change.

This study is part of the ongoing dialogue on reforming trade logistics, and facilitating trade and transportation in Central and South Asian countries. It presents key findings from several rounds of first-hand observations and interviews conducted with multiple stakeholders to measure the performance of key road transport corridors across the region, including Kazakhstan, Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, and to some extent, Pakistan and Afghanistan. The study identifies obstacles that hinder efficient movement of goods along transport corridors, and offers recommendations for short- and medium-term reforms for participating country governments with particular emphasis on the performance of border crossings. The overall objective of this study is to provide basic information on transport corridor performance so that national policy makers and private sectors have a basis to open discussions on how they might cooperate to facilitate international trade and transport by addressing infrastructure and operational bottlenecks in the region.

Contract and labour law: towards a more flexile concept of employer? The contract within the sphere of the labour law seems to rediscover a "second youth" , lend itself to act as from "pole of attraction" regarding most important and debated profiles of surveying of the labour law doctrine. If the contract, from the point of view of its "pathological" use, captured the attentions of theoretical and practical operators of labour law, above all regarding the issue of the entrepreneurial removal from the so called "garantismo individuale e collettivo" through the phenomenon of the illegal hiring, on the physiological side the institute in question is led back, in a generally residual dimension, the within of the widest phenomenon of the outsourcing. The intervention of the legislator in matter, always increasing and more detailed regarding the past, reproposes, however in partially new terms, the problematic, particularly "felt" in years seventy of the past century, of the protection, legislative and contractual, of the labour in "small" enterprise. The relative criticalities to the anchorage of the protection to a dimensional requirement, any it is, united to those relative ones to the uncertainty and to the caducity of the "borders" of the enterprise of XXI the century, placed in a perspective, by now, not more exclusively national, make to meet towards the labour law discipline of the contract an interesting series of interpretative and reconstructive issues, a lot on the level of qualifying and protective profile, than on that, to "regulatory" one. These are, as mentioned, profiles that are interlaced and "crossed" among them, which are not compartmentalized, within a dimension that is also European and international. The qualifying profile, in fact, proposes, next and beyond the distinction between public and private contract, the most traditional e controversial profile of the distinction between contract, temporary work and illegal hiring, on one side, and transfer of undertaking and/or a its business unit and contract (above all contract of services), from the other. The protective profile in strict sense finds a progressive development and "updating" of not unknown institutes and instruments to the labour law discipline, like the so called social clause of fair treatment, or in the public contracts or in those private ones. At European level, the crucial theme of labour protection concerning the posting of workers in the framework of the provision of services is regulated, mostly, by the Directive CE 96/71, which tries to link social and economic-competitive considerations in a context of mobility of labour and services within the European market. The attempt of linking the foretold aspects seems to be the central fulcrum of the ulterior characterizing profile of the labour law discipline of the contract and that I have characterized like regulative profile. With regard to, and for a first example, it is analyzed, on one side, technique of the jointly legal responsibility, which redistributes the employer "responsibilities" with reference to the economic and normative treatments to guarantee to the interested workers within the relationships of contractual integration arising from the outsourcing processes, and, from the other, trade-union control of the phenomena of outsourcing. The embryonic regulative profile shows, among other things, the emerging of new institutional and socio-economic actors (like authorities, observatories, but also not governmental organizations, consumer and environmental associations), and instruments (like global framework agreements, codes of conduct, but also the, so called, indici di congruità), that prelude to incipient and additional, regarding those "traditional ones", forms of labour regulation within outsourcing processes, also in a global perspective. Finally, as regards to the contract in particular, an interconnected analysis of the three above qualified profiles offers to us an interesting reconstructive framework in order to inquire a possible and embryonic tendency towards a "flexibilisation" of the "employer concept", at least in terms of Co-employment, that links competitive regulation, labour protection and socio-economic development in a systematic and coherent framework. 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Peggy Grimm Pierce ; The Weber State University Oral History Project began conducting interviews with key Weber State University faculty, administrators, staff and students, in Fall 2007. The program focuses primarily on obtaining a historical record of the school along with important developments since the school gained university status in 1990. The interviews explore the process of achieving university status, as well as major issues including accreditation, diversity, faculty governance, changes in leadership, curricular developments, etc. ; This is an oral history interview with Peggy Grimm Pierce. It was conducted on November 11, 2011 and concerns her recollections and experiences with Weber State University and specifically the Stewart Library. The interviewer is Ruby Licona. ; 18p.; 29cm.; 2 bound transcripts; 4 file folders. 1 video disc: digital; 4 3/4 in. ; i Oral History Program Peggy Grimm Pierce Interviewed by Ruby Licona 11 November 2011 ii Oral History Program Weber State University Stewart Library Ogden, Utah Peggy Grimm Pierce Interviewed by Ruby Licona 11 November 2011 Copyright © 2012 by Weber State University, Stewart Library iii Mission Statement The Oral History Program of the Stewart Library was created to preserve the institutional history of Weber State University and the Davis, Ogden and Weber County communities. By conducting carefully researched, recorded, and transcribed interviews, the Oral History Program creates archival oral histories intended for the widest possible use. Interviews are conducted with the goal of eliciting from each participant a full and accurate account of events. The interviews are transcribed, edited for accuracy and clarity, and reviewed by the interviewees (as available), who are encouraged to augment or correct their spoken words. The reviewed and corrected transcripts are indexed, printed, and bound with photographs and illustrative materials as available. Archival copies are placed in Special Collections. The Stewart Library also houses the original recording so researchers can gain a sense of the interviewee's voice and intonations. Project Description The Weber State University Oral History Project began conducting interviews with key Weber State University faculty, administrators, staff and students, in Fall 2007. The program focuses primarily on obtaining a historical record of the school along with important developments since the school gained university status in 1990. The interviews explore the process of achieving university status, as well as major issues including accreditation, diversity, faculty governance, changes in leadership, curricular developments, etc. ____________________________________ Oral history is a method of collecting historical information through recorded interviews between a narrator with firsthand knowledge of historically significant events and a well-informed interviewer, with the goal of preserving substantive additions to the historical record. Because it is primary material, oral history is not intended to present the final, verified, or complete narrative of events. It is a spoken account. It reflects personal opinion offered by the interviewee in response to questioning, and as such it is partisan, deeply involved, and irreplaceable. ____________________________________ Rights Management All literary rights in the manuscript, including the right to publish, are reserved to the Stewart Library of Weber State University. No part of the manuscript may be published without the written permission of the University Librarian. Requests for permission to publish should be addressed to the Administration Office, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, Utah, 84408. The request should include identification of the specific item and identification of the user. It is recommended that this oral history be cited as follows: Peggy Grimm Pierce, an oral history by Ruby Licona, 11 November 2011, WSU Stewart Library Oral History Program, University Archives, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, UT. Peggy Grimm LaDianaeda Sorority 1956 Peggy Grimm Pierce & Don Pierce 50th Wedding Anniversary 2008 Peggy Grimm Pierce ca. 1977 1 Abstract: This is an oral history interview with Peggy Grimm Pierce. It was conducted on November 11, 2011 and concerns her recollections and experiences with Weber State University and specifically the Stewart Library. The interviewer is Ruby Licona. RL: I'm Ruby Licona from the Stewart Library at Weber State University. Today is November 11, 2011. I'm speaking today with Peggy Grimm Pierce, who worked at the Stewart Library from 1977 to 2000. She retired as the Coordinator of the Interlibrary Loan Department. We are speaking at her home in Santa Clara, Utah. Peggy, why don't we start with some general background information? Tell me about your family background, where you were born, and how you ended up at Weber State. PP: I was born and raised in Grand River, Iowa. My father was a truck driver so we moved all over. When I was fifteen, he decided to move to Ogden and we stayed put. That was wonderful for me. I didn't want to leave Iowa because I was dating Don, who is now my husband. My mother caught me in my room crying a few times, but I loved Weber High School. Dr. Rowley, who is also a professor at Weber State, was the drama coach at the high school at the time. I'd never done anything like that before, but I signed up for the class and he took me under his wing. So while I was in high school, I was in a few plays. I came from a hillbilly background in Iowa and I blossomed under Dr. Rowley's care. I was also the homecoming queen, junior prom queen and vice president of the student body. My world had changed immensely from where I came from. Don would come to 2 visit Utah on occasion to see my brother. While I was at Weber State, he came to visit and we got back together again. Before that, I had signed up for a scholarship at Weber under the directions of the girls' advisor. She found out that I didn't intend to go to college because we were too poor. She insisted that I sign up for this scholarship and I got it. I attended Weber State for four quarters, intending to become an elementary school teacher—that was the desire of my heart—but then Don and I decided to get married. I transferred from the telephone company, where I was working even though I was a student at Weber State, and I transferred to Des Moines. We got married in 1958 and Don went to school at the University of Iowa. I longed to complete my degree, but it wasn't possible. We had three children very quickly and I was working. We eventually ended up moving out of state so Don could get his degree. I put him through his Bachelor's and his Master's at Texas A&M. The agreement was that he would then put me through school. But we ended up in Redmond, Oregon, and it was not possible to attend college there, I would have had to leave my family for extended periods of time, which I wasn't willing to do. Don decided, after five years as an administrator in the Redmond School District, that we would come back to Utah. We came back for a summer vacation in the summer of 1977—my parents still lived here—and Don decided to look for work. He went to the Weber State campus to look and when he came back, he told me that there was a job for a Reserve librarian. I said, "I'm not going to interview for a job until you get one." He said, "Just go ahead and interview, at least, and I'll be interviewing in other places." I interviewed with 3 Craige Hall and we then went home to Oregon because Don hadn't found a job. When we got home, Craige called and told me that he'd like to offer the Reserve librarian job to me. I said, "Thank you, I appreciate the offer, but I will not be taking it because my husband did not get a job in Utah." I hung up and took our three daughters and went shopping. While we were shopping, Don called Craige back and told him I'd take the job. [Laughter] Craige, then, was laboring under the false impression that I was this little lady who did everything her husband said. RL: He was in for a rude awakening. [Laughter] PP: When I did accept the position, I told Craige that I would be working for three years because I intended to get my degree and then become an elementary teacher. Well, seven years later I was still working in the library and I did, finally, graduate with an elementary education degree. RL: When was that? PP: That was in 1984. I then had to go to the hospital and have gall bladder surgery, but I had already interviewed for an Interlibrary Loan position. While I was in the hospital, Scott Burkenshaw peeked around the corner and said, "Peggy, you got the job." I said, "Oh my goodness, you must be desperate." That was the Interlibrary Loan coordinator position and I just loved it. RL: You did it for a long time. PP: There was so much that had to be learned. I had to learn the OCLC system. It was like getting another degree and I thoroughly enjoyed it. Working with all the faculty and staff was a real treat, as well. During that time, I was selected as the 4 Presidential Outstanding Staff Member. I think it must have been just because I had so many contacts with faculty and they had been so happy to get the materials that they needed for their research. Here's a funny story from Interlibrary Loan: there was a student who was doing research on swine waste and methane gas. I did a lot of searching in order to get the materials that he needed for his research. He earned an award for his research. He came in and told me how happy he was and said, "I just wish there was something I could do for you." Over the course of the conversation, we had talked about how he was gardening and I was gardening and he had a lot better tomatoes than his dad had and it was because of this swine waste. Then it was like a light bulb went on above his head and he said, "Oh! That's what I can do for you—I can bring you swine manure!" [Laughter] A couple of weeks before that, I had been talking to Joan Hubbard because she had worked in Interlibrary Loan also. She said, "That's the only job in the library that I know of where you get candy and flowers for your efforts." I could hardly wait to tell her that there was one other thing that you could get as a reward for your efforts. RL: After forty years of working in libraries, I have to say that you're the first person I've ever heard of that got swine waste as a thank you gift. I can imagine that it was very rewarding to be able to help people with their research. I know that in Interlibrary Loan you get to work with people all over the world. PP: You certainly do. Some of them were the students working in the library under my supervision. I started out with Kim Wynn working there as a student; she was from Vietnam. Her family was still in Vietnam, but she had been working for the 5 United States government. Without any warning, she was told that she needed to pack a sack of belongings and get on the plane because the Communists were coming and she would be killed because she was working for the United States government. So she did and ended up in a small apartment working at Weber. She was an excellent worker. She came to me one day and said, "I have two brothers that are in Communist prisons who are working for South Vietnam in the military." A while later, she came back and said, "My brothers have escaped." She got them to the United States—I don't know how. She came to me one day and said, "Peggy, I need for my brothers to have jobs." They could barely speak English. I told her I could employ one, but not both. So Tuan started working in the Reserve Department. He had a wonderful work ethic. When we had days that the campus was closed because of snow, the library wouldn't be closed, but Tuan would get to work before I did and he was always there. Very dependable. Later on, Tuan asked me if his nephew, who had just arrived from Vietnam, could work in the library. They were a very fine family. I had a Japanese boy who worked for the library under my supervision and an Iranian man, too. It was just delightful. RL: It sounds like you had your own little Diversity Department right there in the library. PP: We really did. [Laughter] RL: Let's back up a little bit. When you arrived and took the position as the Reserve librarian, how many people were employed by the library at that point? Do you have any idea? 6 PP: I do not, but it certainly did grow after that. RL: When you arrived, was the library already in both wings? PP: Yes. We had both—with the accompanying heat problems. RL: Do you remember some of the people that you worked with at the beginning? PP: Louise Larkin comes to mind. And the lady who worked with her—they were delightful. They were working in the back—classifying and cataloging books as they came in. One of my very best friends was Linda Heinze. It turns out that Linda went to Weber High School at the same time I did. RL: Did you know one another? PP: No. She joked about how she was in the parking lot crowd while I was in with the student counsel trying to decide what to do about the parking lot crowd. She was working on the keypunch. RL: Doing the cards for the checkout system? PP: Yes. I had done that when I was employed by Internal Revenue, so I was well aware of what kind of work she was doing there. I don't want to digress, but I don't want to miss telling you about this, too. The summer that Craige decided to become a part-time director of the library— RL: He became part-time director of the library and also the director over the computer center. PP: Yes. That was the most horrendous summer that I have spent on the campus. It was partly because of Craige having to leave, but mostly because we had this huge steel corrugated panel that was being pounded into the earth behind the library to prevent water from coming into the basement. They pounded that all 7 summer long. If that wasn't enough, we also had a new online system come into the library that summer. RL: The online checkout and cataloging? PP: Yes. That had to all be learned from scratch. It was so demanding. But we got through it and what a wonderful library. RL: That was in the middle of the '80s? PP: Probably. When you talk to Craige, you'll be able to figure it out. I'm sure he remembers it well. RL: So you essentially worked with Reserve and then went to Interlibrary Loan? PP: Yes. I also worked at the Reference desk while I was the coordinator of Interlibrary Loan. Boy, that was interesting. My favorite saying about working in the library was that I never had a day working there when I didn't learn something. It was stimulating. I have worked for JC Penney, for the Bell Telephone Company, for the Army, and for the Air Force, and I have never found better people to work with than the people on that campus. I found the morals to be higher and the friendships to be long-lasting. The help, when you needed it, was there. RL: Now, I believe that the Presidential Distinguished Staff Award that you got was not only for your work in the library but you were also involved in things on campus outside of the library. PP: Yes. I was part of the Employee's Association. It was state-wide and it was to negotiate for salaries and to try to get better benefits and so on. I became the president for that association on campus. One summer, some officials from 8 campus came to me and said that they had a Centennial Court that they had built on campus and that they were going to dedicate it and that it would have my name on it. I went to the dedication and found out that my sister's name was also on the wall. RL: That would have been 1989? PP: Yes. My sister had been vice president of the student body when she was a student there. So it was fun to see that my name was there along with hers. RL: That puts you into the Weber State history. PP: Well, you know, I started as a student in the old campus before we had a dedicated library building. It was in what we called "the tub." I attended classes on the lower campus. In fact, I was taking a swimming class and then I would have to rush to my photography class on the upper campus. They wanted me to do the modeling for their class even though I didn't have a hairdryer and all the things that you have now in order to fix yourself up rapidly. That was interesting. [Laugher] I loved my classes when I finally got into the elementary education classes. We had the "Wilkits" at that point. If you weren't organized, then you very well better get organized. You had things you had to do at a specified time. RL: Were these teaching kits? Kind of teaching you pedagogy? PP: Yes. Teaching all the kinds of things you had to know in order to teach elementary education. RL: Lesson plans and activities and so forth? PP: Yes, we also had formal classes, but those "Wilkits" were the primary part of that course work. A few years later, my daughter was in the same program. In fact, I 9 have three daughters that graduated from Weber State. My brother and my sister did, as well, and my husband and my niece attended there. RL: Other than the Employee's Association, were there other associations or committees on campus that you were involved in? PP: Yes, but I'm sorry, I can't recall the name of the committee. I spent a lot of time on it, too. It was for employees but it wasn't with the Employee's Association. RL: I seem to remember that when Paul and Carolyn Thompson came to campus, you had known them from when you were in school. PP: I had known them from high school. They were a little bit younger than I was. We weren't super close because I was older than them. RL: So you were not on campus at Weber when they were students there? PP: I think I left just before they became active at Weber State. RL: And were you able to interact with them after you came back to the campus? PP: Yes, I think they're really very fine people. I said to Paul one time, "Paul, I'm going to have to just start shaking hands with you when I meet you in a line of people because I think there's some people who don't like it when I get a big hug." [Laughter] He said, "That's ridiculous." We've been friends for a long time and he knows my family. RL: Now, you mentioned some of the different places you've worked. When you worked for JC Penney, was that in Ogden? PP: Yes, it was in Ogden. Let me tell you how I started there. I was sixteen years old. We'd lived in Ogden for a year—I came from a background of wearing flannel shirts, jeans, moccasins and two pairs of socks—and I found out that that was 10 not the way you dressed in Ogden. When you went downtown in the '50s, you wore your best attire and gloves. So here I was, sixteen, by myself, downtown, and dressed up with my gloves. I was going through the JC Penney store and a very distinguished-looking gentleman came up to me and he said, "Miss, how would you like to work here?" I tipped my nose in the air and I walked off. I didn't know him and I didn't know what he was up to. It turned out that he was Ted Schmidt, the manager of JC Penney and Mayor of Ogden, as well. RL: Oh my goodness. PP: So one year later, I was walking through JC Penney with my aunt and we were both dressed up with our gloves. Ted Schmidt came up to me and made the same approach and I started to tip my nose up and Auntie said, "Just a minute, dear, let's go talk to the gentleman." So Ted took us upstairs to his office and offered me a job as a model. I'd never modeled before in my life! But I accepted the job and Ted taught me how to pivot, how to hold my hands, how to dress and how to walk. Then, there was a stand by the elevator where the models stood and wore the dresses that were on sale in the store. One day as I was turning, the elevator door opened and this little boy came out with his mom and he looked up and said, "Wow, look Mom, the dummy moved!" [Laughter] Another day, I caught a lady shoplifting while I was standing on that platform. Another time, it was approaching Easter and they had a lot of hats for sale. They set up a store window with all of these hats on the floor, a dressing table, a mirror, and me. I was sitting there and as people would walk by, they'd point to a hat and I'd model it for them. It was so much fun! 11 RL: You also mentioned that you worked for the military. What did you do there? PP: I was a keypunch operator for the Air Force. I also worked for Internal Revenue as a keypunch operator. I didn't do well at typing. My worst class and lowest grade in high school was in typing. So when this job came up with Internal Revenue Service as a keypunch operator— RL: Was that in Ogden? PP: Yes, it was in Ogden. For the job, you needed to be able to do twenty-five words per minute typing. I rented a typewriter and practiced and practiced. I took the test three times and never got to twenty-five words per minute. Finally, the gentleman in the employment office took pity on me and said, "I'm going to put you through, anyway." So I took the training and eventually, after I had worked there for a while, my accuracy and speed got so good that I received a monetary award. RL: In your time at Weber, are there particular incidents or movements that stand out? PP: The emphasis on diversity really changed all of us, I think. While we may have already believed in the premise, there wasn't much said about diversity until that time. We even had contests where we decorated doors with the diversity theme. I did that for a few years in the library. RL: They also started making a lot more services available for the different groups. PP: Yes. They also installed the little island, if you will, in the back parking lot. That was during President Nadauld's terms. At the time, it was suggested that the staff could use that for breaks and lunches and things. 12 RL: They took away the parking lot and put in that little plaza. PP: There was a lot of debate at the time. I didn't agree with it, but it looks nice now. I don't know how it's used. I hope the fire trucks can get around it. RL: Yes, the fire trucks can get around there. This past year, they made that back area of the library the only spot where the shuttle buses from the Dee Events Center stop. We get a lot of traffic in the library because it drops the students right there. PP: Very good. There was quite a long time there where they weren't able to be dropped off close to the library. It was quite a trip for them. RL: Anything in the library in terms of the organization of it? You mentioned the summer that Craige became part-time director of the library and was over the computing center. Did that affect the people in the library? He was a good administrator and he was organized. PP: He did and he had a lot of experience before that. I really didn't notice huge problems as far as him being gone. He managed to keep us working smoothly in spite of all that was going on during that summer. RL: Were there things that happened that were less than perfect? I'm not asking for dirt or anything, but are there things that stand out in your mind from your time? PP: It was a time when most people in the library didn't think that the evaluation form that we were using—and it was the same that they were using daily—was something that we should continue with. They were considering changing that, but it just happened to fall on me to be the first person that they evaluated. RL: Was this under Craige? 13 PP: Yes, but he wasn't involved. Five faculty members evaluated me for one hour and the very first thing that one of them said was, "Your previous evaluation forms looks like you can walk on water and that's just not possible." They then decided to downgrade my evaluation. Not because I hadn't performed adequately, but because they didn't think that I—or anybody else—should be graded so highly. So after an hour of this grueling situation, we were closing and one of the faculty said, "Peggy, how do you feel about this?" I said, "I feel like I've been run over by a truck and you'll be hearing from me again." Then I went to Human Resources and told the director what had happened. RL: Was that Stan Greenhalgh? PP: Yes, it was. Stan said that should not have occurred because an evaluation is to make you feel better, not worse. You should not be evaluated by five people; it should be a one-on-one. RL: And it should be your direct supervisors. PP: They weren't. The result was that I was evaluated again by Craige. I think, eventually, we got a different evaluation form. I remember going to Enable Industries, the firm where my husband was president. Every time I heard negative remarks in the library about the work and the jobs, I kept thinking off all of these disabled people at Enable Industries and everything they had to go through to get a job and keep a job. Joan suggested that we take a group of people over there and we decided to take a group from the library to tour Enable Industries. During that time, Joan was with us and she 14 was quite intrigued by the evaluation methods that they were using there. I think that some of those methods were initiated later on. RL: We can always learn from one another. I think the people on that tour benefited from seeing how bad they didn't have it. PP: Absolutely. That was an eye-opener. RL: I remember that in addition to your responsibilities in working at the Reference desk, you acted as the bibliographer for the children's books for a while. Was that because of your teaching experience and background? PP: When I was taking classes in elementary education, several times I would take an armload of books from the young people's collection to class and tell them about them. They weren't aware of having such a wonderful young people's collection in the Stewart Library. Even the faculty was intrigued by the beautiful books that I was showing. When it became my opportunity to work directly with the young people's collection, I loved it. RL: Did you buy the books? PP: I ordered a minimum amount of them. Our library budget, at that time, was very small. We would regularly get the Newberry Award books and so on. When we had a tour that was being scheduled to come through with children in it, the other faculty members would shy away from that group. Finally, they asked if I wanted to do it and so I got to conduct several tours with children's groups. I got to read them stories in the library. 15 RL: We had a group just two weeks ago that came through. I think they were three and four years old. It is a great resource for the education students—knowing about that collection is important. PP: True. I took a class on children's literature. What helped my interest to grow was that I had been the children's librarian in several different schools in Oregon, so I was aware of the many books available. I had children of my own and I found it fun to give birthday gifts and Christmas gifts to my children and grandchildren in the form of books. I've always loved books. RL: It's good for a librarian to love books. It's a disappearing art. So, Peggy, any more memories that you'd like to share from the years of your tenure at the library? PP: There's one disturbing situation involving a student worker and a student who used Interlibrary Loan heavily. Actually, let me backtrack a little bit. My sister-in-law works at the University of Iowa where they had a shooting incident. I think three people were killed because of a student being angry. After that, there was a lot of work in compiling information and finding out what could be done to avoid that sort of thing. I called Linda and asked her if she could send me some of this information. I gave the information to Joan and it wasn't very long after that that we had a student from Vietnam or Thailand who was a student worker at the main desk and used Interlibrary Loan extensively. A brilliant young man. He got involved with a young woman whose husband was still in Asia. He loaned her a large amount of money and was very fond of her. When her husband came to 16 Ogden, everything kind of fell apart. We started having meetings about this trio of people and what could be done because it was very disruptive. RL: Disruptive in what way? PP: He was angry at her because she had gone back to her husband and had not paid him back his loan. He still cared for her and he was losing face, which is upsetting in the Asian culture. Well, a meeting was called. It was to be held in the Union Building with the campus attorney, the three individuals, and the head of the department where he worked in the library. RL: Circulation? PP: Yes, Circulation. So they all congregated for the meeting and this young man came in with a backpack. RL: It was a disciplinary hearing, wasn't it? PP: Yes, it was. It just happened that the campus police officer was there, as well. That was unusual because he didn't usually attend those meetings. Well, the student employee pulled a gun out of his backpack and started shooting. He shot the attorney in the arm. He was trying to shoot and kill the woman's husband. He shot the police officer in the nose. Finally, the student was killed by the police officer. It was so very upsetting to all the library personnel who had known him and to the young woman, as well. RL: It created a lot of grief and consternation. It must have been about the lowest point in your library career. What was the highest point? 17 PP: It was very good to receive an award and be recognized for the hard work that I had done in Interlibrary Loan. I had a couple of people mention me on books that they had written. RL: Dedications? PP: That I had helped contribute. That was great. RL: In any work situation, there's the good and there's the bad and those are the incidents we remember. PP: And here I am now, retired. When I retired in 2000, it was in winter—January. I went home to cold, wintery days and I realized, "What have I done?" Then Joan offered me the opportunity to come back part-time at the Reference desk. I think it was about two years that I worked there so I could transition into being retired. RL: My memory of your time in the library was a time when we had had a horrible snow storm. I had a house that had a triple-wide driveway and I had spent an hour and a half clearing the snow off of it, then I went inside, showered, got dressed, got to work, and you were the only one in the building. You had this really nonplussed expression on your face and I said, "What's going on?" You said, "They closed the university." [Laughter] Essentially, we both laughed that someone had called off the party and didn't bother to let us know. PP: Most of the time, the library stayed open. We maintained that there were still students on campus that needed to have a place to go to. I remember one time, the sky light on the third floor was blown off and there we were with Reference on the third floor. We were still working and all the buildings around the library had been closed because of the wind. And here we were, still working. 18 RL: At least you can laugh about it. I know that your time in the library was very much appreciated and the time that you've taken to talk with me today is appreciated. Thank you. PP: You're sure welcome.

Smoking is a major heritable and modifiable risk factor for many diseases, including cancer, common respiratory disorders and cardiovascular diseases. Fourteen genetic loci have previously been associated with smoking behaviour-related traits. We tested up to 235,116 single nucleotide variants (SNVs) on the exome-array for association with smoking initiation, cigarettes per day, pack-years, and smoking cessation in a fixed effects meta-analysis of up to 61 studies (up to 346,813 participants). In a subset of 112,811 participants, a further one million SNVs were also genotyped and tested for association with the four smoking behaviour traits. SNV-trait associations with P < 5 × 10-8 in either analysis were taken forward for replication in up to 275,596 independent participants from UK Biobank. Lastly, a meta-analysis of the discovery and replication studies was performed. Sixteen SNVs were associated with at least one of the smoking behaviour traits (P < 5 × 10-8) in the discovery samples. Ten novel SNVs, including rs12616219 near TMEM182, were followed-up and five of them (rs462779 in REV3L, rs12780116 in CNNM2, rs1190736 in GPR101, rs11539157 in PJA1, and rs12616219 near TMEM182) replicated at a Bonferroni significance threshold (P < 4.5 × 10-3) with consistent direction of effect. A further 35 SNVs were associated with smoking behaviour traits in the discovery plus replication meta-analysis (up to 622,409 participants) including a rare SNV, rs150493199, in CCDC141 and two low-frequency SNVs in CEP350 and HDGFRP2. Functional follow-up implied that decreased expression of REV3L may lower the probability of smoking initiation. The novel loci will facilitate understanding the genetic aetiology of smoking behaviour and may lead to the identification of potential drug targets for smoking prevention and/or cessation. ; The authors would like to thank the many colleagues who contributed to collection and phenotypic characterisation of the clinical samples, as well as genotyping and analysis of the GWA data. Special mentions are as follows: CGSB participating cohorts: Some of the data utilised in this study were provided by the Understanding Society: The UK Household Longitudinal Study, which is led by the Institute for Social and Economic Research at the University of Essex and funded by the Economic and Social Research Council. The data were collected by NatCen and the genome wide scan data were analysed by the Wellcome Trust Sanger Institute. The Understanding Society DAC have an application system for genetics data and all use of the data should be approved by them. The application form is at: https://www.understandingsociety.ac.uk/about/health/data. The Airwave Health Monitoring Study is funded by the UK Home Office, (Grant number 780-TETRA) with additional support from the National Institute for Health Research Imperial College Health Care NHS Trust and Imperial College Biomedical Research Centre. We thank all participants in the Airwave Health Monitoring Study. This work used computing resources provided by the MRC- funded UK MEDical Bioinformatics partnership programme (UK MED-BIO) (MR/L01632X/1). Paul Elliott wishes to acknowledge the Medical Research Council and Public Health England (MR/L01341X/1) for the MRC-PHE Centre for Environment and Health; and the NIHR Health Protection Research Unit in Health Impact of Environmental Hazards (HPRU-2012-10141). Paul Elliott is supported by the UK Dementia Research Institute which receives its funding from UK DRI Ltd funded by the UK Medical Research Council, Alzheimer's Society and Alzheimer's Research UK. Paul Elliott is associate director of the Health Data Research UK London funded by a consortium led by the UK Medical Research Council. SHIP (Study of Health in Pomerania) and SHIP-TREND both represent population-based studies. SHIP is supported by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschung (BMBF); grants 01ZZ9603, 01ZZ0103, and 01ZZ0403) and the German Research Foundation (Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG); grant GR 1912/5-1). SHIP and SHIP-TREND are part of the Community Medicine Research net (CMR) of the Ernst-Moritz-Arndt University Greifswald (EMAU) which is funded by the BMBF as well as the Ministry for Education, Science and Culture and the Ministry of Labor, Equal Opportunities, and Social Affairs of the Federal State of Mecklenburg-West Pomerania. The CMR encompasses several research projects that share data from SHIP. SNP typing of SHIP and SHIP-TREND using the Illumina Infinium HumanExome BeadChip (version v1.0) was supported by the BMBF (grant 03Z1CN22). LifeLines authors thank Behrooz Alizadeh, Annemieke Boesjes, Marcel Bruinenberg, Noortje Festen, Ilja Nolte, Lude Franke, Mitra Valimohammadi for their help in creating the GWAS database, and Rob Bieringa, Joost Keers, René Oostergo, Rosalie Visser, Judith Vonk for their work related to data-collection and validation. The authors are grateful to the study participants, the staff from the LifeLines Cohort Study and Medical Biobank Northern Netherlands, and the participating general practitioners and pharmacists. LifeLines Scientific Protocol Preparation: Rudolf de Boer, Hans Hillege, Melanie van der Klauw, Gerjan Navis, Hans Ormel, Dirkje Postma, Judith Rosmalen, Joris Slaets, Ronald Stolk, Bruce Wolffenbuttel; LifeLines GWAS Working Group: Behrooz Alizadeh, Marike Boezen, Marcel Bruinenberg, Noortje Festen, Lude Franke, Pim van der Harst, Gerjan Navis, Dirkje Postma, Harold Snieder, Cisca Wijmenga, Bruce Wolffenbuttel. The authors wish to acknowledge the services of the LifeLines Cohort Study, the contributing research centres delivering data to LifeLines, and all the study participants. Niek Verweij was supported by NWO VENI (016.186.125). Fenland authors thank Fenland Study volunteers for their time and help, Fenland Study general Practitioners and practice staff for assistance with recruitment, and Fenland Study Investigators, Co-ordination team and the Epidemiology Field, Data and Laboratory teams for study design, sample/data collection and genotyping. We thank all ASCOT trial participants, physicians, nurses, and practices in the participating countries for their important contribution to the study. In particular we thank Clare Muckian and David Toomey for their help in DNA extraction, storage, and handling. We would also like to acknowledge the Barts and The London Genome Centre staff for genotyping the Exome Chip array. The BRIGHT study is extremely grateful to all the patients who participated in the study and the BRIGHT nursing team. We would also like to thank the Barts Genome Centre staff for their assistance with this project. Patricia B. Munroe, Mark J. Caulfield, and Helen R. Warren wish to acknowledge the NIHR Cardiovascular Biomedical Research Unit at Barts and The London, Queen Mary University of London, UK for support. Mark J. Caulfield are Senior National Institute for Health Research Investigators. EMBRACE Collaborating Centres are: Coordinating Centre, Cambridge: Daniel Barrowdale, Debra Frost, Jo Perkins. North of Scotland Regional Genetics Service, Aberdeen: Zosia Miedzybrodzka, Helen Gregory. Northern Ireland Regional Genetics Service, Belfast: Patrick Morrison, Lisa Jeffers. West Midlands Regional Clinical Genetics Service, Birmingham: Kai-ren Ong, Jonathan Hoffman. South West Regional Genetics Service, Bristol: Alan Donaldson, Margaret James. East Anglian Regional Genetics Service, Cambridge: Joan Paterson, Marc Tischkowitz, Sarah Downing, Amy Taylor. Medical Genetics Services for Wales, Cardiff: Alexandra Murray, Mark T. Rogers, Emma McCann. St James's Hospital, Dublin & National Centre for Medical Genetics, Dublin: M. John Kennedy, David Barton. South East of Scotland Regional Genetics Service, Edinburgh: Mary Porteous, Sarah Drummond. Peninsula Clinical Genetics Service, Exeter: Carole Brewer, Emma Kivuva, Anne Searle, Selina Goodman, Kathryn Hill. West of Scotland Regional Genetics Service, Glasgow: Rosemarie Davidson, Victoria Murday, Nicola Bradshaw, Lesley Snadden, Mark Longmuir, Catherine Watt, Sarah Gibson, Eshika Haque, Ed Tobias, Alexis Duncan. South East Thames Regional Genetics Service, Guy's Hospital London: Louise Izatt, Chris Jacobs, Caroline Langman. North West Thames Regional Genetics Service, Harrow: Huw Dorkins. Leicestershire Clinical Genetics Service, Leicester: Julian Barwell. Yorkshire Regional Genetics Service, Leeds: Julian Adlard, Gemma Serra-Feliu. Cheshire & Merseyside Clinical Genetics Service, Liverpool: Ian Ellis, Claire Foo. Manchester Regional Genetics Service, Manchester: D Gareth Evans, Fiona Lalloo, Jane Taylor. North East Thames Regional Genetics Service, NE Thames, London: Lucy Side, Alison Male, Cheryl Berlin. Nottingham Centre for Medical Genetics, Nottingham: Jacqueline Eason, Rebecca Collier. Northern Clinical Genetics Service, Newcastle: Alex Henderson, Oonagh Claber, Irene Jobson. Oxford Regional Genetics Service, Oxford: Lisa Walker, Diane McLeod, Dorothy Halliday, Sarah Durell, Barbara Stayner. The Institute of Cancer Research and Royal Marsden NHS Foundation Trust: Ros Eeles, Nazneen Rahman, Elizabeth Bancroft, Elizabeth Page, Audrey Ardern-Jones, Kelly Kohut, Jennifer Wiggins, Jenny Pope, Sibel Saya, Natalie Taylor, Zoe Kemp and Angela George. North Trent Clinical Genetics Service, Sheffield: Jackie Cook, Oliver Quarrell, Cathryn Bardsley. South West Thames Regional Genetics Service, London: Shirley Hodgson, Sheila Goff, Glen Brice, Lizzie Winchester, Charlotte Eddy, Vishakha Tripathi, Virginia Attard. Wessex Clinical Genetics Service, Princess Anne Hospital, Southampton: Diana Eccles, Anneke Lucassen, Gillian Crawford, Donna McBride, Sarah Smalley. Understanding Society Scientific Group is funded by the Economic and Social Research Council (ES/H029745/1) and the Wellcome Trust (WT098051). Paul D.P. Pharoah is funded by Cancer Research UK (C490/A16561). SHIP is funded by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF) and the German Research Foundation (DFG); see acknowledgements for details. F.W. Asselbergs is funded by the Netherlands Heart Foundation (2014T001) and supported by UCL Hospitals NIHR Biomedical Research Centre. The LifeLines Cohort Study, and generation and management of GWAS genotype data for the LifeLines Cohort Study is supported by the Netherlands Organization of Scientific Research NWO (grant 175.010.2007.006), the Economic Structure Enhancing Fund (FES) of the Dutch government, the Ministry of Economic Affairs, the Ministry of Education, Culture and Science, the Ministry for Health, Welfare and Sports, the Northern Netherlands Collaboration of Provinces (SNN), the Province of Groningen, University Medical Center Groningen, the University of Groningen, Dutch Kidney Foundation and Dutch Diabetes Research Foundation. Niek Verweij is supported by Horizon 2020, Marie Sklodowska-Curie (661395) and ICIN-NHI. Phenotype collection in the Lothian Birth Cohort 1921 was supported by the UK's Biotechnology and Biological Sciences Research Council (BBSRC), The Royal Society and The Chief Scientist Office of the Scottish Government. Phenotype collection in the Lothian Birth Cohort 1936 was supported by Age UK (The Disconnected Mind project). Genotyping was supported by Centre for Cognitive Ageing and Cognitive Epidemiology (Pilot Fund award), Age UK, and the Royal Society of Edinburgh. The work was undertaken by The University of Edinburgh Centre for Cognitive Ageing and Cognitive Epidemiology, part of the cross council Lifelong Health and Wellbeing Initiative (MR/K026992/1). Funding from the BBSRC and Medical Research Council (MRC) is gratefully acknowledged. Paul W. Franks is supported by Novo Nordisk, the Swedish Research Council, Påhlssons Foundation, Swedish Heart Lung Foundation (2020389), and Skåne Regional Health Authority. Nicholas J Wareham, Claudia Langenberg, Robert A Sacott, and Jian'an Luan are supported by the MRC (MC_U106179471 and MC_UU_12015/1). The BRIGHT study was supported by the Medical Research Council of Great Britain (Grant Number G9521010D); and by the British Heart Foundation (Grant Number PG/02/128). The BRIGHT study is extremely grateful to all the patients who participated in the study and the BRIGHT nursing team. The Exome Chip genotyping was funded by Wellcome Trust Strategic Awards (083948 and 085475). We would also like to thank the Barts Genome Centre staff for their assistance with this project. The ASCOT study and the collection of the ASCOT DNA repository was supported by Pfizer, New York, NY, USA, Servier Research Group, Paris, France; and by Leo Laboratories, Copenhagen, Denmark. Genotyping of the Exome Chip in ASCOT-SC and ASCOT-UK was funded by the National Institutes of Health Research (NIHR). Anna F. Dominiczak was supported by the British Heart Foundation (Grant Numbers RG/07/005/23633, SP/08/005/25115); and by the European Union Ingenious HyperCare Consortium: Integrated Genomics, Clinical Research, and Care in Hypertension (grant number LSHM-C7-2006-037093). Nilesh J. Samani is supported by the British Heart Foundation and is a Senior National Institute for Health Research Investigator. Panos Deloukas is supported by the British Heart Foundation (RG/14/5/30893), and NIHR, where his work forms part of the research themes contributing to the translational research portfolio of Barts Cardiovascular Biomedical Research Centre which is funded by the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR). The LOLIPOP study is supported by the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) Comprehensive Biomedical Research Centre Imperial College Healthcare NHS Trust, the British Heart Foundation (SP/04/002), the Medical Research Council (G0601966, G0700931), the Wellcome Trust (084723/Z/08/Z, 090532 & 098381) the NIHR (RP-PG-0407-10371), the NIHR Official Development Assistance (ODA, award 16/136/68), the European Union FP7 (EpiMigrant, 279143) and H2020 programs (iHealth-T2D, 643774). We acknowledge support of the MRC-PHE Centre for Environment and Health, and the NIHR Health Protection Research Unit on Health Impact of Environmental Hazards. The work was carried out in part at the NIHR/Wellcome Trust Imperial Clinical Research Facility. The views expressed are those of the author(s) and not necessarily those of the Imperial College Healthcare NHS Trust, the NHS, the NIHR or the Department of Health. We thank the participants and research staff who made the study possible. JC is supported by the Singapore Ministry of Health's National Medical Research Council under its Singapore Translational Research Investigator (STaR) Award (NMRC/STaR/0028/2017). The research was supported by the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) Exeter Clinical Research Facility and ERC grant 323195; SZ-245 50371-GLUCOSEGENES-FP7-IDEAS-ERC to T.M. Frayling. Hanieh Yaghootkar is funded by Diabetes UK RD Lawrence fellowship (grant:17/0005594) Anna Dominiczak was funded by a BHF Centre of Research Excellence Award (RE/13/5/30177) GSCAN participating cohorts: The Collaborative Study on the Genetics of Alcoholism (COGA), Principal Investigators: B. Porjesz, V. Hesselbrock, H. Edenberg, L. Bierut. The study includes eleven different centers: University of Connecticut (V. Hesselbrock); Indiana University (H.J. Edenberg, J. Nurnberger Jr., T. Foroud); University of Iowa (S. Kuperman, J. Kramer); SUNY Downstate (B. Porjesz); Washington University in St. Louis (L. Bierut, J. Rice, K. Bucholz, A. Agrawal); University of California at San Diego (M. Schuckit); Rutgers University (J. Tischfield, A. Brooks); Department of Biomedical and Health Informatics, The Children's Hospital of Philadelphia; Department of Genetics, Perelman School of Medicine, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia PA (L. Almasy), Virginia Commonwealth University (D. Dick), Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai (A. Goate), and Howard University (R. Taylor). Other COGA collaborators include: L. Bauer (University of Connecticut); J. McClintick, L. Wetherill, X. Xuei, Y. Liu, D. Lai, S. O'Connor, M. Plawecki, S. Lourens (Indiana University); G. Chan (University of Iowa; University of Connecticut); J. Meyers, D. Chorlian, C. Kamarajan, A. Pandey, J. Zhang (SUNY Downstate); J.-C. Wang, M. Kapoor, S. Bertelsen (Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai); A. Anokhin, V. McCutcheon, S. Saccone (Washington University); J. Salvatore, F. Aliev, B. Cho (Virginia Commonwealth University); and Mark Kos (University of Texas Rio Grande Valley). A. Parsian and M. Reilly are the NIAAA Staff Collaborators. COGA investigators continue to be inspired by their memories of Henri Begleiter and Theodore Reich, founding PI and Co-PI of COGA, and also owe a debt of gratitude to other past organizers of COGA, including Ting-Kai Li, P. Michael Conneally, Raymond Crowe, and Wendy Reich, for their critical contributions. COGA investigators are very grateful to Dr. Bruno Buecher without whom this project would not have existed. The authors also thank all those at the GECCO Coordinating Center for helping bring together the data and people that made this project possible. ASTERISK, a GECCO sub-study, also thanks all those who agreed to participate in this study, including the patients and the healthy control persons, as well as all the physicians, technicians and students. As part of the GECCO sub-studies, CPS-II authors thank the CPS-II participants and Study Management Group for their invaluable contributions to this research. The authors would also like to acknowledge the contribution to this study from central cancer registries supported through the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention National Program of Cancer Registries, and cancer registries supported by the National Cancer Institute Surveillance Epidemiology and End Results program. Another GECCO sub-study, HPFS and NHS investigators would like to acknowledge Patrice Soule and Hardeep Ranu of the Dana Farber Harvard Cancer Center High-Throughput Polymorphism Core who assisted in the genotyping for NHS, HPFS under the supervision of Dr. Immaculata Devivo and Dr. David Hunter, Qin (Carolyn) Guo and Lixue Zhu who assisted in programming for NHS and HPFS. HPFS and NHS investigators also thank the participants and staff of the Nurses' Health Study and the Health Professionals Follow-Up Study, for their valuable contributions as well as the following state cancer registries for their help: AL, AZ, AR, CA, CO, CT, DE, FL, GA, ID, IL, IN, IA, KY, LA, ME, MD, MA, MI, NE, NH, NJ, NY, NC, ND, OH, OK, OR, PA, RI, SC, TN, TX, VA, WA, WY. The authors assume full responsibility for analyses and interpretation of these data. PLCO, a substudy within GECCO, was supported by the Intramural Research Program of the Division of Cancer Epidemiology and Genetics, and additionally supported by contracts from the Division of Cancer Prevention, National Cancer Institute, NIH, DHHS. Additionally, a subset of control samples were genotyped as part of the Cancer Genetic Markers of Susceptibility (CGEMS) Prostate Cancer GWAS1, CGEMS pancreatic cancer scan (PanScan)2, 3, and the Lung Cancer and Smoking study4. The prostate and PanScan study datasets were accessed with appropriate approval through the dbGaP online resource (http://cgems.cancer.gov/data/) accession numbers phs000207.v1.p1 and phs000206.v3.p2, respectively, and the lung datasets were accessed from the dbGaP website (http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/gap) through accession number phs000093.v2.p2. For the lung study, the GENEVA Coordinating Center provided assistance with genotype cleaning and general study coordination, and the Johns Hopkins University Center for Inherited Disease Research conducted genotyping. The authors thank Drs. Christine Berg and Philip Prorok, Division of Cancer Prevention, National Cancer Institute, the Screening Center investigators and staff or the Prostate, Lung, Colorectal, and Ovarian (PLCO) Cancer Screening Trial, Mr. Tom Riley and staff, Information Management Services, Inc., Ms. Barbara O'Brien and staff, Westat, Inc., and Drs. Bill Kopp and staff, SAIC-Frederick. Most importantly, we acknowledge the study participants for their contributions to making this study possible. We also thank all participants and staff of the André and France Desmarais Montreal Heart Institute's (MHI) Biobank. The genotyping of the MHI Biobank was done at the MHI Pharmacogenomic Centre and funded by the MHI Foundation. HRS is supported by the National Institute on Aging (NIA U01AG009740). The genotyping was funded separately by the National Institute on Aging (RC2 AG036495, RC4 AG039029). Our genotyping was conducted by the NIH Center for Inherited Disease Research (CIDR) at Johns Hopkins University. Genotyping quality control and final preparation of the data were performed by the University of Michigan School of Public Health. CHDExome+ participating cohorts: BRAVE: The BRAVE study genetic epidemiology working group is a collaboration between the Cardiovascular Epidemiology Unit, Department of Public Health and Primary Care, University of Cambridge, UK, the Centre for Control of Chronic Diseases, icddr,b, Dhaka, Bangladesh and the National Institute of Cardiovascular Diseases, Dhaka, Bangladesh. CCHS, CIHDS, and CGPS collaborators thank participants and staff of the Copenhagen City Heart Study, Copenhagen Ischemic Heart Disease Study, and the Copenhagen General Population Study for their important contributions. EPIC-CVD: CHD case ascertainment and validation, genotyping, and clinical chemistry assays in EPIC-CVD were principally supported by grants awarded to the University of Cambridge from the EU Framework Programme 7 (HEALTH-F2-2012-279233), the UK Medical Research Council (G0800270) and British Heart Foundation (SP/09/002), and the European Research Council (268834). We thank all EPIC participants and staff for their contribution to the study, the laboratory teams at the Medical Research Council Epidemiology Unit for sample management and Cambridge Genomic Services for genotyping, Sarah Spackman for data management, and the team at the EPIC-CVD Coordinating Centre for study coordination and administration. MORGAM: The work by MORGAM collaborators has been sustained by the MORGAM Project's recent funding: European Union FP 7 projects ENGAGE (HEALTH-F4-2007-201413), CHANCES (HEALTH-F3-2010-242244) and BiomarCaRE (278913). This has supported central coordination, workshops and part of the activities of the The MORGAM Data Centre, at THL in Helsinki, Finland. MORGAM Participating Centres are funded by regional and national governments, research councils, charities, and other local sources. PROSPER: collaborators have received funding from the European Union's Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013) under grant agreement n° HEALTH-F2-2009-223004 PROMIS: The PROMIS collaborators are are thankful to all the study participants in Pakistan. Recruitment in PROMIS was funded through grants available to investigators at the Center for Non-Communicable Diseases, Pakistan (Danish Saleheen and Philippe Frossard) and investigators at the University of Cambridge, UK (Danish Saleheen and John Danesh). Field-work, genotyping, and standard clinical chemistry assays in PROMIS were principally supported by grants awarded to the University of Cambridge from the British Heart Foundation, UK Medical Research Council, Wellcome Trust, EU Framework 6-funded Bloodomics Integrated Project, Pfizer. We would like to acknowledge the contributions made by the following individuals who were involved in the field work and other administrative aspects of the study: Mohammad Zeeshan Ozair, Usman Ahmed, Abdul Hakeem, Hamza Khalid, Kamran Shahid, Fahad Shuja, Ali Kazmi, Mustafa Qadir Hameed, Naeem Khan, Sadiq Khan, Ayaz Ali, Madad Ali, Saeed Ahmed, Muhammad Waqar Khan, Muhammad Razaq Khan, Abdul Ghafoor, Mir Alam, Riazuddin, Muhammad Irshad Javed, Abdul Ghaffar, Tanveer Baig Mirza, Muhammad Shahid, Jabir Furqan, Muhammad Iqbal Abbasi, Tanveer Abbas, Rana Zulfiqar, Muhammad Wajid, Irfan Ali, Muhammad Ikhlaq, Danish Sheikh and Muhammad Imran. INTERVAL: Participants in the INTERVAL randomised controlled trial were recruited with the active collaboration of NHS Blood and Transplant England (www.nhsbt.nhs.uk), which has supported field work and other elements of the trial. DNA extraction and genotyping was funded by the National Institute of Health Research (NIHR), the NIHR BioResource (http://bioresource.nihr.ac.uk/) and the NIHR Cambridge Biomedical Research Centre (www.cambridge-brc.org.uk). The academic coordinating centre for INTERVAL was supported by core funding from: NIHR Blood and Transplant Research Unit in Donor Health and Genomics, UK Medical Research Council (MR/L003120/1), British Heart Foundation (RG/13/13/30194), and NIHR Research Cambridge Biomedical Research Centre. A complete list of the investigators and contributors to the INTERVAL trial is provided in reference.

Brazil grew 2.4 percent per year on average in the last 25 years-somewhat less than Latin America, a good deal less than the world, far less than the emerging countries of Asia in the same period, and indeed far less than Brazil itself in previous decades. If anything stands out favorably in recent Brazilian experience, it is not growth but stabilization and the successful opening of the economy. The purpose of this paper is more modest. It is limited to setting out the authors' particular view of recent efforts to consolidate democracy in Brazil while controlling inflation and resuming economic growth. At the same time the paper presents, as objectively as possible, some thoughts on the limits but also the relevance of action by political leaders to set a course and circumvent obstacles to that process. Here and there, the paper refers to the experiences of other Latin American countries, especially Argentina, Chile, and Mexico, not to offer a full fledged comparative analysis but merely to note contrasts and similarities that may shed light on the peculiarities of the Brazilian case and suggest themes for a more wide-ranging exchange of views.

At less than three weeks away from the national election, an Obama victory, even if not inevitable, seems today quite likely. Political scientist Larry Sabato of the University of Virginia, in his on-line publication Crystal Ball, has now put Obama over the magic number of 270 electoral votes (50% plus 1 of all electoral votes), with potentially many more votes to be added from close races in several states. Barack Obama leads John McCain in the polls by ten points, and the McCain campaign is in disarray. It has stopped campaigning in some states (i.e. Michigan) and is trying to hold on to other states that traditionally vote Republican but are about to be lost for the first time in decades (Virginia, North Carolina). Barring a huge end-of-October surprise, this trend will firm up and determine the result in favor of Obama. Democrats are also poised to win a majority of seats in the Senate and House of Representatives. The so-called "coattails effect" of the presidential race on the congressional election is starting to worry Republicans, who are becoming very critical of John McCain's campaign. Considering that the electoral race was at a continuous dead heat in the last two months, it is worth discussing what has determined the steady rise of Obama in the polls. First and foremost, of course, was the financial crisis. The astounding institutional banking crisis that originated from the meltdown of the real estate market, the resulting credit crunch, have created an anxiety not seen since the Great Depression of 1930. Historically, the Democratic Party has a better reputation for salvaging the economy in times of crisis. In addition to the historical record, several political scientists, Alan Abramowitz from Emory and Larry Bartels from Princeton among others, have developed models based on the correlation between economic growth and presidential election results, and have found that when the economy is not growing in the second quarter of the election year, the party in power almost without exception loses the election. But just as important as the economic disarray has been the reaction of each candidate to that crisis, and the style of leadership that emerged from it. One week before the Wall Street debacle, McCain had said that" the fundamentals of the economy were strong". That unfortunate statement immediately gave an unequivocal ring of truth to Obama's claim that his opponent was "out of touch" with the realities of the country, and it will probably be remembered in history books as the critical turning point of this election. In the first debate, both candidates were cautious about the rescue plan (which had not yet been fully developed by the Treasury) and answered the questions on the economy as if little had changed. However, two days earlier, McCain had suspended his campaign and announced he was needed in Washington to "help solve the crisis". He had also demanded that the debate be cancelled because "times were too serious for that type of exchange". This was a gamble taken by his campaign and it backfired badly, as Obama (who also flew to Washington and attended the same meeting at the invitation of Bush) insisted that because times were difficult, the debate had become even more important and should take place: Americans were now paying attention to who should be the one to lead them out of this mess. Ultimately, McCain backed down and attended the debate, after no agreement on the Rescue Plan came out of that White House meeting. Although he did very well, was energetic and on message, his erratic pre-debate behavior worked against him by providing ammunition to the opposition, who were thereby able to portray him as unpredictable and over excitable, not the steady hand you would want at the helm of a nation in turmoil. Still, most experts and observers considered the first debate a draw, with both candidates passing their respective tests: Obama proving he was presidential enough to hold the office, and McCain reminding the public of his experience and dedication to the country. However, the polls showed most voters had chosen Obama as the winner. The second debate was in a town-hall meeting format, but with strict control of time and of the questioning. Veteran journalist Tom Brockaw moderated it with a strong hand, but the questions were lame and it was a lackluster performance on the part of everybody involved. However, the body language proved an asset to Obama, who listened respectfully, did not take any notes, and when needed, moved comfortably around the set to approach the public. On the other hand, McCain had a nervous restlessness about him that put him at a disadvantage; he kept going back to his corner to make notes on his opponent's comments and at a certain point referred to Obama as "that one" in what was perceived by many to be an expression of slight contempt. This was compounded by his aimless wondering around the set, at times having to be called on by Brockaw for blocking the moderator's teleprompter. In comparison, Obama looked very relaxed and cool, exuding that kind of calm and self-confidence that most people seem to be yearning for during these difficult times. It paid off, and his numbers started mounting dramatically on the next day. Even before that debate, the McCain campaign had thrown all self-restraint overboard and was using every trick in the book of negative campaigning. Thus, the name of William Ayres has become very widely known across the country, as a "domestic terrorist" who organized a bombing campaign of the Pentagon in the 60s, and as a "close associate to Barack Obama". Ayres was the founder of the Weather Underground movement, which protested against the Vietnam War four decades ago. Today he is a university professor and an educational reformer who has worked with many politicians (both Republican and Democrat) to change the educational system in Chicago. The more McCain slips in the poll numbers, the more we hear allusions to Obama's radical "associate", even if their contacts have been sporadic, that they met only a few years ago, and that Obama was eight years old when Ayres was a radical anti-war activist. McCain, however, did not bring this up in the face-to-face debate, perhaps for fear of opening the door to his own connection to Charles Keating, the convicted Savings and Loan scandal figure of the 1980s, whose investigation by regulators McCain had tried to suppress. McCain's vice-presidential candidate, Sarah Palin, on the other hand, has at every opportunity mentioned Ayres' name at her rallies, working her base up to frenzy to the point of violent threats, with some yelling "off with his (Obama's) head". For good measure, she added underhanded allusions to his "foreignness" (read: race) by saying for example: "He is not a man who sees America the way you and I see it." This decision to play the "guilt by association" game and to associate Obama with terrorism (of any kind) has led to a violent escalation in the rhetoric and has roused the base, but does not seem to be working with the independent voters, as poll after poll continues to show. On the contrary, it seems to have hurt McCain: at last weekend rallies he had to "correct" several of his own supporters who in their questions to him claimed Obama was an "Arab", a terrorist, a criminal. After one of such claims, McCain very determinedly took the microphone away from a woman and told her: "No, Ma'm, that is not true. He is a decent family man with whom I just happen to have disagreements on policy." Surely this disappointed the base, which has been led to believe differently. In all fairness to Senator McCain, he is not a racist; in fact, he is a very moderate, middle of the road Republican who has taken on his own party on matters of campaign finance reform and immigration. Why, then, is he playing this self-destructive game? The only logical answer is: out of desperation, as his numbers slip and several senior Republicans have turned against him. The constant chasing of the headlines, the constant spewing of "rapid responses and frantic emails" has resulted in an incoherent message to the detriment of his own personal appeal. Yesterday Bill Kristol, political analyst and commentator of impeccable conservative credentials, and editor of the Weekly Standard, in an op-ed column in the New York Times, called for McCain to fire his campaign staff, "set himself free" and run as the "cheerful, open and accessible candidate" he was in the past. He said it is the "strategic incoherence and operational incompetence of his staff that has made his campaign dysfunctional…and toxic." To this, McCain retorted that "even Bill Kristol had bought into the Obama line" and that he himself was "exactly where he wanted to be, with the whole media establishment against him." However, Republicans are starting to distance themselves from McCain, who they think is dragging the whole party down and will be responsible for loss of Senate and House Republican races, too. To compound his plight even more, yesterday a bipartisan ethics report by the state legislature of Alaska found Sarah Palin abused her power when she fired the Police Commissioner over a family vendetta against a state trooper (an affair already nicknamed "Troopergate" by the media). Voters seem to have tuned McCain out; it is no longer a question of message. It is a question of leadership, of calm amid the turmoil, of whom Americans want to answer the proverbial three-in-the-morning phone call that rings in the White House. Confronted with the angst and fury of John McCain, his impulsive change of course and mixed messages at a time of enormous economic uncertainty, voters are turning in larger numbers to Obama, who has remained unflustered in the face of nasty accusations. Composed, focused on the economy, he dismisses the violent rhetoric of his opponents, and prefers to focus on the difficulty of the times and on the specifics of his policy solutions. He has sharpened his message, spoken directly to the issues and remained a sea of calm amidst the turmoil, a source of optimism amidst the gloom and doom of the headlines. In the meantime, his campaign has registered hundreds of thousands of voters in many states that have traditionally voted Republican, and that today are surprisingly in play for the Democrats (namely Virginia, North Carolina). The McCain campaign is financially weaker and had to pull out of Michigan, where he was down eight points, in order to concentrate more resources in Florida, where the race is still tight, but where the economy has been severely hit by the real estate bust and by the reduction in tourism due to the credit crunch, all of which may favor Obama. In spite of the 270 electoral votes that put him over the top, with potentially many more votes to be added from close races in several states, an Obama win is still not assured. McCain is defending states that went for Bush in the last two elections and which he absolutely must win in order to have a slim chance at the whole, and therefore he can't be on the offense as much in other states. If Obama wins Indiana, Virginia and North Carolina, he will be the first non-Southerner Democrat to carry these states since John F. Kennedy. That explains the frustration of Republican Party stalwarts with McCain, his irresponsible choice of running mate and the unraveling of his campaign. Ironically, in the first debate McCain accused Obama of not knowing the difference between a tactic and a strategy. It actually seems it is McCain who has confused the two. Populism as a political tactic is common, but as the main strategy it is ineffective and harmful for the country. At times like this, when people are worried about their jobs, their pensions and their health care, the populist message of anger and division is not what the average voter is looking for. They are looking instead for some measure of optimism and reassurance. That is why they have turned to Obama. To win, the McCain campaign should stop playing the race–and-terrorism card, and instead bring up a concept which surprisingly has been all but ignored in this election: that of Washington being swept up by a "one-party rule", with Democrats controlling not only the White House but also Congress. No checks and balances, no limits on government in this country of Lockean traditions? That is a scenario that few Americans would look forward too, even in difficult times. It may win McCain more votes than destructive insinuations about his opponent. Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia

Frente a un escenario de creciente competencia por los recursos hídricos entre el riego y otros sectores, como el urbano o el industrial, el riego enfrenta el desafío de diseñar e implementar estrategias para aumentar el aprovechamiento del agua, garantizando la equidad de su uso y evitando la degradación de su calidad o el agotamiento de sus fuentes no renovables. Esto implica cambios de conciencia e institucionales necesarios para que los agricultores se vuelvan más activos y asuman responsabilidades compartidas de la gestión del agua en su región. La transferencia de la gestión del riego (IMT, sus siglas en inglés) implica delegar responsabilidades o transferir la autoridad de gestión para algunas o todas las funciones de desvío y/o distribución de agua, mantenimiento y rehabilitación de la infraestructura, gestión de disputas relacionadas con el agua, asignación de derechos de agua o planificación de calendarios de cultivos a asociaciones de usuarios del agua (WUA, su acrónimo en inglés) u otros tipos de organizaciones no gubernamentales. Las experiencias sobre la IMT en diferentes partes del mundo han sido muy variadas, al igual que los enfoques adoptados en su implementación y los impactos de las reformas sobre el desempeño de los sistemas de riego. Para la evaluación del desempeño de un sistema de riego es recomendable utilizar indicadores simples, efectivos y universalmente aplicables. Su estimación con herramientas vinculadas a las tecnologías de la información y comunicación sobre grandes áreas irrigadas han tomado relevancia y en especial sobre aquellos indicadores relacionados con el balance hídrico que requieren de una estimación precisa. Estos se relacionan directamente con una mejora en la estimación de la evapotranspiración (ET), principal fuente de consumo de agua en un sistema de riego. En la región noroeste de la República Argentina, en la provincia de Santiago del Estero, se encuentra ubicado el sistema de riego del Río Dulce (SRRD). A pesar de no contar con un programa de gobierno vinculado a la IMT, desde el año 2006 al 2011 se formalizaron convenios de transferencia de la operación y mantenimiento (O&M) de los canales secundarios hasta nivel de derivaciones de riego (último nivel del sistema colectivo de riego) con siete WUAs. En el SRRD se ha evaluado su desempeño en varias ocasiones, pero en ningún caso se han relacionado los resultados con el tipo de gestión, posiblemente porque la gestión del riego no había sido transferida a los agricultores o no tenía un período suficientemente largo como para ser evaluado. Esta tesis doctoral presenta una comparación del desempeño de dos subsistemas del SRRD donde en uno la O&M se ha transferido a las WUAs y en el otro la gestión permanece bajo responsabilidad del gobierno. Para evaluar el desempeño se emplearon indicadores comúnmente utilizados y validados y utilizando técnicas de evaluación social se contrastó la actitud de los usuarios en relación a sus sistemas productivos, percepción sobre el servicio de suministro de agua y su participación e involucramiento en las WUAs. En el subsistema donde se transfirió la gestión a los usuarios la gestión permitió horarios de entrega flexibles que facilitaron un patrón de cultivo diversificado, una mayor intensidad de riego y dieron como resultado un mayor uso de agua, aunque no implicó un aumento en el suministro relativo de riego, lo que denotó en general una subirrigación. Los agricultores del subsistema transferido estaban más conscientes de los problemas del servicio de riego que los agricultores del subsistema no transferido. La percepción de problemas en el subsistema no transferido aumentó con el nivel de profesionalismo y conocimiento técnico del agricultor. La transmisión de solicitudes y quejas de los agricultores a los administradores fue más transparente en el subsistema transferido que en aquel donde no se había transferido su gestión. Con la necesidad de información precisa y disgregada, clave para el cálculo de indicadores de desempeño de un sistema de riego, se incluyó una evaluación comparativa de los dos enfoques basados en teledetección para la estimación de la evapotranspiración de los cultivos (ETc), componente clave del consumo de agua de la agricultura. Los enfoques evaluados fueron el balance de energía superficial y el enfoque basado en FAO56, que utiliza la capacidad de los índices de vegetación (VI, por sus siglas en inglés) para rastrear el coeficiente de cultivo. En un primer análisis se utilizaron coeficientes de cultivo basales derivados de VI específicos de campo obtenidos para 1743 campos utilizando series de 9 a 29 imágenes satelitales a lo largo de la campaña de riego 2014-2015. En un segundo análisis se utilizaron 30 campos (cultivados con algodón y maíz) donde se conocían los programas de riego reales de la campaña de riego 2014-2015. En estos campos se calculó un balance hídrico del suelo en la zona de la raíz utilizando el enfoque dual de FAO56 con coeficientes de cultivo basales derivados del VI específicos de campo. La ETc obtenida del balance hídrico se comparó con la ETc estimada usando un enfoque de coeficiente de cultivo único que usa VI específico de campo y tiene en cuenta la evaporación del suelo (enfoque sintético), y con la ETc obtenida del balance de energía superficial con el modelo de mapeo de la evapotranspiración a alta resolución con calibración internalizada (METRIC, por sus siglas en inglés) facilitado por la aplicación Earth Engine Evapotranspiration Flux (EEFlux) de Google, Inc. En un tercer análisis de simulación analizó los errores en la estimación de la ETc debido a la interpolación a valores diarios de coeficientes de cultivo y coeficientes de cultivo basales determinados en intervalos hipotéticos de paso de satélites de más de un día. Las curvas de coeficiente de cultivo basales derivadas de VI obtenidas para los 1743 campos del primer análisis estaban por debajo del coeficiente de cultivo basal estándar adoptado localmente (no específico del campo). La ETc en las 8005 ha cubiertas por este análisis fue aproximadamente un 20% mayor cuando se aplicaron curvas estándar no específicas de campo que cuando se aplicaron curvas derivadas de VI. Esta diferencia señaló la importancia de utilizar estimaciones específicas de campo de ETc. En el análisis realizado en los 30 campos seleccionados, la ETc estimada utilizando el enfoque basado en VI coincidió bien con la ETc obtenida del balance hídrico del suelo excepto en condiciones de déficit hídrico. Los coeficientes de cultivo obtenidos para estos campos utilizando el modelo METRIC se correlacionaron con los obtenidos aplicando el método basado en el VI, aunque los primeros tendieron a ser más altos que los segundos en el rango de valores más bajos. El análisis de errores de interpolación mostró que cuando la frecuencia de paso elevado del satélite es superior a una semana y el déficit hídrico es leve o inexistente, la interpolación de los coeficientes de cultivo (por ejemplo, de los derivados de un balance energético) arroja errores de estimaciones de ETc superiores a los resultantes del enfoque basado en VI. En condiciones de déficit de agua, el enfoque basado en VI sobreestima sistemáticamente la evapotranspiración. ; In a scenario of growing competition for water resources between irrigation and other sectors, such as urban or industrial, irrigation has the challenge of designing and implementing strategies to increase the use of water, guaranteeing equity and avoiding the loss of quality or the depletion of its non-renewable sources. This implies changes in consciousness and institutional necessary for users to become more active and assume shared responsibilities for water management in their region. Irrigation management transfer (IMT) involves delegating responsibilities or transferring management authority for some or all functions of diversion and / or distribution of water, maintenance and rehabilitation of infrastructure, management of disputes related to water, allocation water rights or planning crop schedules to water users associations (WUA) or other types of non-governmental organizations. The experiences of IMT in different parts of the world have been very varied, as have the approaches adopted in its implementation and the impacts of the reforms on the performance of irrigation schemes. To performance assessment of an irrigation scheme, it is advisable to use simple, effective and universally applicable indicators. Its estimation with tools related to information and communication technologies on large irrigated areas have become relevant and especially on those indicators related to the water balance that require a precise estimation. These are directly related to an improvement in the estimation of evapotranspiration (ET), the main source of water consumption in an irrigation scheme. The Río Dulce irrigation scheme (SRRD, acronym in Spanish) is located in the northwestern region of Argentine, in the province of Santiago del Estero. Despite not having a government program linked to the IMT, from 2006 to 2011 agreements were formalized for the transfer of operation and maintenance (O&M) of the secondary canals up to the level of farm block (last level of the collective system irrigation) with seven WUAs. In the SRRD, performance assessment has been on several occasions, but in no case have the results been related to the type of management, possibly because irrigation management had not been transferred to farmers or did not have a long enough period to be evaluated. This thesis presents a comparative performance assessment of two SRRD subsystems, one where O&M has been transferred to the WUAs with another where management remains under the responsibility of the government. To performance assessment, conventional and validated indicators were used. Using technical evaluations and social inquiry, the attitude of users in relation to their production systems, perception of the water supply service, and their participation and involvement in the WUAs were contrasted. In the subsystem where management was transferred to users, management allowed flexible delivery schedules that facilitated a diversified cropping pattern, greater irrigation intensity, and resulted in greater use of water, although it did not imply an increase in the relative irrigation supply, which denoted overall under-irrigation. Farmers in the transferred subsystem were more aware of irrigation service problems than farmers in the nontransferred subsystem. The perception of problems in the non-transferred subsystem increased with the level of professionalism and technical knowledge of the farmer. The transmission of requests and complaints from farmers to managements was more transparent in the subsystem transferred than in the non-transferred one. With the need for precise and disaggregated information, key to the estimation of performance indicators of an irrigation scheme, a comparative evaluation of the two main remote sensing approaches for the estimation of crop evapotranspiration (ETc), an important component of the water consumption from agriculture, was carried out. The approaches evaluated were the surface energy balance and the approach based on FAO56, which uses the ability of multispectral vegetation indices (VI) to trace the crop's growth and estimate the crop coefficient. The first analysis used field-specific, VI-derived basal crop coefficients obtained for 1743 fields using series of 9 to 29 satellite images along the 2014-15 irrigation campaign. The second analysis used 30 fields (grown with cotton and maize) where the actual irrigation schedules in the 2014-15 irrigation campaign were known. A root zone soil water balance was computed in these fields using the FAO56 dual approach with field-specific, VI-derived basal crop coefficients. The ETc obtained from the water balance was compared with the ETc estimated using a single crop coefficient approach that uses field-specific VI and takes into account soil evaporation (herein called synthetic approach), and with the ETc obtained with the METRIC surface energy balance model as facilitated by the EEFlux application. The third analysis was a simulation analysis of errors in the estimation of the ETc due to the interpolation to daily values of single crop coefficients and basal crop coefficients determined at hypothetical satellite overpass intervals of longer than one day. The VIderived basal crop coefficient curves obtained for the 1743 fields of the first analysis were below the locally adopted standard (not field-specific) basal crop coefficient. Crop evapotranspiration in the 8005 ha covered by this analysis was about 20 % higher when applying standard non-field specific curves than when applying VI-derived curves. This difference pointed to the importance of using field-specific estimations of ETc. In the analysis carried out on the 30 selected fields, the ETc estimated using the VI-based approach agreed well with the ETc obtained from the water balance except under water deficit conditions. The crop coefficients obtained for these fields using the METRIC model correlated with those obtained by applying the VI-based method, although the former tended to be higher than the latter in the lower value range. The analysis of interpolation errors showed that when satellite overpass frequency is greater than one week and water deficit is mild or inexistent, the interpolation of crop coefficients (for instance, of those derived from an energy balance) gives errors of ETc estimations that are greater than those resulting from the VI-based approach. Under water deficit conditions, the VI-based approach systematically overestimates evapotranspiration.

In Italy, Protection System for Asylum Seekers and Refugees (SPRAR) manages the second reception of forced migrants. This organization was founded by the Bossi-Fini law n. 189/2002 and is composed by the network of local governments, which uses the available resources of National Fund for Asylum Policies and Services provided by Government finance law and managed by the Ministry of Interior. Its principal goal is to realize integrated reception projects for refugees, asylum seekers, subsidiary and humanitarian protection holders in order to ensure their socio-economic inclusion within local contexts in cooperation with voluntary and third sector organizations. On 10th July 2014, local governments were signed an agreement between national and regional executive to create a national reception system to face the growing number of people who have arrived on the Italian coasts. The main goal of this system is to overcome only a material reception (food and lodging), in order to offer a "widespread reception" within urban areas. The strategy is to create an individual project and an accompaniment to ensure the integration of each person in the local community. The services provided consist in inclusion of migrants in the national health and scholastic system, orientation and access to other local services, professional training, job placement, legal assistance and social and housing integration . Indeed, it is crucial to emphasize that the Italian reception system is characterized by extreme fragmentation. Only SPRAR provides these services with the goal of enabling social and economic inclusion of hosted people in local context, which is why we talk about second reception centres. In Italy, there are, however, many different types of first and extraordinary reception centres for migrants . They are managed by the prefectures and differ in terms of goals, structural characteristics, services and receptive capacity. Only 18.7% of migrants are hosted in the SPRAR structures, while the remainder incurs the possibility of carrying out the entire procedure of the asylum application in the centres of first and extraordinary reception (IDOS, 2017). In recent years, the Italian reception structures have undergone a reorganization and redenomination phase, in which the SPRAR should have become a reference standard. In fact, this system has positively distinguished itself for its objectives, the structuring of his interventions and many best practices. This did not prevent bad reception occurrences even within SPRAR structures, as well as a large number of violent and verbal conflicts, some of which carried out by Italian citizens to the detriment of asylum seekers and owners of a status of international protection. These episodes, exacerbated by a political and media discourse that represents migrants as a threat (Battistelli et al., 2016), are the consequence and symbol of the fragmentary and contradictory reception policies adopted at a European level, in the individual countries and at a local level (IDOS, 2016). Instability and political, economic and social uncertainty, rulers in this historical period, are manifested in an emergency approach that is characterized by insufficient planning and a lack of coordination between the reception agencies. This orientation, supported by many and incongruent legislative changes, deprives the system of a strong structure and facilitates the overturning of the same principles of "widespread reception" of migrants in local communities. Moreover, this facilitates the affirmation of nationalist, xenophobic and localist drifts, as well as reception situations in which human rights are violated and which do not provide real opportunities for inclusion in the territories in a safe and dignified manner. Therefore, the conceptual distinction of the terms danger, risk and threat, used as the interpretative line of this work, appears fundamental to understand why subjective responses, in terms of perception and actions, differ according to the situations, as well as to manage the effects that derive in a consistent manner (Battistelli e Galantino, 2018). In order to realize the analysis, I decided to use an ethnographic approach that is traced back to the constructivist philosophical paradigm, where the vision of facts is investigated locally. Ethnographers, indeed, study subjects, artefacts and actions in their interactions, from an interpretative-dialectical point of view, without the claim of absolute objectivity of the results (Piccardo and Benozzo, 1996). Then, I have chosen to use focused narrative interviews because they turn to individuals, they aim for their "understanding", and this is part of the renewed interest in the subject's centrality and in the "deliberately intentional" social action (Weber, 1922). It is also an approach that allows investigating deeply the phenomena. It is very interactive, flexible and able to empathize in the perspective of the subject being studied. This makes it easier to interview marginal subjects neglected by "official knowledge" and to rediscover the social function of research, which is "giving voice to those who do not have it" (Crespi, 1985, pp. 351) In addition, observation and fieldwork are supported by a strong theoretical basis that offers its help to the researcher for the understanding of the social world, providing an order that supports they in their critical analysis of the facts. So, empirical work and theory support each other (Silverman, 2002). Then, narrative approach is highly adaptable to the study of organizations and to analyse the collected data. In fact, this approach is characterized for attention given to concrete situations and not to general theorizations (Czarniawska, 2000). Hence, the empirical research carried out in 2016-2018 can be summarized in the following phases: 1- Analysis of secondary data and documents produced by European and national statistical institutes, private associations, protection bodies and by SPRAR itself. 2- Participant observation in: - a political protest demonstration against the opening of a SPRAR centre in XIII Town Hall, on the north-western suburb of Rome; - nine meetings of social operators working in SPRAR network of Rome and in the national CARA and CAS reception centres; - a SPRAR centre (20 reception places increased to 40 in the south-eastern suburbs of Rome, VII Town Hall). One year of observation and shadowing of operators: 16th January 2017 – 22th January 2018; - a SPRAR apartment (14 reception places for families in the residential area of Monte Sacro neighbourhood, Town Hall III). Five days of observation and shadowing of operators in January 2018; - a seminar of reflection organized by SPRAR and ANCI on the reception system in Lazio, focused on the role of the Regions and Municipalities. 3- Forty-one narrative focused interviews: - Twenty-four SPRAR operators working in SPRAR centres of Rome; - Seventeen asylum seekers and refugees from SPRAR centre observed in Town Hall VII of Rome. The intent behind this ethnographic research started in a restructuring phase aimed to make the SPRAR a reference standard of reception for all asylum seekers who came to our country. But it was characterized, as still today, by speculative situations, the high presence on the territory of large collective reception centres and managing bodies without the necessary experience (Olivieri, 2011; Lunaria 2016). Therefore, the analysis of the risk management and the operators perception of the SPRAR of Rome has the objective to unveil and analyse the contradictions and weaknesses that may arise within this model due to a reckless management that produces specific factors of risk. The hypothesis underlying the case study is that, although the SPRAR has been recognized as an ordinary model, it can also be reproduced in a distorted manner, not respecting the reference guidelines. The alteration between SPRAR in books, the theoretical expression of a principle, and SPRAR in action, its implementation (Pound, 1910), is caused by specific factors that can cause significant effects from several points of view. To bring to light these aspects, closely related to the risk management and the perception that its operators have, I achieve a classification of the risks that I applied to three different types of SPRAR structures (large, medium and single apartment). Then, I identified a series of outcomes involving the people hosted, the operators, the local community and the SPRAR organization itself. The decision to draw the case study at the SPRAR of the city of Rome is driven by the complexity that distinguishes this territory on a social, cultural and political level. In fact, I believe it can bring out the contradictions of the model as new forms of confinement compared to territories with reduced complexity. However, allowing a glimpse of a reception of asylum seekers and holders of a protection status also possible within urban and metropolitan areas. The empirical survey shows that an increase in the distortion compared to the assumptions of an integrated and widespread reception in the territories corresponds to a greater possibility that specific risk factors are produced. Which in their turn, crystallizing into unhealthy forms, can involve the people hosted, the operators, the local community and the SPRAR organization itself. The case study and the application of the risk classification, which I achieved based on the evidence revealed from the field, reveal how the identified risk areas (socio-spatial context, production of the service, recipients) and the corresponding categories, do not produce in itself a negative result. However, this can occur if a short-sighted management acts on these aspects and does not align with the proposed guidelines. Therefore, this classification appears to be a useful tool to identify problems and to develop preventive measures, aimed to improve the management of SPRAR centres in metropolitan cities such as Rome (and other contexts), by intervening on the identified risk categories and reducing the factors that eventually emerge. The analysis, focused on three different types of SPRAR structure (large, medium, single apartment) of the Capital, shows how this alteration occurs in a disruptive way in the large collective centres, the most represented in Rome. Meanwhile, greater adherence to the model is shown, with a modality proportional to the size, in the medium-sized structure and in the apartment. The distortion detected in the large SPRAR collective centres of Rome and partly also in the medium-sized centre, reflects the ambivalence of the general reception system. It promotes on the one hand the principles of a good reception that respects human rights and the autonomy of people and by another implements foreclosure practices and new forms of borders (Vacchiano, 2011; Van Haken, 2008). The field research shows that this happens on different levels due to specific material factors (location and capacity of the centres, management of internal spaces, activation of the services provided, etc.) and through the daily practices of the operators who, in a more or less assenting, controlling and disciplining the people hosted, shape their conduct. Therefore, in the daily life of the structures in which the situations described are involved, the principles of freedom, inclusion and autonomy supported by the rhetoric of reception system are governed by a neoliberal logic of citizenship that suggests the criteria to distinguish, in the same integration paths, who is more worthy than other beneficiaries (Van Haken, 2008). Although the case study highlights strong contradictions and weaknesses that come to life in the implementation of the SPRAR model, it also shows the realization of a good reception. That which, despite being included in an extremely complex context such as Rome, attempts to oppose the "logic of large numbers and profits" of large cooperatives and which implements functional inclusion paths to achieve the objectives. Alignment and consistency with the guidelines and the SPRAR operating manual, in fact, allow the construction of a real project of individualized socio-economic integration for the person hosted. Only by acting in a widespread manner on the territory, in apartments or small centres, the genesis of new forms of borders beyond those already present is avoided. In fact, through this management most of the risks identified are eliminated or at least reduced, precisely because the "trajectory of opportunities" of risk (Reason, 1997) towards unfavourable outcomes generally develops within large collective centres. References Battistelli Fabrizio, Farruggia Francesca, Galantino Maria Grazia and Ricotta Giuseppe. 2016. "Affrontarsi o Confrontarsi? Il "Rischio" Immigrati sulla Stampa Italiana e nella Periferia di Tor Sapienza a Roma". Sicurezza e Scienze Sociali 1:86-112. Battistelli Fabrizio e Galantino Maria Grazia. 2018. "Dangers, Risks and Threats: An Alternative Conceptualization to the Catch-All Concept of Risk". Current Sociology 1-15. Czarniawska Barbara. 2000. Narrare l'organizzazione. La costruzione dell'identità istituzionale. Tr.it. Torino: Edizioni di Comunità. Crespi Franco. 1985. Le vie della sociologia. Bologna: Il Mulino. IDOS in partnership with Confronti. 2017. Dossier Statistico Immigrazione 2017. Roma: Inprinting srl. IDOS. 2016. "INTRA MOENIA. Il Sistema di Accoglienza per Rifugiati e Richiedenti Asilo in Italia nei Rapporti di Monitoraggio Indipendenti". Affari Sociali Internazionali IV (1-4). Lunaria. 2016. Il mondo di dentro. Il sistema di protezione per richiedenti asilo e rifugiati a Roma. (https://www.lunaria.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/Il_mondo_di_dentro.pdf). Olivieri Maria Silvia. 2011. "L'accoglienza frantumata sotto il peso dell'«emergenza»", pp. 35-44 in Lunaria. 2011. Cronache di ordinario razzismo. Secondo libro bianco sul razzismo in Italia. Roma: Edizioni dell'Asino. Piccardo Claudia and Benozzo Angelo. 1996. Etnografia organizzativa. Una proposta di metodo per l'analisi delle organizzazioni come culture. Milano: Raffaello Cortina Editore. Reason James. 1997. Managing the Risks of Organisational Accidents. London: Ashgate Publishing Company. Vacchiano Francesco. 2011. "Discipline della Scarsità e del Sospetto: Rifugiati e Accoglienza nel Regime di Frontiera". Lares LXXVII (1): 181-198. Van Aken Mauro. 2008. Rifugio Milano. Vie di fuga e vita quotidiana dei richiedenti asilo. Roma: Carta. Weber Max. 1922. Economia e Società. Tr.it. Milano: Edizioni di Comunità.

L"olivicultura de la comarca del Priorat es basa en la varietat "Arbequina" i està inclosa dins la DOP "Siurana" (Tarragona) on ocupa unes 2.900 ha que produeixen 4.700 t d"olives i 900 t d"oli, que ha de competir amb unes 100.000 t d"oli d"aquesta varietat produïdes a tot el mon, més de la meitat fora de Catalunya i amb tecnologies de producció modernes que permeten reduir costos i millorar la rendibilitat. Per aquest motiu els productors de la zona van fundar l"Associació d"Oleïcultors del Priorat (AOP) amb la finalitat de crear una estructura comercial que permetés accedir a mercats d"alt preu, semblants als que utilitzen els vins de qualitat de la comarca. La AOP signà el 2002 un conveni amb l"IRTA i el DAAM per a desenvolupar un programa científico-tècnic que permetés la caracterització i tipificació dels olis de la comarca, establint criteris objectius de selecció d"aquells olis de qualitat superior i diferenciable de la resta d"olis de "Arbequina" de Catalunya, per a facilitar la seva comercialització. Aquesta tesis doctoral inclou tots els aspectes científics sobre els que està fonamentada l"aplicació comercial d"aquest programa. Els objectius fixats són: (1) caracteritzar els olis produïts a la comarca, a nivell fisicoquímic i sensorial; (2) constatar si aquests olis són objectivament diferents dels d"altres zones, produïts amb la mateixa varietat "Arbequina"; (3) identificar en què consisteix la seva tipicitat, relacionant-la amb factors propis del clima i sòls de la comarca; i (4) caracteritzar l"olivicultura i elaiotècnia de la comarca. Els treballs s"han desenvolupat durant sis campanyes successives (2002-03 a 2008-09) i es basen en l"anàlisi sistemàtica de pràcticament el 100% dels olis produïts a la comarca durant aquests anys (6.308.124 litres), la descripció de l"olivicultura de la zona (mitjançant enquesta) i dels processos d"extracció (descripció de les instal·lacions i anotació de les condicions de procés en campanya) i l"estudi de la relació existent entre l"oli i els factors de producció, edàfics i climàtics. Als olis s"han analitzat les característiques sensorials, paràmetres fisicoquímics de qualitat, àcids grassos, esterols, polifenols totals, índex d"amargor, estabilitat i, en alguns casos, ceres i compostos volàtils. La metodologia utilitzada és similar a la dels nombrosos treballs de tipificació i caracterització d"olis d"oliva verge, normalment associats a DOP espanyoles i d"Itàlia, la qual fiabilitat està relacionada amb la representativitat de les mostres d"oli analitzades i que apliquen tècniques estadístiques univariants i multivariants diverses. Els resultats demostren que fins un 54% dels olis de la zona Priorat, elaborats majoritàriament amb "Arbequina", es poden diferenciar objectivament dels d"altres zones productores del mon que utilitzen la mateixa varietat, inclús de les veïnes Garrigues i Siurana-Camp. Aquestes diferències ho són tant a nivell sensorial (principalment els atributs picant, aromes secundàries, fruitat, astringència i dols), como a nivell d"àcids grassos (principalment palmitoleic, oleic, palmític i esteàric). Existeix una variabilitat intrazonal (inferior al 20% en tots els paràmetres, excepte els esterols) que sembla aleatòria en el cas d"atributs sensorials i, en el cas de la composició química, està relacionada amb factors geogràfics, de tècniques de cultiu i de clima de cada municipi. Les diferències respecte d"altres zones veïnes on es cultiva la mateixa varietat estan relacionades amb l"orografia i geologia particular de la comarca (més del 50% de plantacions estan a més de 400 m d"altitud i sobre sòls del Paleozoic de baixa fertilitat i amb zones de transició cap a sòls sedimentaris del quaternari cap al Camp de Tarragona i del terciari cap a Les Garrigues) i amb el clima particular i bastant homogeni a tota la zona (règim termo-pluviomètric de tipus "mediterrani prelitoral sud", amb transició cap a "mediterrani continental sec" a Les Garrigues i "mediterrani litoral sud" al Camp de Tarragona). S"ha definit un model matemàtic per a predir si una partida d"olives té possibilitats de produir olis de qualitat suficient per a la seva diferenciació, així com funcions discriminants de Fischer per a determinar si el perfil sensorial o la composició en àcids grassos d"un oli són típics de la comarca del Priorat i, per tant, diferenciables de les zones veïnes. Actualment, els resultats d"aquests treballs serveixen de base per a establir les estratègies comercials de venda dels olis del Priorat. Els moliners i envasadores trien aquells olis considerats com típics de la zona per a ser envasats (s"ha passat del 20% al inici del programa fins al 65% actual), dedicant la resta de la producció a l"autoconsum i al mercat a doll ; El olivar de la comarca del Priorat se basa en el cultivo de la variedad "Arbequina" y está incluido en la DOP "Siurana" (Tarragona), ocupando unas 2.900 ha que producen 4.700 t de aceitunas y 900 t de aceite, que debe competir con unas 100.000 t de aceite de esta variedad producidas en todo el mundo, más de la mitad fuera de Cataluña y con tecnologías de producción modernas que permiten reducir los costes y mejorar la rentabilidad. Por este motivo, los productores de la zona fundaron la Asociación de Oleicultores del Priorat (AOP) con el fin de crear una estructura comercial que permitiera acceder a mercados de alto precio, parecidos a los que utilizan los vinos de calidad de la comarca. La AOP firmó, en 2002, un convenio con el IRTA y el DAAM para desarrollar un programa científico-técnico que permitiera la caracterización y tipificación de los aceites de la comarca, estableciendo criterios objetivos de selección de aquellos aceites de calidad superior y diferenciable del resto de aceites de "Arbequina" de Cataluña, para facilitar su comercialización. La presente tesis doctoral incluye todos los aspectos científicos sobre los que se fundamenta la aplicación comercial de este programa. Los objetivos que se plantean son: (1) caracterizar los aceites producidos en la comarca, a nivel físico-químico y sensorial; (2) constatar si estos aceites son objetivamente diferentes de los de otras zonas producidos con la misma variedad "Arbequina"; (3) identificar en qué consiste su tipicidad, relacionándola con factores propios del clima y suelos de la comarca; y (4) caracterizar la olivicultura y elaiotecnia de la comarca. Los trabajos se han desarrollado durante seis campañas (2002-03 a 2008-09) y se basan en el análisis sistemático de prácticamente el 100% de los aceites producidos en la comarca durante esos años (6.308.124 litros), la descripción de la olivicultura de la zona (mediante encuesta) y de los procesos extractivos (descripción de las instalaciones y anotación de las condiciones de proceso en campaña) y el estudio de la relación existente entre el aceite y los factores tanto de producción como edáficos y climáticos. En los aceites se han analizado las características sensoriales, parámetros físico-químicos de calidad, ácidos grasos, esteroles, polifenoles totales, índice de amargor, estabilidad y, en algunos casos, ceras y compuestos volátiles. La metodología utilizada se basa en los numerosos trabajos de tipificación y caracterización de aceites de oliva virgen, normalmente asociados a DOP españolas e italianas, cuya fiabilidad está relacionada con la representatividad de las muestras de aceite analizadas y que aplican técnicas estadísticas univariantes y multivariantes diversas. Los resultados demuestran que hasta un 54% de los aceites de la zona Priorat, elaborados mayoritariamente con "Arbequina", pueden diferenciarse objetivamente de los de otras zonas productoras del mundo que utilizan la misma variedad, incluso de las vecinas Garrigues y Siurana-Camp. Dichas diferencias lo son tanto a nivel sensorial (principalmente los atributos picante, aromas secundarios, frutado, astringencia y dulzor), como a nivel de ácidos grasos (principalmente palmitoleico, oleico, palmítico y esteárico). Existe una variabilidad intrazonal (inferior al 20% en todos los parámetros, excepto los esteroles) que parece aleatoria en el caso de atributos sensoriales y que, en el caso de la composición química, está relacionada con factores geográficos, de técnicas de cultivo y de clima de cada municipio. Las diferencias respecto de otras zonas vecinas, donde se cultiva la misma variedad, están relacionadas con la orografía y geología particular de la comarca (más del 50% de plantaciones están a más de 400 m de altitud y sobre suelos del Paleozoico de baja fertilidad y con zonas de transición hacia suelos sedimentarios del cuaternario hacia el Camp de Tarragona y del terciario hacia Les Garrigues) y con el clima particular y bastante homogéneo en toda la zona (régimen termopluviométrico de tipo "mediterráneo prelitoral sur", con transición hacia el "mediterráneo continental seco" de Les Garrigues y el "mediterráneo litoral sur" del Camp de Tarragona). Se ha definido un modelo matemático para predecir si una partida de aceitunas tiene posibilidades de producir aceites de calidad suficiente para su diferenciación, así como funciones discriminantes de Fischer para determinar si el perfil sensorial o la composición en ácidos grasos de un aceite son típicos de la comarca del Priorat y, por tanto, diferenciables de las zonas vecinas. Actualmente, estos resultados sirven de base para establecer las estrategias comerciales de venta de los aceites del Priorat. Los almazareros y envasadores escogen aquellos aceites considerados como típicos de la zona para su envasado (se ha pasado desde un 20% al inicio del programa hasta el 65% actual), dedicando el resto de la producción al autoconsumo y al mercado de graneles. ; Olive production in the Priorat area raws on "Arbequina" cultivar and is included into PDO "Siurana" (Tarragona), with 2.900 ha and yielding 4.700 t fruits in average, equivalent to 900 t of virgin oil. This oil competes with 100.000 t of oil from the same cultivar produced worldwide (more than a half out of Catalonia and using new technologies to reduce costs and enhance profitability). This was the reason to promote the Priorat"s Producer Association (PPA) in order to build a commercial structure to gain high value markets, similar to those used by high quality wines of this area. PPA proposed in 2002 an agreement with IRTA and the Agricultural Services from the Catalan Government with the aim to develop a scientific and technical program to characterize and differentiate virgin oils from Priorat and setting objective criteria to select high quality oils different from others "Arbequina". This ought to improve current commercialization. This thesis includes all scientific aspects supporting the commercial application of the program. Research goals were: (1) to characterize oils from Priorat using physic, chemical and sensorial parameters; (2) to assess if these oils can be differentiated from others produced with the same cultivar "Arbequina" in other regions; (3) to test their "typicality", related to Priorats" climate and soil characteristics; and (4) to characterize olive production and mill technology in Priorat. The study was carried out during a six years period (2002-03 to 2008-09 harvests) with systematic analysis of almost 100% virgin oil produced in the area (6.308.124 liters). Olive crop production was studied using a questioner, while mill technology was assessed by registering processing conditions along harvest every year. The relationship between oil quality and climate, soils and cultural practices was studied. Chemical parameters analyzed were: sensory profile, physic and chemical quality parameters, fatty acids, sterols, total polyphenols, bitterness index, stability and, sometimes, waxes and volatiles. Methodology was similar to that applied in many scientific studies on virgin oil characterization in wide areas, usually linked to PDO in Spain and Italy. Results reliability depends on oil sampling representativeness. Both univariate and multivariate statistics were used. Results show that up to 54% of Priorat virgin oils made with "Arbequina" can be classified to be typical and different from other producing regions, even the neighboring areas of Garrigues and Siurana-Camp. Such differences are both sensorial (mainly pungency, secondary aromas, fruity, astringency and sweet) and chemical (fatty acids palmitoleic, oleic, pamitic, and stearic). Variability between Priorat areas, is lower than 20% (except for sterols) and seems to be random for sensory profile while is related to geography, cultural practices and climate, for chemical composition. Differences to other regions with the same cultivar are related to the Priorat"s geography and geology (more than 50% orchards are placed higher than 400 m and over soils from Paleozoic with low fertility with transitions to quaternary sedimentary soils towards Camp of Tarragona and transitions to tertiary sedimentary soils towards Garrigues) and climate (Priorat"s climate belongs to "south pre-littoral Mediterranean" with transitions to "dry continental Mediterranean" towards Garrigues and transitions to "south littoral Mediterranean" towards Camp of Tarragona). A mathematic model was fitted which makes possible to decide if an olive lot is able to produce virgin oil of enough quality to be classified as typical of Priorat. Fischers" discriminate functions were fitted that make possible to decide if a virgin oil sample has a fatty acid composition or a sensory profile characteristics from Priorat and different to other regions. Currently, these results are used to establish commercial strategies to sell Priorat virgin oils. The oil producers from this area select those more characteristics oils to be retailed (this increased from 20% at the beginning of the program to currently 65%) while the standard oils are used to self consumption or for bulk market.

For the purposes of this project, the East African countries included in the study were Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania, and Uganda. The focus for this project was Small and Medium-sized Enterprises (SMEs) as for-profit or nonprofit organizations with less than 50 employees and not exceeding USD 1,000,000 in annual revenues/turnover. The main output of this project was a proposed program of interventions to drive transformational change. To succeed in this ambitious endeavor, the project articulated clear objectives and designed a blueprint for implementation including levels of resourcing, budget and monitoring metrics. Over the course of the project the team conducted brief surveys with over 90 entrepreneurs, over 50 percent of who had 3-10 years of experience in the Information and Communication Technology (ICT) sector and primarily worked at companies with 5 employees or less.

Improvements in infrastructure in all parts of Sudan in recent years have had a strong impact on per capita growth, contributing 1.7 percentage points. Consistent with trends in other countries, the information and communication (ICT) revolution that swept Africa contributed the most to Sudan. Raising the infrastructure endowment of all parts of Sudan to that of the region's best performer, Mauritius, could boosts annual growth by about 3.5 percentage points. Sudan has invested heavily in infrastructure in recent years, with some notable achievements. Power generation capacity tripled in just a few years, rising from around 800 megawatts (MW) in 2005 to 2,687MW in 2007, with a shift toward hydropower. Nevertheless, service reliability remains an issue. In ICT, Sudan has made enormous strides in liberalizing the sector and as a result has attracted significant private capital. Mobile penetration soared from less than 1 percent in 2000 to 33 percent in 2009. Recent connectivity to an undersea fiber-optic cable has led to expansions in access, improvements in quality, and reduction in prices. Looking ahead, Sudan's most pressing infrastructure challenges lie in the water and transport sectors. Sudan's infrastructure development has so far had a national focus, and there is much that remains to be done to achieve greater regional integration. While internal road corridors are developed, connectivity with neighbors is largely absent. Sudan has a natural gateway to the sea through Port Sudan but the port's performance is severely hindered by long dwell times, high costs, and capacity constraints. Looking further ahead, Sudan has the potential to be a major hydropower exporter if additional capacity could be developed and transmission links with neighboring Nile Basin countries strengthened.