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Nasreddin Hoca yalnız Anadolu insanının değil,
bütün Türk Milletlerinin, ayrıca Balkan milletlerinin de gönlünde taht kurmuş;
Azerbaycan'dan Yugoslavya'ya, Amerika'dan Japonya'ya kadar uzanan geniş bir
coğrafyada uluslararası bir şöhrete kavuşarak evrensel bir kimlik haline gelmiş
bir şahsiyettir. Kaynaklardan anladığımıza göre, Nasreddin Hoca bir medrese
hocası, yani bir "öğretmen"dir. Nasreddin Hoca'nın öğrencileri sadece medrese
talebeleri de değildir. O; çocuk, genç, ihtiyar…. toplumun bütün katmanlara hocalık
yapmış bir hakîm, bir bilge şahsiyettir. Malumdur ki, eğitim felsefesi,
eğitimin tekniğinden daha mühim bir meseledir. Bir eğitim felsefemiz yoksa
istediğimiz kadar müfredat ve teknik geliştirelim, eğitimde gaye olması gereken
'erdemli nesiller' yetiştirmemiz mümkün değildir. Aslında Türk Milli Eğitim
sistemimizin temel ve hayati sorunu; eğitim felsefesi sorunudur. Tebliğimizde
muteber kaynaklardan derlediğimiz bazı Nasreddin Hoca Lâtifeleri eğitim
felsefesi ve yöntemi açısından ele alınacaktır. Tebliğimizin amacı,
kültürümüzün önemli temsil ve taşıyıcılarından olan Nasreddin Hoca'nın gerçek
kimlik ve tarihi şahsiyetini tespit etmek, fıkralarını eğitim felsefesi ve
değerler eğitimi açısından yeniden yorumlamaktır. Bu amaçla, Nasreddin Hoca'dan
bahseden birincil kaynaklar incelenmiş, onun latifelerini ihtiva eden yazma ve
basma eserler tetkik edilmiştir. Latifelerin yorumunda Nasreddin Hoca
Latifelerinin şerhlerinden ve Türk-İslâm klasik eserlerinden yararlanılmıştır.
Gerçek ve gerçeğe yakın olan lâtifelerin birçoğunun mecâzî anlam içerdiği
tespit edilmiş ve bu fıkraların mecâzî anlam ve mesajları yorumlanmıştır.
Nasreddin Hoca fıkralarının, "sevgi, saygı, sorumluluk, adalet, güven, hoşgörü,
yardım severlik, çalışkanlık, kanaatkârlık, sabır" gibi bugün değerler eğitimi
kapsamında ele alınan kavramların hemen tamamına uygun somut örneklikler
içerdiği tespit ve tahlil edilmiştir.

Any interlingual translation that transposes a literary text from the original to the target language almost always conveys particular knowledge and life experiences from the culture in which the text was originally created. In this paper, the translation of the novel When I Was a Hodja by Damir Ovčina into Spanish is analyzed, focusing on culturally marked elements. The manner in which the cultural themes of the original text were transferred to the target culture is observed. It is emphasized that, when it comes to translations of literary narratives in which depictions of wars are exhibited, the translator's task becomes all the more important because he/she contributes to the production of new knowledge and new ideas about wars through his/her translation, and, therefore, special attention must be given to the translation of cultures in such texts.

In Masks or Souls, written in Paris in 1937, Turkish author Halide Edib Adıvar makes use of elements of modernist theatre to express her political views. Having been brought up in the metropolis of Istanbul, she spent time in other urban centres like London and Paris, always corresponding and exchanging ideas with literati both in Europe and Turkey. In the play I'm going to talk about, Halide Edib names Nasreddin Hoca, a country savant/sufi whose anecdotes range from the surreal to the sublime, as her inspiration. The tone of the play is informed by Hoca's sufi embracing wit, and yet Nazım Hikmet's 'I want to become a machine' poem recurs like a refrain as the modernist, futurist reflection of the sign of the times. There are several disembodied voices, poems and songs in the play: even the bodies on stage are used as masks or puppets, and thoughts are given through voice over. Masks or Souls' aspirations are cosmological as Halide Edib brings the masks of larger than life, almost mythical figures of Nasreddin Hoca, Shakespeare, Tamurlaine and Ibn Khaldun to comment on the state of the world.

La disparition d'Enver Hodja en avril 1985 marque la fin d'un chapitre important de l'histoire de l'Albanie, un pays qui pratique le régime communiste le plus dur et où les épurations sanglantes se sont succédées depuis 1945. Après le suicide mystérieux en décembre 1981 de Mehmet Shehu, considéré comme le dauphin d'Enver Hodja, on assiste à l'« ascension irrésistible » de Ramiz Alia, désormais numéro un du Parti et de l'Etat. Ramiz Alia veut préserver la « pureté marxiste-léniniste » de sa nation face aux « révisionnismes » et « imperialismes » menaçant une nation qui poursuit une expérience originale et se méfie du monde extérieur. Dans l'attente une nouvelle orientation pour le moment improbable, l'Albanie reste un pays à part.

В начале 1930-х годов советская власть предприняла масштабную попытку подчинения фольклора идеологическим задачам. В Крыму к научному сбору народного творчества приступила фольклорная бригада Алупкинского дворца-музея. В 1934–1937 гг. было записано свыше ста крымско-татарских сказок и легенд, множество историй о Ходже Насреддине и Ахмет Ахае, пословиц и поговорок, эпические поэмы «Чора-богатырь» и «Эдигe». Деятельность бригады прервали репрессии 1937–1938 гг. Небольшая часть собранного материала была опубликована в двух фольклорных сборниках на русском языке «Сказки и легенды татар Крыма» (1936) и «Анекдоты о Ходже Насреддине и Ахмет Ахае» (1937), а также в сборнике на крымско-татарском языке «Qrьm tatar masallarь ve legendalarь» (1937). Вступительные статьи к книгам написал научный сотрудник музея Сергей Дмитриевич Коцюбинский. In the early 1930s the Soviet government undertook a grandiose attempt to subdue folklore in accordance with its own ideological goals. In the Crimea, a group of folklorists assembled by Alupka State-Museum began a scientific study of folklore materials. In the years 1934–1937 more than hundred tales and legends, many stories of Nasreddin Hodja and Achmet Achae, proverbs and sayings, as well as the epic poems "Chora Batir" and "Edige" were recorded. The activities of the group were interrupted during the Great Terror, in 1937 and 1938. Some of the collected materials were published in two volumes, both in Russian: "Tales and Legends of the Crimean Tatars" (1936) and "Anecdotes of Nasreddin Hodja and Achmet Achae" (1937) the first volume also being published in Crimean Tatar "Qrьm tatar masallarь ve legendalarь" (1937). Introductory articles to books were written by Sergey Kotsubinsky, a research scientist at the Aluplka Museum. ; The Black Sea region. History, politics, culture. – No XX(IX). Series B: Modern and Contemporary history. – Sevastopol: Sevastopol Branch of Lomonosov Moscow State University, 2017. – P. 40–47.

The Beginning of a Post-Communist Era in Albania, by Thomas Schreiber
The parliamentary elections held on 22nd March 1992 effectively ended 45 years of communist party rule. Two weeks later, Ramiz Alia, the chosen successor of Enver Hodja, founder of the Stalinist regime, resigned his post as Président in favour of Sali Berisha, leader of the democratie opposition. For several years, Ramiz Alia had sought normal relations with the outside world without relinquishing his monopoly on power. By 1990, popular discontent forced him to institute several reforms, but these came too late to avoid the rise of a strong opposition force. The early post communist era is fraught with difficulty. The new leadership has to reestablish order and rebuild the economy if anarchy is to be avoided, and if Albania is not to pose yet another threat to the already fragile stability of the Balkans.

In this article, I discuss Halide Edib's play Masks or Souls (MOS) as anti-war literature composed by a Turkish female intellectual and activist who lived between the two World Wars. The article provides a more complete portrayal of Edib, who has often been reduced to a nationalist novelist. I contextualize the play and present evidence from MOS that Edib became a pacifist on the eve of the Second World War. Another war Edib fought was against some of the ideas within the military and intellectual circles of Turkey led by Mustafa Kemal. Through the comments of several characters in the play, Edib criticizes the reforms and westernization processes that took place immediately after the declaration of the Turkish Republic in 1923. It was plausible for Edib to be a nationalist and pacifist simultaneously as in the case of Gandhi, with whom Edib met during her stay in India in 1935. I argue that MOS remains a contemporary text that deserves closer attention especially due to its questioning of Europeanness, racism and modernization of non-Western cultures so the disappearance of the play is a curious phenomenon. What Edib meant by "keeping the soul" of people in order to have a peaceful world is also significant. I counter the neglect this play has suffered from by calling into question some of the nation- and region-based hierarchies prevalent in literary studies.

Background. The article builds a descriptive-analytical characteristic of E. Hoxha's set of identities. In particular, it was determined that the set of identities of the Albanian despotoid Hoxha is characterized by diffusions, splittings and fragmentations. Diffusion, splitting and fragmentation are noticeable at all levels of Khoja's identity: religious (Bektashism as a combination of Christianity and Islam); philosophical (as a combination of the philosophy of the French Enlightenment, Muslim dogmatism, despotism and nihilism); ideological (as a combination of Albanian nationalism and Stalinism); moral and ethical (asa combination of decorative rigorism, a tendency to moralize in public communications and immorality/immorality in everyday life); legal (as a manifestation of petty despotic hypercontrol that accompanied the militarization of the lives of ordinary Albanians, their pauperization, with privileges for the nomenklatura class, ideologists and the power bloc); artificial (identities in the field of art – in the form of a combination of Albanian folklore and propaganda narratives of the Stalinist type). Methods. The following methods were used: analytical, historical, statistical, generalization, visual- analytical identification. Results. It was stated that in social identity, Hoxha showed all the signs of diffusion and splitting, since he was at the same time close to the "simple Albanian people", and felt contempt and rejection towards him. This also affected the professional identity of the despotoid, which he used as a front for political propaganda and agitation in favor of the Communist Party. Khodja in his social and professional identities was a typical nomenklatura, i. e. a man without professional capital, who focused on ideological and managerial work without the appropriate specialization. Partial identification of the bodily-morphological, behavioral, physiognomic, non-verbal-communicative and spatial-symbolic features of Hodja and the regime derived from the personal power of the despotoid gives reason to conclude that pronounced diffusion, splitting and fragmentation are found in his set of identities. Khoja represents a point of intersection of the diffusely anomic religious identity of the Bektashist type, which recursed into the nihilism of his philosophy and worldview, the ideology of the besieged fortress society, moral xenophobia, potestarism in the legal system and censored "social realism" in art, whichwas reduced to propaganda of Khojaist moral teachings. and stereotypes. Under the significant influence of French culture, moreprecisely, its enlightenment wing, and persistent monarchical illusions, Hoxha built a despotoid state of a closed type, all the symbols of everyday life of which were focused on combating a threatening external environment. Conclusions.These features correlate physiognomically with Hodja's belonging to the Dinaro-Caucasian race. In non-verbal communications, Hoxha constructed the image of a nomenklatura, in which the features of the left-wing French intelligentsia were manifested, and what was reflected in the diffusion of his identity under the influence of French culture. Marker for such a repressed Francophilia and diffusion of the identity of French culture (which corresponded to the hysterical components of his character with ethno-specific aesthetics for French culture) were, in particular, the stylization of clothes,which at the very end of his political career showed signs of French fashion of the 60s and 70s., as well as Hoxha's contacts with French communities, in particular the Albanian-French friendship, including the doctors whose services Hoxha used.