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The history of freedom in England is investigated. G. W. F. Hegel's (1956) distinction between formal & real freedom is reviewed, reconceptualizing Hegel's notion of real freedom as "unreal" freedom. It is contended that English chief justice Sir John Fortescue's (1926) distinction between French & English monarchies is representative of the English understanding of freedom. Rather than attributing the privileging of individualism in English politics to the Renaissance or Reformation, it is contended that the establishment of primogeniture & perception that private interests were articulated in the House of Commons are responsible for English freedom. In contrast, the practice of separating inheritances & the peasantry's inclination to support despotic monarchies are identified as the causes of unreal freedom's emergence in historical France. It is concluded that the type of monarchy & the acceptance of Protestantism or Catholicism shaped each nation's realization of freedom. 21 References. J. W. Parker

Diverse early modern European understandings of political corruption are examined by investigating French dictionaries & English repertories. French & English vocabulary describing political corruption reveal that such terminology was frequently used for political purposes, eg, disposing of political opponents. Words such as "peculate," "exaction," & "concussion" surfaced to denote officials who improved their financial situation. Further, these words were frequently connected to "prevarication," "malversation," & "abuse." Although these lexicons do not delineate venality as a crime, it is argued that openness to corruption seriously undermined relations between nobles & administrators in European political systems. Moreover, analysis demonstrates a strong connection between the word "corruption" & inappropriate behavior by judicial officials. It is suggested that the failure of French lexicographers to connect corruption with politics constituted a deliberate attempt to protect the national government. Explanations for the absence of such an association in the English texts are offered. J. W. Parker

Munro uses the natural garden as a means of understanding shifts in space & time &, thus, the current disorganization in contemporary institutional life. Classical & romantic landscapes are explored. Incorporating literature & poetry, Munro concludes that clarity was never the goal of either landscape. However, it is argued that clarity is becoming a modern sublime. Munro concludes that against the fetish of clarity, gardens embody a solidity that can ground thinking. The displacement of formal knowledge is linked with the contrasting classical project of learning. Romantic conceptions of reality as transmitted through individual experience are presented. 44 References. J. Backman

Assesses the importance of print technology on petitioning in the English Revolution & investigates the emergence of a British public sphere in this period as an extension of new practices of petitioning. It is shown that economic aspects of printing were responsible for the wide dissemination of printed petitions. Moreover, printing fostered the creation of an anonymous body of readers, the public, to whom reasoned debate was directed. It also was directly implicated in the organization of new political bodies called parties, which mobilized to put their arguments into print form. Thus, it is argued that, as a new means of communication, printing was central to the development of the modern public sphere. Other variables, eg, Protestantism & capitalism, commonly associated with the formation of the public sphere are demonstrated to be mediated by their linkage to communicative changes brought about by print culture. This historical study indicates that current debates on the public sphere would do well to focus more closely on the nature & significance of contemporary changes in the means of communication. 74 References. D. Ryfe

Die Autoren zeigen, dass grenzüberschreitende Tendenzen in der Hochschulbildung nicht nur von verschiedenen politischen Systemen geformt werden, sondern auch von der Beschaffenheit der politischen Netzwerke innerhalb einzelner Länder abhängen. Da sich diese Netzwerke in Bezug auf das jeweilige Politikfeld unterscheiden, müssen bei der Erfassung der Veränderungen in der Hochschulbildung beide Ebenen gleichermaßen in Betracht gezogen werden. Die Autoren verdeutlichen dies exemplarisch für die Länder Großbritannien und die Niederlande und beschreiben die Veränderungen bei der Finanzpolitik, der Entwicklung von Qualitätssystemen, der Regelung neuer Studienprogramme und des Ausbaus der Beziehungen zwischen den Hochschulen und der Industrie. Obwohl es eine übergreifende Richtung der Veränderungen in diesen Bereichen gibt, die seit Anfang der 1980er Jahre zu verzeichnen sind, unterscheiden sich die eingeschlagenen Wege und ihr Einfluss auf das nationale politische System in deutlichem Maße. In einem politischen Mehrheitssystem, wie in Großbritannien, sind rasche Veränderungen bei den politischen Strategien zu erkennen, während für Länder, deren politisches System auf einer Konsensfindung beruht, wie die Niederlande, langsame, aber stetige Veränderungen typisch sind. (ICI).