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In this article, I examine the role of judicial narratives in constructing, constraining, & delimiting the boundaries of social scientific & expert knowledge -- specifically, in the context of gay & lesbian parents' custody & adoption cases. Examining not only the judicial narratives in appellate cases over the last fifty years in the United States, but also expert reports & briefs obtained from attorneys in these cases & interviews with judges, attorneys & litigants, I investigate the role of judicial narratives in adjudicating between competing social scientific claims about sexuality & child welfare, constructing expertise, & ultimately deciding what is valid knowledge & what is not. I focus specifically on the ways in which judges credit & discredit social scientific evidence, experts, & knowledge claims. The power of legal actors & particularly judges to police the boundaries of knowledge & expertise in the context of the custody case & the judicial narrative is complicated by the observation that this form of social scientific knowledge is not only the object acted upon & shaped by these power dynamics, but is also itself a source of power & legitimation. 42 References. [Copyright 2005 Elsevier Ltd.]

Health researchers engaged in the project of identifying lesbian, gay, bisexual and trans (LGBT) health as a distinct topic for study have often emphasised the differences in health and health care from heterosexuals and similarities among LGBT people. This work has sometimes rendered invisible the experiences of disabled, black and minority ethnic and other groups and has contributed towards the homogenisation of LGBT communities. In this paper, intersection theory is used to explore how diverse identities and systems of oppression interconnect. As a theory, intersectionality requires complex and nuanced thinking about multiple dimensions of inequality and difference. Drawing on the work of Crenshaw (1993), I use three types of intersectionality: methodological, structural and political to explore how the meanings of being lesbian may be permeated by class and gender and how racism and heterosexism intersect in the lives of black and minority ethnic gay men and women. Intersection theory offers possibilities for understanding multiple inequalities without abandoning the politics of social movements.

The Committee on the Status of Lesbians, Gays, Bisexuals, and the
Transgendered [LGBT] in the Profession has authorized this
review of 17 recent editions of top-selling textbooks marketed for use in
courses providing an introduction to U.S. politics.

Explores the ways in which activists strategically use a 'straight' identity as a social movement tool in order to achieve the movement objectives. This book offers an analysis on the strategic deployment of a straight identity by an LGBT organization

Abstract Queerness is now global. Many emerging economies of the global South are experiencing queer mobilization and sexual identity politics raising fundamental questions of citizenship and human rights on the one hand; and discourses of nationalism, cultural identity, imperialism, tradition and family-values on the other. While some researchers argue that with economic globalization in the developing world, a Western, hegemonic notion of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) identity has been exported to traditional societies thereby destroying indigenous sexual cultures and diversities, other scholars do not consider globalization as a significant factor in global queer mobilization and sexual identity politics. This paper aims at exploring the debate around globalization and contemporary queer politics in developing world with special reference to India. After briefly tracing the history of sexual identity politics, this paper examines the process of queer mobilization in relation to emergence of HIV/AIDS epidemic and forces of neoliberal globalization. I argue that the twin-process of globalization and AIDS epidemic has significantly influenced the mobilization of queer communities, while simultaneously strengthening right wing "homophobic" discourses of heterosexist nationalism in India.

As this year's Sampson Center exhibition makes clear the powerful desire to find historical inevitability in the advance toward equal opportunity for all Americans has become far more nuanced by the sometimes discomforting reminders that advances at the ballot box are neither as clear-cut nor as unconditional as we once hoped. The ancient antipathies of racism, anti-Semitism, and homophobia are not so easily elided by political campaigns and elections. The pace of social consensus requires a degree of patience and continuing attention that tries the very fabric of American life while we attempt to comprehend the consequences of change wrought by our heightened understanding of the implications of diversity in American life. Table of Contents: Introduction (Selma Botman, USM President) Quiet Revolution: A Tally of Black Victories (Bob Greene, for the African American Collection) Is It Good for the Jews? Is it Good for Everyone? Maine Jewry between Civic Idealism and the Politics of Reality (Abraham J. Peck, Scholar-in-Residence for the Judaica Collection) From the Closet to the Ballot-Box: Electoral Politics and Maine's LGBT Citizens, 1970s to the Present (Howard M. Solomon, Scholar-in-Residence for the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Collection) ; https://digitalcommons.usm.maine.edu/event_catalog/1003/thumbnail.jpg

Same-Sex partner benefits for gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender employees have been offered by well over fifty percent of Fortune 500 corporations in the last two decades. This thesis attempts to examine. It develops a model of the way that the sociopolitical environment and business interact on socially sensitive issues, using same-sex partner benefits as a guide. This three step model - political interest mobilization, institutional entrepreneurship, and institutional enforcement - gives a broad lens through which we can examine why corporations are willing to adopt controversial work-life policies.

2007 Choice Outstanding Academic TitleAt the funeral of Matthew Shepard—the young Wyoming man brutally murdered for being gay—the Reverend Fred Phelps led his parishioners in protest, displaying signs with slogans like "Matt Shepard rots in Hell," "Fags Die God Laughs," and "God Hates Fags." In counter-protest, activists launched an "angel action," dressing in angel costumes, with seven-foot high wings, and creating a visible barrier so one would not have to see the hateful signs.Though long thought of as one of the most virulently anti-gay genres of contemporary American politics and culture, in God Hates Fags, Michael Cobb maintains that religious discourses have curiously figured as the most potent and pervasive forms of queer expression and activism throughout the twentieth century. Cobb focuses on how queers have assumed religious rhetoric strategically to respond to the violence done against them, alternating close readings of writings by James Baldwin, Tennessee Williams, Jean Toomer, Dorothy Allison, and Stephen Crane with critical legal and political analyses of Supreme Court Cases and anti-gay legislation. He also pays deep attention to the political strategies, public declarations, websites, interviews, and other media made by key religious right organizations that have mounted the most successful regulations and condemnations of homosexuality

Robert Salisbury has assumed that interest group entrepreneurs are profit‐driven and make attempts to procure collective goods to increase their membership and revenue. This article's research question takes the reverse of Salisbury's claim: can interest group entrepreneurs increase the likelihood of procuring collective goods by increasing their organizational strength? Results of a study of statewide Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT) organizations show that larger memberships are positively and significantly associated with success in procuring collective goals while increased budgets are significantly but negatively associated. The implications are twofold. First, the assumption that entrepreneurs pursue collective goods for reasons of self‐interest may be more complicated than Salisbury suggests. The relationship could be the opposite—interest group entrepreneurs build their membership to secure collective goals. Second, because of the finding that more members means more legislative success, but greater budgets means less legislative success, interest group entrepreneurs interested in procuring collective goals should consider maximizing their membership rather than their budgets.