"The author intends to present legal socialization - the concept of the sociology of law - which describes attitudes to norms, law and law enforcement institutions. For law to be effective, any individual in a given community needs to internalize a number of values and attitudes. The attitude to law will influence its application; its effectiveness will depend on the perspective adopted by the legal norm addressees who could either accept binding regulations or ignore them. An adequate legal policy helps construe legal norms in a manner to prevent costs of interventions which need to be taken when law is not convergent with social expectations." (author's abstract)
The paper aims to clarify the sense of contemporary fascism, particularly from the example of the Brazilian Bonsolarism, defining it as an anti-systemic, anti-institucional, anti-juridical and infralegal perspective with a personalist, devoted, voluntarist, spontaneous and militant character which starts from inside judiciary and in terms of subversion of the relation among law, politics and moral, and that, by means of politicization and partisanship of law, branches to the political system, serving as instrument to the fratricide political war among parties, from there linking to civil society in the form of constitution of a digital-social mass-militia of acclamation oriented to an anti-systemic posture. In this dynamic, the fascism has two constitutive and streamlining cores: on one side, it subverts the correlation of human rights and law, delegitimizing and truly destroying the ontogenetic primacy, the separation, the differentiation, the self-referentiality and the overposition of law in relation to politics and moral, as the subsidiarity of them regarding law; on other, it leads to the deconstruction from inside to judiciary and political system of the highly institutionalist, legalist, technical, formal and depersonalized perspective which is proper to them, eliminating the centrality of the judiciary and, them, delegitimizing its regulator role regarding to political system and to the social dialectics, normalizing the totalizing regression caused by political-moral colonization of the democratic law. By reconstructing the pluralist and universalist democracy's meta-normative and generative basis as a public system of law, that is, the co-originality of universality of human rights, pluralism and law, the condition of ontogenetic primacy, independence, self-subsistence and overposition of law in relation to politics and moral, as the subsidiarity of these regarding to law, we will point to the renewal of this systemic, systematic, procedural, mediated, instancial, progressive and publicized perspective of the public system of law, in the interrelation, separation and overposition of judiciary and political system, demarcated by a strong ideal of methodological-procedural-axiological institutionality, legality, technicality, formality and depersonalization, which eradicates the politicization and partisanship of law and, by devolving the complete integrality to law-judiciary, confines the democracy's political system and civil society to their true limits which are its structural basis: the human rights, the legal process and the public system of law, with the necessity of full translation of politics and moral to law, delimitating the pluralist and universalist democracy as a public system of law oriented to the production of universality in/as/by legality.
This article is generically dedicated to the legal effects of the acts practiced by young people, both minors and those of legal age, under the influence of drugs. In Part I, our attention is called to the legal-civil consequences of these acts. Thus, we shall begin with a brief preliminary note on the concept of civil law. Having noted this, we will examine the main topic to speak of the legally existing mechanisms (within the scope of civil law) to protect those people, and for this purpose, we distinguish between minors and adults (or equated to adults, which is the case of minors who are emancipated by marriage): the minor regime, in the first case, and possibly, the regime of incapacitation (an incapacity that is not generic and permanent), or even accidental incapacity (not permanent or transitory), caused by the consumption of alcohol or drugs, in the case of adulthood (or equated with adulthood). In the second part, initially, we give a general presentation of criminal law, with this part divided into two large sections: the sale and consumption of narcotics and the legal treatment given to minors. From a general standpoint, when an analysis of the agent's guilt cannot be made, the law considers him to be unimputable. From an internal standpoint, we shall analyze the most relevant legal aspects of the Decree-Law referring to traffic and to drugs. One particular aspect of this regime lies in the fact that in Macau, drug consumption is considered to be a crime (article 28), unlike in European countries, like Portugal, since 2000. We shall also take into account other legislation in Macau in which drugs play a crucial role, as is the case of the misdemeanor established in article 68 of the Highway Code, which consists, among other items, in driving under the influence of alcohol or narcotics (note that this Code was recently altered by the Highway Traffic Law, which entered into effect in October 2007). Next, we will analyze the regime applied to minors from a concrete perspective of criminal law. ; Este ...
This work aims to discuss the principle of legality in criminal law, principle qualified as a fundamental human right. The criminal legality is a natural guarantee of citizens, having basic character in any state that pretends itself democratic, reflecting main feature of the legal systems based on justice and rationality. As it is clear that the principle of legality seems to be a constitutional guarantee of individual, its analysis is essential for understanding a principled view of the criminal law. To do so, it perquires about the character of legality, reflects on the intimate relationship between legality and democratic state, peers up about the historical origin and content of the clause of legality, reasons about the consequences of this postulate, formulates ideas about the criminalization warrants, develops arguments about controversial issues involving the legality of criminal and, finally, some finishing touches are made on the subject.
Rozdział prezentuje teoretyczna analizę relacji zachodzącej między prawem a kontrolą społeczną przedstawiając w jaki sposób prawo jako narzędzie kontroli społecznej określa nastawienia wobec prawa.
ABSTRACTObjective: the purpose of this article is to analyze the harmonization between the blank criminal rule and the theory of the objective imputation of the functionalism of Claus Roxin amid the pandemic of COVID-19, addressing the criteria of objective imputation, by emphasizing the creation of an unallowed risk, the realization of the risk in the result and the result included in the scope of the type. Methodology: the research undertaken uses the deductive method, via a qualitative approach to produce in-depth information on the topic; as to the nature, it is an applied research, because it aims to generate knowledge about the blank criminal rule for the practical application, directed to the solution of specific questions; as for the objectives, it is a descriptive research; and, according to the procedure, it is a bibliographic search, by reviewing national and foreign books and journals, and documentary, due to the revision of legislative texts aiming to extract the due deepening of the understanding of the blank criminal norm and its form of application. Results: two theses can be invoked to justify the harmony between the blank criminal rule and the objective imputation. First, through the idea that the complementary norm is an essential part of the type, being a true element of the objective type; the complementary norm can not only be used, but must also be used to carry out the objective imputation judgment. Second, in the full criminal incriminating rules it is common to analyze the exceeding of the limits of the permitted risk, the realization of the risk in the result and the result included in the scope of the type through the analysis of extra-criminal laws and infra-legal rules, such as: the principle of trust, the notion of prudent man and technical safety standards.Contributions: The research delves into a current topic, when discussing the applicability of the blank criminal rule in view of infractions committed in this exceptional environment, clarifying that, due to its dual political-criminal utility, it is an effective instrument for the protection of public health in the scenario caused by the pandemic of COVID-19.Keywords: Objective imputation; Blank criminal law; Preventive health measure; Covid-19. RESUMOObjetivo: o presente artigo tem a finalidade de analisar a harmonização entre a norma penal em branco e a teoria da imputação objetiva do funcionalismo Roxiniano em meio à pandemia do Corona vírus 19, abordando-se os critérios de imputação objetiva, mediante a ênfase na criação de um risco não permitido, a realização do risco no resultado e o resultado incluído no alcance do tipo. Metodologia: a investigação empreendida utiliza o método dedutivo, por intermédio de uma abordagem qualitativa, para produzir informações aprofundadas sobre o tema; quanto à natureza, trata-se de uma pesquisa aplicada, pois objetiva gerar conhecimentos sobre a norma penal em branco para a aplicação prática, dirigidos à solução de questões específicas; quanto aos objetivos, trata-se de uma pesquisa descritiva; e conforme o procedimento, é uma pesquisa bibliográfica, mediante a revisão de obras e artigos científicos de autores nacionais estrangeiros, e documental, devido à revisão de textos legislativos visando extrair o devido aprofundamento da compreensão da norma penal em branco e sua forma de aplicação.Resultados: pode-se invocar duas teses para justificar a harmonia entre a norma penal em branco e a imputação objetiva. Primeiramente, por meio da ideia de que a norma complementadora é uma parte essencial do tipo, sendo um verdadeiro elemento do tipo objetivo; a norma complementadora não só pode, como também deve ser utilizada para a realização do juízo de imputação objetiva. Em segundo lugar, na normas penais incriminadoras completas é comum analisar a ultrapassagem dos limites do risco permitido, a realização do risco no resultado e o resultado incluído no alcance do tipo por meio da análise de normas extrapenais legais e infralegais, tais como: o princípio da confiança, a noção de homem prudente e as normas técnicas de segurança.Contribuições: A pesquisa aprofunda-se em um tema da atualidade, ao debater a aplicabilidade da norma penal em branco ante as infrações cometidas neste ambiente excepcional, esclarecendo que, em razão de sua dupla utilidade político-criminal, é um instrumento efetivo para a proteção da saúde pública no cenário provocado pela pandemia da COVID-19.Palavras-Chave: Imputação objetiva; Norma penal em branco; Medida sanitária preventive; Covid-19.
The prestige of law is one of the most crucial issues addressed in the sociology of law. The awareness of the degree of acceptance of the law by its addressees is a fundamental factor in the introduction of possible changes in the legal system.The notion of "prestige of law" was introduced to empirical sociology by Adam Podgórecki in the research he conducted in Poland in 1964.A new perspective in the study was to go beyond classical socio-demographic variables and put an emphasis on personality variables. It was also one of the first such studies internationally. In the fifty years that have passed since A. Podgórecki's research, similar studies, even using exactly the same questions, have been repeated many times in both nation-wide and local studies. It should be assumed that the changes taking place in Poland and in the consciousness of its citizens during that time, such as the change of the system, increasing civil rights and freedoms, Poland's accession to international organizations, etc., might be reflected in the increasing level of the prestige of law. But did it happen? Unfortunately not. The analysis of empirical research devoted to the prestige of law in the following article, especially after the political transformation that took place in 1989, but also nowadays, is an attempt to explain the reasons for its persistently low level. ; Prestiż prawa to jedno z najważniejszych zagadnień podejmowanych w socjologii prawa. Wiedza na temat stopnia akceptacji prawa przez jego adresatów jest czynnikiem podstawowym dla wprowadzenia ewentualnych zmian w porządku prawnym. Pojęcie prestiżu prawa zostało wprowadzone do socjologii empirycznej przez Adama Podgóreckiego w badaniach pod tym tytułem, które przeprowadził w Polsce w 1964 r. Nowym ujęciem w przeprowadzonych badaniach było wyjście poza klasyczne zmienne socjodemograficzne i położenie nacisku na zmienne osobowościowe. Było to też jedno z pierwszych takich badań w skali międzynarodowej. W ciągu pięćdziesięciu lat, które minęły od badań A. Podgóreckiego, podobne badania, nawet przy użyciu dokładnie tak samo sformułowanych pytań, powtarzane były wiele razy, zarówno w badaniach ogólnokrajowych, jak i lokalnych. Należy założyć, że zmiany zachodzące w Polsce i w świadomości jej obywateli przez ten czas, takie jak zmiana ustroju, zwiększenie praw i swobód obywatelskich, wstąpienie Polski do organizacji międzynarodowych itp., mogą mieć odzwierciedlenie w zwiększającym się poziomie prestiżu prawa. Czy jednak tak się stało? Niestety nie. Przeprowadzona w niniejszym artykule analiza badań empirycznych poświęconych prestiżowi prawa, zwłaszcza po transformacji ustrojowej, jaka miała miejsce w 1989 r., ale również w czasach obecnych, stanowi próbę wyjaśnienia przyczyn stale utrzymującego się jego niskiego poziomu.
Law transforms our lives in the most important way: it changes how we act and because of this it gives rise to fundamental questions. One such question concerns legal authority and individual autonomy and asks; if we are autonomous agents how do legislators, judges and officials have legitimate authority to change our actions and indirectly change how we conduct our lives? The strategy of this article is to focus on the agent, i.e. the addressee of the legal command or directive who performs the action requested by the legal official. This strategy is bottom-up, from the level of agency and practical reason to the justificatory framework of authority.Key words: Individual Autonomy; Legal authority; Compliance Phenomenon. Resumo: O Direito transforma nossas vidas do modo mais importante: ele altera como nós agimos e, por causa disso, exsurgem uma série de questões fundamentais. Uma dessas questões se relaciona à autoridade do Direito e à liberdade individual, fazendo surgir a pergunta: se nós somos dotados de autonomia como indivíduos, como os legisladores, juízes e agentes públicos possuem autoridade legítima para mudar nossas ações e indiretamente alterar o modo como conduzimos nossas vidas? O objetivos deste artigo é focar no indivíduo, isto é, no destinatário do comando legal que pratica a ação requisitada pelo agente da lei. A estratégia, dessa forma, partir de baixo para cima, do nível do agente e da razão prática até o quadro justificador de autoridade. Palavras-chave: Autonomia individual; Autoridade legal; Fenômeno de Compliance.
Since it is imposed to thinking, deconstruction can be seen as a law, the Law itself. Deconstruction of law is to put it in the context of writing, to notice its submission to the différance, to the play in the language. The law of deconstruction acts in the deconstruction of law, revealing paradoxes and fragilities of juridical order, as well as concepts of natural law and human rights. Finally, deconstruction of law brings with it justice as undecidability, such as the obligation to make fair decisions, even when it is not possible to state the presence of justice. Law, writing and deconstruction converge then to justice, understood as the hospitality.
The issue analysed by the author is that of the institution of Presidential immunity pertaining to the President of the Republic of Poland, and operating in such a way that a sitting President cannot be held criminally liable before a common court for acts tantamount to offences. Inclining towards the essence of this solution and its consequences when it comes to respect for constitutional principles of legalism and equality before the law, the author at the same time seeks to assess the completeness of the provisions in effect in Poland, in so doing identifying a lack of clear directives as to how a former President (i.e. one who has left office) is to be held criminally liable. The conclusion reached by the author can be said to boil down to a recognition that the liability of a former President before Poland's Tribunal of State for offences or crimes committed is of an accessory nature where common courts are concerned, with the condition underpinning recognition of the Tribunal's primacy in matters of jurisdiction being the National Assembly's adoption of a Resolution holding a former President liable constitutionally, and potentially at the same time initiating action in respect of given offences. Any lack of such a National Assembly Resolution must give rise to a particular kind of reactivation – in respect of the former President – of jurisdiction in the dispensing of justice by common courts, given the fact that one of the negative procedural premises has ceased to be non-applicable. Thus, unlike in the case of a President still holding office, the cognition of the Tribunal of State in relation to a former President is neither exclusive nor automatic. Such observations have also stimulated work by the author to develop de lege ferenda postulates regarding the subject matter, as set against the wider background of Poland's political and constitutional system.
The purpose of the article is to present the legal situation of a slave under Roman criminal law. The analysis conducted proves that the approach towards slaves changed along with the transformation of the government system of ancient Rome. In the Period of the Republic, criminal liability of slaves evolved in two directions. The dominica potestas was exercised by owners, as well as the collegial body – tresviri capitales. From the Principate period, Roman jurists were convinced that the legal status of a slave and a free person was identical under criminal law. The difference between these offenders was non-exercise of leges criminales with a penalty that would be inadequate for their legal status, or ruling and exercising of more severe penalties against slaves. ; Artykuł ma na celu przedstawienie sytuacji prawnej niewolnika na gruncie rzymskiego prawa karnego. Przeprowadzone rozważania dowodzą, że podejście do niewolników ulegało zmianie wraz z ewolucją systemu władzy w starożytnym Rzymie. W okresie republiki odpowiedzialność karna niewolników kształtowała się dwutorowo. Jurysdykcję w ramach dominica potestas wykonywali ich właściciele, a także kolegialny urząd – treviri capitales. Juryści rzymscy, począwszy od epoki pryncypatu, nie mieli żadnych wątpliwości, że status prawny niewolnika i osoby wolnej był na gruncie prawa karnego tożsamy. Różnica dotyczyła niestosowania wobec nich leges criminales z sankcją karną nieadekwatną do ich statusu prawnego czy też orzekania i wykonywania surowszej kary wobec niewolnika.
Questions surrounding the issue of medical records are always of great interest and importance. It is in this spirit that Scientia Medica is publishing an article on electronic patient record, a reality that, sooner or later, all institutions providing health care will have to adapt. It is true that many difficulties must be overcome before implementing, with absolute safety, the records in electronic media. Among other issues to be addressed are the legal issues. It is essential for medical and law professionals knowing the legal guidelines on the subject, allowing the construction of valid medical documents, both in electronic or traditional media, for patient care and also as a means of defense. The Federal Council of Medicine has been supplying various legislative absences with their resolutions. However, formal legislation on some issues relating to medical records, including those related to digital or computerized records, would confer the necessary legal safety for this process to walk much more advanced. ; As questões que circundam o tema do prontuário médico são sempre de grande interesse e importância. É com este espírito que a Scientia Medica está publicando artigo sobre o prontuário eletrônico do paciente, uma realidade à qual, mais cedo ou mais tarde, todas as instituições que prestam assistência à saúde terão que se adequar. É certo que inúmeras dificuldades deverão ser superadas antes da implementação, com absoluta segurança, do prontuário em meio eletrônico. Entre outras questões que deverão ser endereçadas, estão as questões jurídicas. É fundamental que os profissionais da medicina e do direito conheçam o manancial normativo sobre o assunto, possibilitando a construção de documentos médicos válidos, pelos meios tradicionais ou eletrônicos, tanto para a assistência do paciente quanto como meio de defesa legal. O Conselho Federal de Medicina vem suprindo diversas ausências legislativas com as suas Resoluções. Entretanto, a legislação formal sobre algumas questões relativas aos prontuários ...
The present investigation strives to show Nietzsche's considerations about natural law. Since the German philosopher bases his thinking on an organicist conception, in principle one is led to think of a welcome and even a positive emphasis on natural law. However, in several passages of his writings Nietzsche is hostile towards natural law, mainly because it acts as a framework, measurement and calculation of the movement of nature. Natural law, for this reason, consists in falsifying nature. For, the legal mechanisms are imposed on the free action of nature, depriving it of its organic singularity to fit it in an artificial rationality. The free action of nature cannot be captured by rational framing mechanisms dictated by natural law. However, Nietzsche recognizes in the will to power a kind of natural law that acts on natural phenomena without constraining them, but leads them to the highest peaks of force.
This article will analyse the legal nature of the Brazilian impeachment, considering the Brazilian constitutions from 1824 to 1988, as well as the legislation governing it. In this sense, the study seeks to present the historical differences between the constitutional texts until the current scenario. Nowadays, the Federal Constitution of 1988 and the Law n. 1.079/50 are the bases of the process and judgment of the so-called crimes of responsibility. Furthermore, the impeachment will be analysed in three essential dimensions for its understanding: the history of this institute; the nature of the norms that typify the crimes of responsibility; the mode of prosecution of the crimes of responsibility. Based on these three dimensions, the objective is to clarify the legal-political nature of impeachment in the Brazilian legal system. ; O artigo analisará a natureza jurídica do impeachment, tendo em consideração as constituições brasileiras desde 1824 até 1988, bem como a legislação infraconstitucional de regência. Nesse sentido, o estudo busca apresentar as diferenças históricas entre os textos constitucionais até o cenário atual, Constituição Federal de 1988 e a recepção da Lei nº 1.079/1950, como bases do processo e julgamento dos denominados crimes de responsabilidade. Assim, o impeachment será analisado em três dimensões essenciais para sua compreensão: o histórico deste instituto; a natureza das normas que tipificam os crimes de responsabilidade; o modo de julgamento dos crimes de responsabilidade. Com fundamento nessas três dimensões, objetiva-se esclarecer a natureza jurídico-política do impeachment no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro.
